•r- 


1 


ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

HOWARD,  CLIFFORD,   HAWKINS,   DRAKE 
CAVENDISH 


ROBERT    SOUTHEY 


EDITED,   WITH   AN    INTRODUCTION 
BY 

DAVID  HANNAY 


CHICAGO 
STONE   AND   KIMBALL 

1895 
LONDON: METHUEN  &  COMPANY 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

LORD  HOWARD  OF  EFFINGHAM  1 

THE  EARL  OF  CUMBERLAND-  -  101 

HAWKINS  AND  DRAKE  -  -  170 

THOMAS  CAVENDISH      -  -         -  359 


INTRODUCTION 

WHITING  to  his  friend  Mrs.  Hodson,  on  the  20th  January, 
1830,  Southey  tells  her,  "  I  have  engaged  to  compose  a 
volume  of  Naval  History  in  biographical  form  for  the 
Cabinet  Cyclopaedia,  not  for  love  but  for  lucre,  though  it 
will  be  done  lovingly  when  in  hand  ".  The  volume  grew 
into  volumes.  In  1838  he  had  still  to  write  that  he  was 
"  getting  through  the  admirals  ".  Next  year  his  strength 
broke  down  under  the  strain  of  incessant  writing,  and 
what  was  more  fatal  still,  of  reading  continually  through 
the  walks  which  he  was,  with  some  difficulty,  persuaded  to 
take  for  the  good  of  his  health.  The  admirals  remained  a 
fragment.  The  whole  work  was  to  have  included  an  in- 
troductory sketch  of  the  Naval  History  of  England  down 
to  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  From  that  point,  in  the  words 
of  Southey's  Preface,  "  it  may  be  best  continued  in  a  bio- 
graphical form ;  because  there  are  then  materials  for  such 
biography,  whereby  we  are  enabled  to  understand  how 
much  depended  upon  the  character  of  individual  com- 
manders'". The  introduction  filled  the  whole  of  one 
volume,  and  overflowed  much  the  greater  part  of  a 
second.  The  biographies  had  extended  into  a  fifth  volume 
when  the  failure  of  Southey's  intellect  stopped  his  share  of 
the  work,  at  the  end  of  the  life  of  Sir  William  Monson. 
A  life  of  the  first  Earl  of  Sandwich  was  added  by  Mr. 
Robert  Bell,  and  then  in  accordance  with  the  evil  fate 
which  has  ordained  that  all  histories  of  the  Navy  above  the 
rank  of  mere  compilations  shall  be  partial  or  fragmentary, 


vi  INTRODUCTION 

there  was  an  end  of  the  effort  of  the  Cabinet  Cyclopaedia 
to  make  good  a  discreditable  defect  in  English  literature. 

Some  portion  of  the  blame  for  this  want  of  complete- 
ness must,  even  by  those  who  are  least  inclined  to  find 
fault  with  him,  he  allowed  to  rest  on  Southey.  From  a 
passage  in  a  letter  written  to  John  May  on  the  20th  7 
January,  1836,  he  appears  to  have  had  an  uneasy  con- 
sciousness that  he  had  not  so  executed  his  work  as  to 
leave  him  the  possibility  of  rounding  it  fairly  off  in  good 
proportions. 

"  The  fourth  volume,"  he  writes,  "  will  contain  the  lives 
of  Essex,  Raleigh,  Sir  William  Monson,  Blake,  and  Monk. 
Then,  not  to  extend  unreasonably  a  work  which  was  not 
intended  by  the  publisher  at  first  for  more  than  two 
volumes,  I  shall  drop  the  biography  and  wind  up  in  one 
volume  more,  with  the  Naval  History  from  the  Revolution 
in  continuous  narrative.  A  good  pretext  for  this  is,  that 
the  age  of  naval  enterprise  and  adventure,  and  conse- 
quently of  personal  interest,  was  past ;  and  the  interest 
henceforth  becomes  political,  events  are  regarded,  not 
with  reference  to  the  principal  actors,  as  in  Drake's  time, 
but  to  their  bearings  upon  the  national  affairs." 

The  word  pretext  is  used,  as  was  indeed  uniformly  the 
case  with  Southey's  English,  in  the  most  strictly  accurate 
sense.  The  distinction  which  he  draws  here  is  quite 
arbitrary,  and  must  be  taken  to  be  a  species  of  confession 
on  the  part  of  the  writer,  that  he  had  allowed  his  work  to 
break  far  beyond  all  reasonable  bounds,  and  must  make 
an  effort  to  reduce  it.  Even  if  he  had  kept  to  the  limits 
which  he  set  himself  in  this  letter,  his  scheme  would  have 
been  out  of  all  proportion.  A  Naval  History  of  England  in 
which  nearly  two  volumes  were  given  to  the  period  before 
Elizabeth,  more  than  two  volumes  to  the  lives  of  the  men 


INTRODUCTION  vii 

of  her  reign,  of  whom  several  were  little  at  sea,  and  others 
were  mainly  privateersmen  and  explorers,  while  one  poor 
volume  was  left  for  all  the  great  series  of  naval  events 
between  1660  and  1815,  would  have  been  egregiously  out 
of  drawing.  But  Southey  did  not  even  keep  to  the  scheme 
he  sketched  to  Mr.  May.  His  biographies  ran  beyond 
the  fourth  volume  as  far  as  the  middle  of  the  fifth.  He 
would  assuredly  have  been  at  the  end  of  a  seventh  before  he 
was  done  with  Monk ;  and  not  five  volumes,  but  five  and 
twenty,  if  not  five  and  fifty  woidd  have  been  required  to  com- 
plete the  work  on  the  scale  on  which  it  had  been  begun. 
No  publisher  of  any  cyclopaedia  has  the  purse  or  the  patience 
for  such  colossal  enterprise,  not  even  "the  Long-Man  of 
the  Row,"  who  knew  Southey  of  old  and  was  his  friend. 
So  the  "  British  Admirals  "  was  doomed  by  the  act  of  the 
author  to  be  cut  short.  It  was  easy  for  Southey  to  talk 
of  giving  one  volume  to  the  history  of  the  Navy  after  1660. 
Such  promises  pass  well  in  a  letter,  but  it  was  not  in  his 
nature  to  tie  himself  down  to  these  narrow  limits. 

This  attempt  at  a  history  of  the  English  Navy  was  de- 
prived of  all  hope  of  ever  being  a  complete  work  by  the  fact 
that  the  author  had  to  the  full  the  defect  of  his  qualities. 
Whoever  has  gone  over  the  authorities  on  whom  Southey 
drew,  must  have  noticed  the  unerring  tact  with  which  he 
quoted.  It  is  commonly  impossible  to  find  anything  which 
he  passed  over,  and  which  is  yet  conspicuously  worth 
quotation.  But  this  fine  quality  of  seeing,  which  in  his 
case  was  accompanied  by  an  extraordinary  dexterity  in  ex- 
tracting and  weaving  together,  has  also  its  shadow  from 
which  the  possessor  cannot  jump.  He  who  can  see  what  is 
worth  quoting  is  sorely  tempted  to  quote  every  worthy  thing- 
he  sees.  When  he  is,  as  Southey  was,  a  man  of  enormous 
circumambient  reading  (if  the  expression  may  pass)  ;  when 


viii  INTRODUCTION 

he  has  not  only  read  but  remembers ;  when  all  his  know- 
ledge has  always  been  noted,  marked  for  reference,  extracted 
into  common-place  books,  docketed  and  indexed  so  that 
it  lies  ready  to  the  "  wet  finger  "  when  wanted,  it  is  odds 
but  he  will  find  it  hard  to  keep  within  bounds.  The 
temptation  to  bring  out  all  that  bears  on  the  case,  or  even 
only  illustrates  by  comparison,  is  not  all  the  writer  has  to 
fight  against,  though  in  this,  legitimate  as  it  is,  there  may 
be  excess.  He  is  very  likely  to  be  drawn  into  speaking  of 
things  only  indirectly  bearing  on  his  subject,  but  none  the 
less  picturesque,  or  pathetic,  or  perhaps  only  quaint  and  for- 
gotten, which  he  has  met  in  his  reading,  and  are  brought  to 
his  memory  by  his  writing.  Southey  certainly  found  it  hard 
not  to  be  prodigal  of  his  learning.  Old  chronicles,  old 
narrative  poems  of  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  lives  of  the 
saints,  stories  of  shipwreck,  and  of  savage  life  which  he  had 
read,  in  sober  truth,  by  the  thousand,  and  reading  had 
marked  for  reference,  were  habitually  drawn  upon  by  him. 
It  is  never  mere  compilation.  It  is  always  an  extracting, 
arranging  and  fitting  together  of  the  pure  ore  of  his  matter 
into  something  which  is  emphatically  Southey 's  own. 
What  would  be  bookmaking  in  a  mere  compiler  is  in  his 
case  the  making  of  literature.  But  at  its  best  this  pouring 
out  of  the  stores  of  knowledge  is  hard  to  reconcile  with 
brevity,  and  Southey  could  not  be  brief.  He  could  tell 
a  story  in  the  minimum  of  words,  but  he  could  not  limit 
himself  in  the  number  of  stories  he  wished  to  tell.  In  his 
Preface,  he  gravely  promised  that  "  no  more  of  our  general 
history  is  included  than  was  necessary  for  forming  a  con- 
nected narrative,  and  for  tracing  the  causes  and  conse- 
quences of  those  events  which  are  the  proper  subject  of  the 
work  ".  In  his  text  he  observes  his  own  excellent  rule  so 
laxly  that  he  cannot  refrain  from  giving  pages  to  the 


INTRODUCTION  ix 

adventures  in  love  and  war  of  the  Conde  Don  Pero  Nino, 
which  he  has  to  confess  "  are  matters  with  which  this 
history  has  no  concern".  But  they  were  picturesque; 
they  came  from  a  romantic  old  Spanish  chronicle ;  they 
supplied  vivid  little  pictures  of  the  life  and  the  men  of  old  ; 
they  were  little  known.  Pero  Nino  plundered  on  our  coast 
about  1405,  and  with  that  excuse  to  give  him  countenance 
Southey  could  do  no  other  than  decant  the  best  of  the 
chronicle  written  by  the  Alferez  Gutierre  Diez  into  his 
own  pages. 

This  inability  to  turn  from  the  picturesque,  which  was 
not  immediately  gennaine  to  the  matter,  may  have  stopped 
"  The  Lives  of  the  British  Admirals  ^  from  becoming  a 
history  of  the  Navy,  but  it  gives  their  charm  and  much  of 
their  merit  to  the  biographies  from  which  this  selection  is 
taken.  One  criticism  which  has  been  made  on  the  naval 
portions  of  Southey's  vast  literary  work,  must  be  noticed  for 
the  purpose  of  estimating  it  at  its  real  value.  It  is  said  that 
he  was  ignorant  of  sea  affairs,  and  therefore  incapable  of 
either  understanding  them  himself,  or  making  them  clear 
to  others.  Now  Soutiiey  was  perfectly  well  aware  of  his 
deficiencies  in  this  respect.  When  he  was  engaged  in  ex- 
tending his  quarterly  article  on  Clarke  and  McArthur's  com- 
pilation into  the  immortal  Life  of  Nelson,  he  wrote  to  his 
brother,  Captain  Thomas  Southey  of  the  Navy,  who  had 
fought  at  Copenhagen,  a  letter  containing  a  string  of 
questions,  and  this  paragraph  : — 

"  I  am  such  a  sad  lubber  that  I  feel  half  ashamed  of 
myself  for  being  persuaded  ever  even  to  review  the  Life  of 
Nelson,  much  more  to  write  one.  Had  I  not  been  a 
thorough  lubber,  I  should  have  remembered  half  a  hundred 
things  worthy  of  remembrance  which  have  all  been  lost, 
because  though  I  do  indeed  know  the  binnacle  from  the 


x  INTRODUCTION 

mainmast,  I  know  little  more ;  tackle  and  sheets,  and 
tally  and  belay  are  alike  to  me ;  and  if  you  ask  me  about 
the  lee-clue  garnets,  I  can  only  tell  that  they  are  not  the 
same  kind  of  garnets  as  are  worn  in  necklaces  and  bracelets, 
and  so  fine  facts  have  been  lost  because  I  did  not  know 
where  to  store  them  in  the  ship,  or  in  my  recollection-closet 
upstairs.  There  is  something  ridiculous,  and  something 
like  quackery  in  writing  thus  about  what  I  so  little  under- 
stand. I  walk  among  sea  terms  as  a  cat  does  in  a  china 
pantry,  in  bodily  fear  of  doing  mischief  and  betraying 
myself ;  and  yet  there  will  come  a  good  book  of  it  I  verily 
believe." 

Southey  knew  wherein  he  was  deficient,  and  knew  also 
where  to  go  for  help  to  make  his  deficiencies  good.  He 
had  many  naval  officers  among  his  acquaintance,  and 
applied  to  them,  to  his  brother,  and  to  his  friend  Admiral 
Burney,  the  author  of  the  Discoveries  in  tJie  South  Seas,  for 
help.  Moreover  he  had  what  was  better  than  this,  namely, 
a  literary  honesty  which  kept  him  from  writing  about 
those  technical  things  which  he  knew  he  did  not  under- 
stand, and  a  literary  instinct  which  taught  him  to  extract 
what  is  of  universal  interest  from  amid  a  mass  of  techni- 
calities. Human  character  and  the  motives  of  human 
action  in  what  is  general  to  the  race,  were  the  matters 
possessing  interest  to  him.  No  doubt  his  work  would 
have  been  better  still  if  he  could  have  added  his  brother's 
professional  knowledge  to  his  own  vast  reading  and  artistic 
faculty.  Then  indeed  we  might  have  obtained  a  History 
of  the  English  Navy  such  as  we  can  hardly  hope  to  have. 
But  the  combination  is  yet  to  seek.  Only  pedantry  (and 
it  is  quite  possible  to  be  pedantic  about  the  bobstay  and 
the  brailing  of  the  lee  yard-arm)  will  prefer  the  merely 
particular  and  technical  to  the  universal  and  human.  If 


INTRODUCTION  xi 

any  one  wishes  to  see  how  little  professional  knowledge  will 
avail  of  itself,  let  him  turn  from  Southey's  Nelson,  or  any 
of  the  lives  given  here,  to  Schomberg  or  Brenton.  If  he 
wishes  to  see  how  poor  a  guarantee  it  is  for  mere 
mechanical  accuracy  let  him  read  Captain  White's 
strictures  on  Admiral  Elans'1  account  of  the  fighting  in 
the  Basse  Terre  of  St.  Kitts.  He  will  find  one  experienced 
naval  officer  accusing  another  of  grossly  misunderstanding 
the  meaning  of  a  simple  sea  term. 

Accuracy  in  technical  matters  is  no  doubt  one  of  the 
virtues  of  the  author  of  biographies,  but  at  the  risk  of  ap- 
pearing to  speak  lightly  of  the  expert,  it  may  be  affirmed 
to  belong  distinctly  to  the  minor  class.  The  first  duty  of 
the  biographer  is  to  give  a  living  and  credible  picture 
of  his  man.  To  do  this  he  must  possess  the  general 
knowledge  which  gives  him  a  fair  understanding  of  the 
surroundings  of  that  man's  life,  and  the  sanity  of  judg- 
ment which  makes  him  a  safe  critic  of  character  or  conduct. 
The  general  knowledge  brought  by  Southey  to  these 
studies  of  the  Elizabethan  seamen  has  never  been  equalled 
by  any  other  English  writer  on  the  subject.  He  was 
minutely  familiar  with  the  history  of  the  Spaniards  and 
Portuguese.  With  the  colonial  and  maritime  sides  he 
was  perhaps  better  acquainted  than  with  any  other.  He 
had  therefore  always  at  command  a  vast  stock  of  instances 
with  which  to  illustrate  the  actions  of  our  own  adventurers, 
and  to  complete  the  picture  by  showing  against  what  manner 
of  men  it  was  they  fought.  When  he  has  to  tell  of  the  cap- 
ture of  Portuguese  carracks  he  draws  on  his  learning  for  tales 
of  their  disasters  in  Eastern  Seas,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
voyage  which  ended  with  the  attack  of  the  English  rovers. 
When  his  story  takes  him  to  the  Straits  of  Magellan  he 
seizes  the  first  plausible  excuse  to  recount  the  dreadful  fate 


xii  INTRODUCTION 

of  Sarmiento  de  Gamboa^s  settlement.  These  digressions 
may  be  proofs  of  his  tendency,  of  which  he  was  himself  fully 
conscious,  to  "  allow  his  steed  to  expatiate  on  the  fields  of 
prolixity,"  but  they  fill  up  the  picture,  and  complete  its 
general  truth. 

The  sanity  of  judgment  which  Southey  brought  to 
these  studies  of  the  Elizabethan  heroes  is  hardly  less  rare, 
and  is  assuredly  not  less  necessary,  than  his  learning. 

Writers  on  this,  the  most  romantic  period  in  the 
history  of  our  adventures  at  sea,  have  commonly  found  it 
difficult  to  avoid  one  of  two  kinds  of  excess.  Some  have 
condemned  the  generation  of  Drake  and  Hawkins  as  mere 
slavers  and  pirates.  These  have  been  the  smaller  number, 
and  in  our  time  they  have  fallen  silent.  There  is  therefore 
no  call  to  insist  upon  their  error.  Of  late  the  tendency  has 
been  to  go  into  the  other  extreme,  and  to  maintain,  by  im- 
plication if  not  in  so  many  words,  that  slave-hunting  and 
piracy  were  intrinsically  very  noble  occupations  when  they 
had  as  their  consequence  the  doing  of  a  damage  to  the 
Spaniards  or  Portuguese.  They  are  excused,  or  even  gloried 
in,  as  parbs  of  the  strife  between  the  children  of  Light 
and  the  children  of  Darkness.  In  a  sense  perhaps  they 
were;  but  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  methods  of  the 
children  of  Light,  and  their  motives  as  they  are  to  be 
gathered  from  their  own  words,  were  curiously  like  those  of 
their  enemies.  Both  indeed  could  appeal  to  religion  as  sancti- 
fying their  gold-hunting  adventures.  Cortes  and  Pizarro 
had  the  extension  of  the  true  faitli  much  in  their  mouths, 
and  in  some  measure  in  their  hearts.  Hawkins,  sailing  from 
the  coast  of  Senegambia  with  a  holdful  of  kidnapped  negroes, 
on  his  way  to  a  smuggling  venture  on  the  Spanish  main, 
supported  himself  amid  the  miseries  of  a  tropical  calm,  by 
remembering  that  the  Lord  will  not  suffer  His  elect  to 


INTRODUCTION  xiii 

perish.  AVe  need  not  think  him  a  hypocrite,  but  we  shall 
be  very  credulous  if  we  see  more  in  his  religious  faith 
than  a  proof  of  the  happy  facility  with  which  men  can 
persuade  themselves  that  what  is  agreeable  to  their  in- 
terests or  passions  is  also  acceptable  to  God.  There  is  a 
sentence  in  Raleigh's  Discoverie  of  Guiana  which  throws  a 
most  instructive  light  on  the  motives  of  the  Elizabethan 
adventurer.  Sir  Walter  had  been  descanting  at  length  on 
the  many  advantages  which  El  Dorado,  the  gilded  king 
of  Manoa,  would  derive  from  the  protection  to  be  afforded 
him  by  a  garrison  of  English  "  younger  brothers,  and  all 
chieftaines,  and  captains  that  want  employment".  He 
ends  with  the  following  significant  sentence  :  "  In  which 
respects  no  doubt  he  will  be  brought  to  tribute  with  great 
gladnesse ;  if  not,  he  hath  neither  shot  nor  yron  weapon  in 
all  his  empire  and  therefore  may  easily  be  conquered "". 
Let  me  protect  you,  for  a  consideration,  or  I  will  plunder 
you.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  great  "  Inga "  of 
Manoa  would  have  found  much  to  choose  between  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  of  the  county  of  Devon,  and  Don  Gonzalo 
de  Pizarro  of  the  kingdom  of  Estremadura. 

Southey  never  forgot  such  revelations  as  this,  and  his 
picture  of  the  Elizabethans  is  the  better  for  it.  He  drew 
them  the  more  like  what  they  unquestionably  were,  namely, 
such  men  as  the  Spanish  "  conquistadores,"  with  the  advan- 
tage of  belonging  to  a  more  many-sided  and  capable  race  ; 
as  lovers  of  adventure  and  lovers  of  gold,  with  a  business 
and  governing  faculty,  which  the  Spaniard  had  possessed 
in  an  eminent  degree,  but  was  losing  rapidly  as  the  six- 
teenth century  drew  to  its  close.  The  picture  agrees  better 
with  the  evidence  than  that  figure  of  the  Protestant  hero 
or  humane  knight-errant  which  has  been  made  to  do  duty 
for  that  slave-hunter  and  intrepid  liar,  Hawkins,  or  the 


xiv  INTRODUCTION 

self-seeking  intriguer  who  was  Raleigh.  Yet  Southey 
knew  that  a  man  may  be  a  slave-hunter,  may  be  greedy 
for  gold,  may  intrigue,  and  still  be  brave,  be  patriotic,  be 
loyal  to  his  comrades,  magnanimous  at  times,  and  ready  to 
risk  life  and  fortune  for  a  cause.  There  are  some  who 
cannot  be  taught  by  any  evidence  that  this  combination  of 
apparently  incompatible  qualities  is  not  only  possible  but 
very  human.  It  is  too  what  supplies  the  humour  of  life. 

Some  few  words  may  be  said  on  the  style  of  these  lives. 
Southey  himself  denied  that  he  had  any  style.  "  As  for 
composition,""  he  wrote  to  his  son-in-law  Warter,  "  it  has 
no  difficulties  for  one  who  will  '  read,  mark,  learn  and 
inwardly  digest '  the  materials  upon  which  he  is  to  work. 
I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  it  Is  easy  to  write  well,  but  of 
this  I  am  sure,  that  most  men  would  write  better  if  they 
did  not  take  hah0  the  pains  they  do.  For  myself,  I  con- 
sider it  no  compliment  when  any  one  praises  the  simplicity 
of  my  prose  writings ;  they  are  written,  indeed,  without 
any  other  immediate  object  than  that  of  expressing  what 
is  to  be  said  in  the  readiest,  and  most  perspicuous  manner. 
But  in  the  transcript  (if  I  make  one)  and  always  in  the 
proof  sheet,  every  sentence  is  then  weighed  upon  the  ear, 
euphony  becomes  a  second  object,  and  ambiguities  are 
removed.  But  of  what  is  now  called  style  not  a  thought 
enters  my  head  at  any  time." 

By  what  "is  now  called  style,1'  it  is  to  be  presumed 
that  Mr.  Warter  was  understood  by  his  father-in-law  to 
mean  mannerism.  Southey  could  with  complete  truth 
protest  that  no  wish  to  write  differently  from  the  accepted 
standard  of  English  had  at  any  time  entered  his  head.  To 
write  "English  such  as  every  one  from  Chaucer  to  Sir 
Thomas  More,  and  from  More  to  Cowper,  could  under- 
stand," to  write  it  with  perspicuity  as  a  first  "  and  with 


INTRODUCTION  xv 

euphony  as  a  second  "  object  was  his  aim.  But  to  succeed 
in  doing  so  much  was  to  attain  to  a  style,  and  not  only 
so,  but  it  was  to  write  in  the  only  way  which  it  is  safe 
to  take  as  a  model.  Those  whose  style  is  individual  are 
some  of  them  among  the  greatest  of  men  of  letters ;  but 
though  they  may  be  delightful  to  read,  and  great  to  inspire, 
it  is  fatal  to  follow  them.  Now  when,  as  at  some  other 
times,  what  is  called  style  is  too  often  only  a  deliberate 
attempt  to  be  peculiar,  the  prose  of  Southey  cannot  be  too 
carefully  read.  It  will  show  those  who  may  be  in  danger 
of  being  misled  by  the  popularity  of  certain  models  that 
it  is  possible  to  be  perspicuous  without  being  pedestrian, 
to  consider  euphony  and  yet  not  to  be  precious,  to  be 
manly  and  yet  not  violent.  They  may  be  sure,  at  least, 
that  in  following  his  path  they  will  be  in  no  danger  of 
falling  into  absurdity. 

The  lives  contained  in  this  volume  have  been  chosen  for 
reasons  which  perhaps  ought  to  be  given.  No  excuse 
need  be  assigned  for  reprinting  the  "Hawkins  and  Drake". 
The  life  of  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham  contains  as  full  an 
account  of  the  Armada  as  could  be  written  on  the  evidence 
accessible  to  Southey.  The  Earl  of  Cumberland  was  an 
accomplished  and  adventurous  noble,  which  would  of  itself 
entitle  him  to  a  place  among  the  typical  heroes  of  an 
aristocratic  age,  but  his  voyages  to  the  isles  also  show  the 
character  of  the  naval  warfare  of  the  time  exceptionally 
well.  Of  Cavendish  we  cannot  say  that  he  was  one  of  the 
greatest  in  achievement,  still  less  that  he  was  one  of  the 
highest  in  character  of  the  Elizabethans,  yet  he  was  the 
third  captain  of  any  race,  the  second  among  Englishmen,  who 
circumnavigated  the  globe,  and  his  life  has  this  value,  that 
it  shows  the  cruel  and  greedy  side  of  that  aristocratic  spirit 
of  which  Cumberland  was  the  chivalrous  representative. 


xvi  INTRODUCTION 

A  few  notes  are  appended  merely  to  point  out  what 
research  has  added  to  Southey^s  knowledge.  It  is  but 
little,  and  no  part  modifies  in  any  way  the  estimates  of 
characters  which  are  to  be  found  in  this  selection  from  what 
I  will  venture  to  describe  as  on  the  whole  the  finest 
portrait  gallery  of  the  Elizabethan  sea  heroes  in  the 
English  language. 

DAVID  HANNAY. 


ENGLISH    SEAMEN 


LORD  HOWARD  OF  EFFINGHAM 

/^~>HARLES,  eldest  son  of  Lord  William  Howard,  and 
\^_^  grandson  of  Thomas,  second  Duke  of  Norfolk,  was  born 
in  1536.  Margaret,  his  mother,  was  daughter  of  Sir 
Thomas  Gamage  of  Coity,  in  Glamorganshire.  His  father 
was  one  of  the  courtiers  who  accompanied  King  Henry  to  the 
Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold,  having  (it  is  recorded)  in  his 
retinue  eleven  servants  and  two  horsekeepers  ;  he  assisted  as 
proxy  for  his  brother,  the  duke  and  earl  marshal,  at  the 
coronation  of  Anne  Boleyn ;  and,  after  the  conviction  of  his 
niece,  Queen  Catherine  Howard,  was  found  guilty,  with  his 
lady,  of  misprision  of  treason,  for  not  having  revealed  what 
they  knew  of  her  misconduct,  and  condemned  to  perpetual  im- 
prisonment, with  forfeiture  of  their  goods,  and  of  the  profits 
of  their  lands  during  life.  This  sentence  was  soon  remitted, 
in  consideration  of  his  services,  "  and  it  may  be  of  his  inno- 
cence ".  He  attended  on  Henry  at  the  siege  of  Boulogne ; 
and,  in  the  ensuing  reign,  was  "  one  of  the  first  favourers  and 
furtherers,  with  his  purse  and  countenance,  of"  what  Fuller 
calls  "  the  strange  and  wonderful  discovery  of  Russia,"  being 
one  of  those  who  were  incorporated  as  merchant-adventurers 
to  Moscovy  ;  and,  "  at  their  own  cost  and  charges,  provided 
those  ships  to  discover  territories  unknown,  northwards,  north- 
eastwards, and  north-westwards  ".  The  expedition  is  memor- 
able botli  in  naval  and  commercial  history:  for  the  commander, 


2  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  after  discovering  Greenland,  was  frozen 
to  death,  with  all  his  ship's  company,  in  a  haven  on  the  coast 
of  Lapland  ;  and  the  second  in  command,  Richard  Chancellor, 
who  had  fortunately  parted  company  with  him,  entered  the 
river  of  St.  Nicholas,  travelled  to  the  court  of  the  Czar  Ivan 
Basilowitz,  delivered  the  king's  letters  to  that  sovereign,  and 
obtained  for  the  English  the  privilege  of  a  free  trade  in  any 
part  of  his  dominions,  being  their  first  entrance  into  Russia. 
On  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary,  he  was  created  a  peer  of  the 
realm,  by  the  title  of  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  and  ap- 
pointed High  Admiral  of  England  and  Wales,  Ireland,  Gascony, 
and  Aquitaine ;  the  queen,  "  in  consideration  of  his  fidelity, 
prudence,  valour  and  industry,"  constituting  him  "her  lieu- 
tenant-general and  chief  commander  of  her  whole  fleet  and 
royal  army  going  to  sea  for  the  defence  of  her  friends  ".  In 
the  discharge  of  this  office,  he  kept  the  seas  about  three 
months  ;  and  having  met  with  Philip,  then  Prince  of  Asturius, 
escorted  him  to  Southampton,  and  attended  his  marriage  with 
the  queen.  At  the  commencement  of  the  following  reign,  he 
was  one  of  the  persons  empowered  to  conclude  peace  with 
France. 

Under  such  a  father  Charles  Howard  was  trained,  serving 
under  him  by  land  and  sea.  He  was  about  twenty-two  years 
of  age  at  the  accession  of  Elizabeth  ;  and  his  "  most  proper 
person "  is  said  to  have  been  one  reason  why  that  queen 
"(who,  though  she  did  not  value  a  jewel  by,  valued  it  the 
more  for,  a  fair  case)  reflected  so  much  upon  him  ".  *  She  sent 
him  to  France,  after  the  death  of  Henry  II.,  on  an  embassy 
of  condolence  and  congratulation  to  the  young  king.  He  was 
elected  one  of  the  knights  for  his  native  county  of  Surrey, 
in  the  Parliament  of  1562-3  ;  and  afterwards  distinguished 
himself  as  general  of  the  horse  in  quelling  the  rebellion  of  the 
Earls  of  Northumberland  and  Westmoreland.  In  the  ensuing 

*  Fuller. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  3 

year,  he  commanded  ten  ships  of  Her  Majesty's  "  navy  royal"  ; 
which,  when  the  Emperor  Maximilian's  daughter,  Anne, 
sailed  from  Zealand  to  marry  her  uncle,  Philip  II.,  were 
ordered  to  convoy  her  through  the  British  seas,  as  a  singular 
testimony  of  the  queen's  respect  for  the  house  of  Austria ; 
and  on  this  occasion  it  is  said  that  he  enforced  the  Spanish 
fleet,  "  to  stoop  gallant,  and  to  veil  their  bonnets  to  the  Queen 
of  England  ".  It  was  probably  at  this  time  that  he  received 
the  honour  of  knighthood.  Having  a  second  time  been  elected 
for  Surrey,  he  was  installed  Knight  of  the  Garter  in  1574,  and 
made  Lord  Chamberlain  of  the  Household, — an  office  which 
had  been  held  by  his  father,  who,  dying  in  1572-3,  had  be- 
queathed to  him  his  collar  of  gold,  and  all  his  robes  belonging 
to  the  order  of  the  garter.  Upon  the  death  of  the  Earl  of 
Lincoln,  he  was  raised  to  the  office  of  Lord  High  Admiral  of 
England  ;  in  which  capacity  he  was  called  upon  to  perform 
a  more  serious  service  with  regard  to  the  Spaniards  than  when 
he  required  from  them  in  peace  a  recognition  of  the  queen's 
sovereignty  in  the  English  seas. 

Elizabeth,  when  she  succeeded  in  happy  hour  to  the  Eng- 
lish throne,  was  far  from  entertaining  any  sentiments  of  ill-will 
toward  the  King  of  Spain.  "  Whatsoever,"  saith  Fox  *  the 
martyrologist,  "  can  be  recited  touching  the  admirable  working 
of  God's  present  hand  in  defending  and  delivering  any  one 
person  out  of  thraldom,  never  was  there,  since  the  memory  of 
our  fathers,  any  example  to  be  showed,  wherein  the  Lord's 
mighty  power  hath  more  admirably  and  blessedly  showed 
itself,  to  the  glory  of  His  own  name,  to  the  comfort  of  all  good 
hearts,  and  to  the  public  felicity  of  this  whole  realm,  than  in 
the  miraculous  custody  and  out-scape  of  the  then  Lady  Eliza- 
beth, in  the  strict  time  of  Queen  Mary ".  To  be  near  the 
throne  was  almost  as  perilous  in  the  Plantagenet  and  Tudor 
families  as  in  the  Ottoman  house ;  and  in  her  case  the  danger 

*  Vol.  iii.,  792. 


4  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

was  fearfully  enhanced  by  a  clear  apprehension,  on  the  part 
of  the  Romish  hierarchy,  that  the  reformed  religion,  which 
they  were  labouring  to  extirpate  by  fire  and  sword,  would  be 
re-established  if  Elizabeth  would  succeed  to  her  sister.  Some 
of  the  laity,  who  in  their  station  forwarded  the  persecution 
which  has  rendered  Queen  Mary's  reign  for  ever  infamous, 
entered  fully  into  this  fear  ;  and  if  Elizabeth  was  not  brought 
to  the  scaffold,  or  made  away  with  in  confinement,  it  was  not 
for  want  of  wicked  counsellors,  or  fitting  keepers.  One  who 
was  in  authority  is  said  to  have  declared  in  his  place  that 
there  would  never  be  "  any  quiet  commonwealth  in  England 
unless  her  head  were  stricken  from  the  shoulders  "  ;  *  and  "  it 
would  make  a  pitiful  story  to  recite  what  examinations  and 
rackings  of  poor  men  there  were  to  find  out  that  knife  which 
should  cut  her  throat ".  To  the  honour  of  the  Spaniards,  in 
that  persecuting  age,  it  ought  never  to  be  forgotten  in  this 
country,  that  their  good  offices  were  effectually  interposed  in 
her  behalf,  and  that  Philip  "  showed  himself  in  that  matter  a 
very  friend  ".  Nor  will  it  be  regarded  by  an  equitable  mind 
as  any  impeachment  of  his  motives,  that  the  part  which  he 
took  on  this  occasion  was  that  of  sound  policy,  if  policy  alone 
had  influenced  him.  Let  him  have  credit  for  justice  in  this  in- 
stance, if  not  for  humanity  !  He  had  some  great  qualities,  and 
some  good  ones ;  and  his  worst  actions  must  be  imputed  to  a 
deluded  conscience,  acting  under  a  mistaken  sense  of  religious 
duty. 

If  Elizabeth  had  been  at  that  time   cut  off,  Mary  Stuart, 

*  Fox,  iii. ,  794,  797,  798.  The  queen's  feelings  towards  her  sister  are 
truly  stated  by  Ribadeneira,  who  had  opportunity  of  knowing  them  well, 
and  who  may  be  believed  when  he  had  no  motive  for  writing  falsely  : 
"  Una  muger,"  he  says,  speaking  of  Elizabeth,  "  que  ella  nunca  tuvo  por 
hermana,  sino  por  bastarda  y  enemiga  suya,  y  de  la  religion  catolica ;  y 
que  siempre  temio  que  la  avia  de  arruynar  y  destruyr,  y  a  quien  por  estas 
causas  desseo  y  procure  excluyr  de  la  succession  del  reyno  "  (Hist.  Eccl. 
de  Inglaterra,  1.  ii.,  c.  xix.). 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  5 

then  dauphiness,  would  have  become  presumptive  heiress  to 
the  crown  of  England  ;  and  her  succession,  by  uniting  Eng- 
land, Scotland  and  Ireland  to  the  crown  of  France,  would 
have  been,  of  all  possible  contingencies,  the  most  injurious  to 
the  interests  of  Spain.  That  contingency  became  more  prob- 
able upon  Queen  Mary's  death ;  and  it  seemed  as  if  the 
French  Government,  in  pursuit  of  its  ambitious  hopes,  was  too 
impatient  to  wait  for  it,  for  Henry  II.  commanded  that  the 
dauphin  and  dauphiness  should,  in  all  public  instruments, 
style  themselves  by  the  grace  of  God  King  and  Queen  of 
Scotland,  England  and  Ireland.*  The  arms  of  England, 
quartered  with  those  of  Scotland,  were  set  forth  everywhere 
in  their  household  stuff,  and  painted  upon  the  walls,  and 
wrought  into  the  heralds'  coats  of  arms  ;  and  by  his  agents  at 
Rome,  Henry  ceased  not  to  importune  the  Pope  that  he  would 
pronounce  Elizabeth  a  heretic  and  illegitimate,  and  Mary  of 
Scotland  to  be  the  lawful  Queen  of  England.  But  here  both 
Philip  and  the  emperor  earnestly,  though  closely,  interfered. 
The  question  of  illegitimacy  no  longer  touched  the  pride,  or 
affected  the  interests,  of  their  house  ;  and  that  of  heresy  even, 
Spain  and  Austria  could  be  contented  to  postpone,  rather 
than  allow  the  power  of  France  to  be  aggrandised.  Philip, 
therefore,  ceased  not  secretly  to  oppose  the  practices  of  the 
French  at  the  papal  court,  even  when  he  refused  to  renew 
the  league  made  of  old  between  the  kings  of  England  and 


*  Pollini,  Istoria  Eccles.  dellaRevol.  d'lnghilterra,  p.  406.  "  In  very 
deed  from  this  title  and  arms,  which  through  the  persuasion  of  the  Guises, 
Henry,  King  of  France,  had  imposed  upon  the  Queen  of  Scots,  being  now 
in  her  tender  age,  flowed  as  from  a  fountain  all  the  calamities  wherein 
she  was  afterwards  wrapt.  For  hereupon  Queen  Elizabeth  bare  both 
enmity  to  the  Guises,  and  secret  grudge  against  her,  which  the  subtle 
malice  of  men  on  both  sides  cherished,  emulation  growing  betwixt  them, 
and  new  occasions  daily  arising,  in  such  sort  that  it  could  not  be  extin- 
guished but  by  death.  For  a  kingdom  brooketh  no  companion  ;  and 
majesty  more  heavily  taketh  injuries  to  heart  "  (Camden,  34). 


6  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

his  forefathers,  and  sent  back  his  insignia  of  the  garter, 
whereby  he  seemed  quite  to  renounce  amity  with  the  Eng- 
lish. Still  there  remained  the  bond  of  mutual  interest  between 
Philip  and  Elizabeth,  and  not,  it  may  be  believed,  without 
some  sense  of  grateful  remembrance  on  one  part,  and  of 
personal  respect  on  both.  That  bond  was  broken  by  the 
decease  of  Francis  II.,  a  few  months  after  his  succeeding  to 
the  throne  ;  and  no  kindly  feelings,  in  a  man  of  Philip's 
temperament,  could  long  withstand  that  bigotry  which  was  in 
him  a  principle  and  passion, — a  principle,  indeed,  to  which, 
under  a  dreadful  persuasion  of  duty,  he  would  have  made  any 
sacrifice.  The  first  animosity  that  he  felt  was  excited  by  a 
trifling  circumstance.  He  requested,  through  his  ambassador, 
that  four  persons,  who  had  withdrawn  themselves  without 
licence  into  his  dominions,  for  religion's  sake,  might  be 
exempted  from  the  existing  laws,  and  permitted  to  remain 
there.*  One  of  these  persons  was  grandmother  to  the  Condesa 
de  Feria  ;  another  was  an  old  lady  who  had  been  much  in 
Queen  Mary's  confidence,  and  used  to  distribute  her  private 
alms  to  those  of  her  own  sex  ;  the  other  two  were  men  "  most 
devoted  to  the  popish  religion,  and  most  dear  to  the  Spaniard". 
A  distinction  might  well  have  been  made  between  these 
persons,  especially  in  the  first  instance,  where  there  existed 
so  valid  a  plea.  Elizabeth,  however,  replied,  it  was  without 
example  that  such  a  licence  of  perpetual  absence  from  their 
own  country  should  be  granted  to  women ;  and  though  it 
seemed  in  itself  a  matter  of  no  moment,  yet  she  thought  it  a 
thing  not  to  be  granted,  "  seeing  the  private  benefit  to  the 

*  "  For  by  the  ancient  laws  of  England  it  was  provided,  under  pain  of 
confiscation  of  goods  and  lands,  that  none  but  the  great  noblemen  of  the 
land  and  merchants  should  without  the  king's  special  licence  depart  the 
realm,  nor  abide  in  foreign  countries  beyond  a  time  prefixed,  and  this, 
either  for  the  recovery  of  their  health  in  a  hotter  climate,  or  for  the  more 
plentiful  adorning  of  their  wits  in  the  universities,  or  else  to  learn  the 
discipline  of  the  wars"  (Camden,  46). 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  7 

individuals  would  not  be  so  great  as  the  hurt  to  the  community, 
when  others  should  take  courage  by  their  example  ".  The 
Conde  de  Feria  *  resented  this  refusal  as  a  private  injury, 
though  made  upon  public  grounds  :  he  caused  a  servant  of 
the  English  ambassador  to  be  seized  by  the  Inquisition,  and 
"  kindled  the  coals  of  the  displeased  king's  mind,  his  wife  in 
vain  labouring  to  the  contrary  ".t 

But  though  Philip  became  more  and  more  estranged  from 
Elizabeth,  that  wise  queen  avoided  all  occasion  for  a  breach 
with  Spain  ;  and  when  her  ambassador,  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner, 
who  when  employed  in  Germany  found  nothing  but  courtesy 
there,  requested  to  be  recalled,  because  his  coffers  had  been 
searched,  she  admonished  him,  that  an  ambassador  must  take 
all  things  in  good  part,  so  as  his  prince's  honour  were  not 
directly  violated.  Early,  however,  in  her  reign,  "  finding  the 
realm  greatly  unfurnished  of  armour,  munitions,  and  powder," 
she  began  to  provide  against  war,  that  she  "  might  the  more 
quietly  enjoy  peace  ".  Arms  and  weapons  were  purchased  for 
her  at  Antwerp,  but  the  Spaniards  refused  to  allow  the  ex- 
portation, in  policy,  not  with  any  hostile  disposition  at  that 
time.  They  were  procured,  therefore,  from  Germany,  at  great 
cost,  but  so  largely  that  the  land  was  said  never  to  have  been 

*  No  doubt  he  felt  that  he  had  rendered  himself  personally  obnoxious  to 
Elizabeth,  for  refusing,  though  residing  in  London  as  Philip's  representa- 
tive, to  be  present  at  her  coronation  ;  which  refusal,  Ribadeneira  says,  he 
made  "  como  cavallero  catolico  y  valeroso".  For  he  inquired :  "  Si  se  avian 
de  guardar  en  la  coronacion  todas  las  ceremonias  de  los  otros  reyes 
Christianos  conforme  al  uso  de  nuestra  santa  madre  yglesia  Romana,  y 
como  supiesse  que  avia  de  aver  alguna  alteracion,  nunca  se  pudo  acabar 
con  el  que  assistiesse  a  la  solennedad,  ni  estuviesse  en  la  yglesia,  ni  en 
publico,  ni  encubierto,  ni  con  los  otros  grandes  del  reyno,  ni  aparte  en 
un  tablado  que  le  quisieron  hazer,  por  no  autorizar  con  su  presencia  aquel 
auto  impio,  y  dar  exemplo  del  recato  y  circunspecion  que  en  semejantes 
cosas,  por  pequenas  que  parezcan,  deven  tener  los  catolicos  para  no 
contaminarse  "  (1.  ii.  c.  xxii.). 

t  Camden,  46. 


8  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

so  amply  stored  at  any  former  time  with  "all  kinds  of  con- 
venient armour  and  weapons  ".  "Very  many  pieces  of  great 
ordnance  of  brass  and  iron  she  cast ;  and  God/'  says  Camden, 
"  as  if  He  favoured  what  she  undertook,  discovered  a  most 
rich  vein  of  pure  and  native  brass,  which  had  been  long  time 
neglected,  near  Keswick,*  in  Cumberland,  which  abundantly 
sufficed  for  that  use,  and  afforded  brass  to  other  countries  also. 
The  stone,  also,  called  lapis  calaminaris,  which  is  most  necessary 
for  the  brass  works,  was  now,  by  God's  favour,  first  found  in 
England,  and  that  in  abundance.  And  she,  also,  was  the 
first  that  procured  gunpowder  to  be  made  in  England,  that 
she  might  not  both  pray  and  pay  for  it  too  to  her  neighbours. 
The  noblemen,  too,  and  common  people,  with  no  less  cheerful 
diligence,  provided  them  arms  everywhere ;  so  as  in  noble- 
men's houses  most  complete  armouries  were  furnished. 
Musters  and  views  of  arms  were  often  kept,  and  the  youth 
trained  to  the  science  of  war,  and  audacity  of  skirmishing.  In 
those  days,  also,  the  queen  restrained,  by  a  strict  proclamation, 
the  covetousness  of  merchants,  which  supplied  munition  for 
war  to  the  Emperor  of  Russia  against  the  Polonians,  and  also 
to  the  enemies  of  Christendom.1'  t  For  the  better  maintenance 
and  increase  of  the  navy,  the  free  exportation  of  herrings  and 
all  other  sea  fish,  in  English  bottoms,  was  allowed  for  four 
years,  and  so  further  during  pleasure  :  a  partial  exemption 
from  impressment  was  granted  to  all  fishermen ;  and  for  their 
encouragement  and  "  the  repairing  of  port  towns  and  naviga- 
tion," Wednesdays,  as  well  as  Saturdays,  were  ordered  to  be 

*  In  his  Britannia  Camden  says  that  "  this  place  was  formerly  noted 
for  mines,  as  appears  by  a  certain  charter  of  Edward  IV.".  And  Philemon 
Holland  adds  that  the  miners  "  have  here  their  smelting-house  by 
Derwent  side,  which  with  his  forcible  stream  and  their  ingenious  inven- 
tions serveth  them  in  notable  stead  for  easy  bellows-works,  hammer- 
works,  forge-works,  and  saving  of  boards,  not  without  admiration  of  those 
that  behold  it  ".  These  works,  however,  were  on  the  side  of  the  Greta, 
not  the  Derwent. 

t  Camden,  56.     Holinshed,  202. 


LORD   HOWARD  OF  EFFINGHAM  9 

observed  as  fish-days,  under  penalty  of  a  heavy  tine  ;  and  this, 
it  was  stated,  "  was  meant  politicly,  not  for  any  superstition, 
to  be  maintained  in  the  choice  of  meats".*  Her  navy  was, 
ere  long,  so  well  appointed,  that  she  had  no  need  (like  her 
father  and  predecessors)  to  hire  ships  from  Hamburgh,  Lubeck, 
Dantzic,  Genoa,  and  Venice.  "Foreigners  named  her  the 
restorer  of  the  glory  of  shipping,  and  the  queen  of  the  North 
Sea."  For  the  protection  of  the  fleet  she  built  Upnore  Castle  ; 
and  she  increased  the  sailors'  pay.  "  The  wealthier  inhabitants 
of  the  sea  coast,"  says  Camden,  "  in  imitation  of  their  princess, 
built  ships  of  war,  striving  who  should  exceed  ;  insomuch  that 
the  queen's  navy,  joined  with  her  subjects'  shipping,  was,  in 
short  time,  so  puissant,  that  it  was  able  to  bring  forth  20,000 
fighting  men  for  sea  service."  f 

The  world  in  those  days  offered  occupation  enough  to 
restless  spirits.  At  one  time  many  of  the  young  English 
gentry  "  who,  according  to  their  innate  courage,  thought 
themselves  born  to  arms,  not  to  idleness,"  repaired  to  Hungary, 
as  volunteers  against  the  Turks.  A  few  years  later  they 
began  to  flock  into  the  Low  Countries,  taking  different  sides, 
some  for  principle,  others  preferring  that  service  in  which 
best  entertainment  was  to  be  found  ;  the  far  greater  number, 
however,  engaged  in  the  Protestant  cause,  the  strong  feeling 
that  had  been  excited  by  the  Marian  persecution  in  their  own 
country  being  roused  by  the  cruelty  of  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment under  Alva, — a  great  but  merciless  man,  who  in  his  last 
illness  accounted  those  actions  which  have  entailed  an  ever- 
lasting reproach  on  his  name  among  his  good  works  !  He  had 
used  his  influence  in  Spain  to  restrain  J  the  violence  with 
which  the  English  in  that  country  were  persecuted  on  the 
score  of  their  religion, — either  because  that  persecution  was 
urged  by  a  rival  statesman,  or  because  he  deemed  it  politic  at 
that  time  to  keep  up  a  friendly  understanding  with  England, 

*  Eliz.,  c.  v.  t  Camden,  56.  J  Ibid.,  61. 


10  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

certainly  not  from  any  toleration  or  feeling  of  compassion. 
But  when  Governor  of  the  Netherlands  he  clearly  saw  that 
in  England  lay  the  strength  of  that  Protestant  cause,  for  the 
extirpation  of  which  he  was  exerting  all  the  energies  of  his 
strong  head  and  obdurate  heart.  No  direct  or  open  offence 
had  as  yet  been  offered  by  either  party,  when  some  French 
privateers  whom  the  Prince  of  Conde  had  equipped,  but  who 
infested  the  seas  as  pirates,  fell  in  with  five  Spanish  vessels 
which  with  difficulty  escaped,  some  getting  into  Falmouth, 
the  others  into  Plymouth  and  the  Southampton  River. 
The  French  also  put  into  an  English  port,  waiting  to  renew 
the  pursuit,  whenever  the  Spaniards  should  depart  from  their 
asylum. 

The  Spanish  ambassador,  being  apprised  of  this,  applied  to 
the  queen  :  he  informed  her  that  there  was  money  on  board, 
for  the  payment  of  the  king's  troops  in  the  Low  Countries, 
and  requested  that  she  would  protect  it  in  her  harbours,  and 
grant  it  a  safe  convoy  to  Antwerp  ;  or,  if  advisable,  let  it  be 
carried  through  the  country  to  a  port  where  it  might  be  safely 
re-embarked.  This  the  queen  granted,  and  promised  security 
both  by  sea  and  land.  Even  in  harbour  the  freebooters  would 
have  mastered  one  of  these  ships,  if  they  had  not  been  beaten 
off  by  the  English  :  and  after  this  danger,  the  money  was 
landed.  No  sooner  had  this  been  done  than  the  Spanish 
resident  began  to  fear  that  it  was  trusted  to  dangerous  hands, 
and  he  imparted  his  suspicions  to  Alva.  Meantime  Cardinal 
Chastillon,  who  was  then  in  England,  assured  the  queen  that 
the  money  was  not  in  fact  the  King  of  Spain's,  but  belonged 
to  certain  Genoese,  from  whom  Alva  intended  to  take  it  as  a 
loan,  against  their  will.  The  matter  was  then  laid  before  the 
council,  and  it  was  debated  whether  this  money,  which  was 
to  be  employed  for  the  destruction  of  the  Protestants  in  the 
Low  Countries,  should  not  be  borrowed  by  the  queen,  security 
being  given ;  a  practice  then  usual  among  princes,  and  to 
which  Philip  himself  had  sometimes  resorted ;  and  upon 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  11 

this  the  queen  resolved,  though  most  of  her  advisers  were 
of  a  different  opinion,  and  feared  to  exasperate  a  power- 
ful king  who  was  already  sufficiently  incensed  against  the 
English.  This  resolution  was  communicated  to  the  Spanish 
ambassador,  with  a  solemn  engagement  to  restore  the  money, 
if  it  should  prove  to  belong  not  to  the  merchants  but  to  the 
King  of  Spain.  Alva,  on  the  very  day  that  this  communica- 
tion was  made  to  the  resident,  upon  the  first  suspicion  seized 
the  goods  of  all  the  English  in  the  Netherlands,  and  arrested 
the  owners.  He  thought  to  intimidate  a  Government,  the 
strength  of  which  had  not  been  tried,  and  the  foundations  of 
which  he  was  then  working  to  undermine.  But  the  courageous 
queen  immediately  made  reprisals  upon  the  ships  and  property 
belonging  to  the  Netherlanders.* 

Ships  were  now  sent  out  to  cruise  against  the  English,  not 
only  from  the  Netherlands,  but  from  the  ports  of  Spain,  where 
the  English  merchants  and  mariners  were  arrested  by  the 
Inquisition,  and  condemned  to  the  galleys,  and  their  goods 
confiscated.  When  this  was  known  in  England,  privateers 
were  fitted  out  with  the  utmost  activity  ;  but  they  acted  with 
such  indiscriminating  rapacity,  that  it  became  necessary  to 
issue  proclamations  forbidding  all  men  from  purchasing  any 
merchandise  from  sea  rovers.  Meantime  Alva  was  prosecut- 
ing what  he  hoped  would  prove  a  far  more  effectual  plan  of 
operations  against  Elizabeth,  and  in  her  person  against  the 
Protestant  religion,  whereof  she  was  the  chief  earthly  support. 
The  hostile  disposition  of  Philip  towards  England  was  such, 
that  he  had  reprimanded  this  minister  not  long  before  for 
having  written  as  if  he  were  well  inclined  towards  what  the  king 

*  Camden,  120.  Pieter  Bor,  Oorsprongk.  etc.,  dcr  Ncthcrlandsche 
Oorlogen,  i.,  272. 

The  property  embargoed  here  is  said  to  have  far  exceeded  in  value 
what  was  seized  in  the  Netherlands,  though  Pieter  Bor  states  the  yearly 
value  of  our  exports  to  those  countries  at  more  than  12,000,000  crowns 
of  gold  (i.,  69). 


12  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

called  that  "  lost  and  undone  kingdom  "  ;  *  for  the  Inquisition 
had  now  obtained  as  much  influence  over  the  councils  of  that 
monarch,  prudent  as  he  was  deemed,  as  over  his  conscience. 
The  language  of  the  Pope  was,  that  for  the  diseases  which 
then  afflicted  Christendom  fiery  cauteries  were  required  ;  that 
corrupt  members  must  be  cut  off;  that  nothing  was  more 
cruel  than  to  show  mercy  to  the  heretics ;  that  all  who  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  true  servants  of  the  Church  ought  im- 
mediately to  be  put  to  death,  and  that  no  king  who  suffered 
himself  to  be  entreated  in  their  favour  could  satisfy  his  Re- 
deemer.f  They  acted  themselves  in  the  spirit  of  these 
exhortations.  Pius  V.  laid  a  plot  for  restoring  the  Romish 
religion  in  England  by  taking  off  Elizabeth,  J  and  raising  the 
Queen  of  Scots  to  the  throne.  Her  agents  in  this  country 
conducted  it  with  great  dexterity,  so  as  to  engage  in  it  some 
who  were  in  Elizabeth's  council,  and  in  her  favour  as  well  as 
confidence,  but  who  were  now  actuated  by  ambition,  or  by 
envy  and  hatred  of  their  rivals,  or  by  a  dreadful  persuasion  of 
duty  to  the  Papal  Church  ;  and  all  things  seemed  ripe  when 
the  dispute  concerning  the  money  which  the  English  Govern- 
ment had  retained  afforded  Pius  a  favourable  opportunity  §  for 
engaging  Philip  in  the  conspiracy.  Philip  lent  an  obedient 
ear.  Alva  was  ordered  to  hold  3000  harquebussiers  in  readi- 
ness for  embarkation  :  the  Marquis  Vitelli  was  sent  to  London 
under  the  pretext  of  an  embassy,  but  with  the  intent  that  he 
should  take  the  command  of  those  troops  as  soon  as  they 
should  have  landed  near  London,  where  an  understanding 

*  Turner's  Elizabeth,  454,  n.  2. 

•[Ibid.,  461,  480,  n.  45  ;  481,  n.  56. 

J  "  Una  quidem  ex  parte  ipsi  Scotorum  reginaa — opem  ferre,  eamque 
omnino  liberare  ;  ex  altera  vero  lapsam  in  Anglia  religionem  renovare 
cogitabat,  simul  et  illam  malorum  omnium  sentinam,  seu,  ut  appellabat 
ipse,  flagitiorum  servam  de  media  tollcre,  si  minus  posset  ad  sanitatem 
revocari "  (Gabutius,  Vita  B.  Pii.  V .  Ada  SS.,  2.  Mar.,  t.  i.,  p.  658). 

§  "  Oblatam  occasionem  baud  contemnendam  esseratus  "  (Ibid.). 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   EFFINGHAM  13 

had  been  established  with  the  Tower,  at  the  palace,  and  among 
the  queen's  guards.* 

These  arrangements  having  been  made,  the  Pope  fulminated 
that  memorable  bull,  wherein,  as  one  whom  the  Lord  had 
made  prince  over  all  people  and  all  kingdoms,  to  pluck  up, 
destroy,  scatter,  consume,  plant,  and  build,  he  passed  sentence 
of  excommunication  against  Elizabeth,  as  being  a  heretic,  and 
a  favourer  of  heretics  ;  pronounced  that  she  was  cut  off  from 
the  unity  of  the  body  of  Christ,  and  deprived  of  her  pretended 
title  to  the  kingdom  ;  absolved  her  subjects  from  the  oath  of 
allegiance,  and  all  manner  of  duty  towards  her,  and  included 
all  who  should  obey  her  in  the  same  sentence  of  anathema. 
It  was  thought  imprudent  to  let  this  bull  appear  in  Spain  or 
France  before  it  had  been  published  in  England,  lest  it  should 
provoke  the  queen  f  to  take  more  active  measures  against  the 
Spaniards,  and  to  appear  decidedly  in  support  of  the  French 
Protestants.  Its  first  appearance,  therefore,  was  in  London, 
where  Felton  nailed  it  upon  the  Bishop  of  London's  palace 
gate.  But  an  earlier  insurrection  in  the  north  had  broken 
the  strength  and  abated  the  hopes  of  the  more  eager  Papists  ; 
and  secret  information  of  the  conspiracy  was  given  to  the 
English  ministers  by  the  French  Government,  J  which,  though 
possessed  with  the  most  deadly  hatred  against  the  Protestant 
cause,  dreaded  the  union  of  England  and  Scotland  under  one 
sovereign,  and  the  subjugation  of  this  country  to  the  influence, 

*  Turner,  505,  509. 

+  Ada  Sanctorum,  658.     Pollini,  458. 

I  Turner,  509.  This  most  diligent  historian,  whose  industry  and  in- 
tegrity, and  perfect  fairness,  entitle  him  always  to  be  trusted,  has  shown 
that  this  information  was  given  by  Catherine  de  Medicis,  upon  the 
Cardinal  of  Lorraine's  advice. 

"...  divino  judicio  permissum  est  (Gabutius  says)  ut  de  rerum  seria  tota 
ad  Elizabetham  referretur  a  nonnullis,  Gallise  regno  politice  magis  quam 
pie  consulentibus,  statusque  jure  (quod  Pius  diabolicum  jus  appellare 
solebat)  atque  vana  suspicione  implicitis,  ne  scilicet  Anglia  recepa,  Gallia- 
rum  regno  potirentur  Hispani  "  (Acta  SS.,  658). 


14  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

or  possibly  *  to  the  power  of  Spain.  Thus  did  France,  at  this 
critical  time,  interpose  in  favour  of  Elizabeth  against  the 
Spaniards,  upon  motives  precisely  similar  to  those  by  which 
Spain  had  before  been  led  to  interfere  for  her  against  the 
French  ;  and  the  conspiracy  was  frustrated,  t  though  its  extent 
was  not  discovered,  nor  the  magnitude  of  the  danger  as  yet 
fully  understood. 

But  though  the  treason  had  failed,  and  the  Duke  of  Norfolk, 
who  was  to  have  been  the  Catholic  husband  of  a  second  Queen 
Mary,  suffered  death,  the  design  was  still  pursued  by  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Pope  :  the  latter  spared  no  money  for  this 
pious  purpose,  as  it  was  deemed  at  the  Vatican,  and  declared 
that,  were  it  necessary,  for  such  an  object  he  would  expend 
the  whole  revenues  of  the  apostolic  see,  and  sell  the  chalices 
and  the  crosses,  and  even  the  very  vestments.  J  That  the 
blow  might  more  surely  be  struck,  the  semblance  of  peace,  if  not 
of  amity,  was  still  maintained ;  not  with  sincerity,  indeed,  on 

*"Verentes  nimirum  ne  Anglia  in  Hispanorum  caderet  potestatem." 

f  Pollini  imputes  the  delay  to  Alva's  fear  of  bringing  about  a  league 
between  France  and  England  in  aid  of  the  Protestants  in  the  Netherlands ; 
and  afterwards  to  his  desire  that  his  son  D.  Fadrique  should  command 
the  expedition  instead  of  Vitelli.  The  first  fear  he  ascribes  to  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  devil,  and  insinuates  (falsely  beyond  all  doubt)  that,  owing  to 
his  resentment  at  being  disappointed  in  his  views  for  his  son,  Elizabeth 
was  made  acquainted  with  the  plot ;  whereby  "  hebbe  finalmente  quello 
che  desiderava  il  diavolo  "  (471,  472). 

Philip  is  asserted  to  have  said  to  the  legate :  "  Nullam  unquam  hoc  ipso 
vel  preclarius  vel  sanctius  compositum  stratagema  fuisse  ;  neque  vero 
majorem  unquam  visam  esse  conjuratorum  sive  concordiam,  sive  con- 
stantiam  ;  siquidem  per  tot  dies  nihil  unquam  ab  ipsis  temere  enuntiatum 
erat,  magnaque  res  bene  gerendas  atque  opportuna  sese  offerebat  occasio. 
Sed  enim  summus  ille  mundi  Opifex,  cujus  nutu  omnia  gubernantur, 
seu  mortalium  peccatis  id  emerentibus,  seu  ut  ex  Anglia  vigente  perse- 
cutione  plures  interim  Christi  martyres,  uti  deinceps  factum  est,  in 
ccelum  volarent,  nos  alioqui  pios  conatus  irritos  esse  permissit "  (Ada 
SS.,  659). 

\  Ibid. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  15 

Elizabeth's  part ;  but  on  the  part  of  Philip  perfidiously.  She  did 
not  restrain  her  subjects  from  those  maritime  adventures  which 
nourished  her  naval  strength ;  and  he,  in  conformity  to  what  was 
then  the  avowed  doctrine  of  the  Romish  Church,  acted  upon  the 
principle  that  all  means  were  justifiable  whereby  the  interests 
of  that  Church  could  be  promoted.  The  Spanish  ambassador 
complained  that  the  rebellious  Netherlanders  were  supplied 
with  warlike  stores  from  England,  and  harboured  in  the  Eng- 
lish ports  ;  and,  in  consequence  of  his  complaint,  she  ordered 
their  ships  of  war  to  be  detained,  and  those  persons  who  were 
suspected  of  being  implicated  in  the  disturbances  to  leave  the 
land.  The  most  important  events  in  public  affairs,  as  well  as 
in  private  life,  often  arise  from  circumstances  which,  when 
they  occur,  appear  of  little  moment.  The  ships  which  the 
Prince  of  Orange  had  commissioned,  though  they  were  expressly 
enjoined  not  to  injure  any  but  their  enemies,  had  brought  a 
scandal  upon  his  cause  *  by  their  piracies  :  insomuch  that  he 
had  displaced  the  admiral  and  appointed  the  Lord  of  Lumey, 
William  Graave  van  der  Marck,  in  his  stead.  That  officer, 
acting  either  from  timely  apprehension,  or  upon  secret  intima- 
tion, collected  his  ships,  twenty-four  in  number,  and  sailed 
from  England,  entered  the  Maas,  and  by  a  sudden  assault  got 
possession  of  the  Briel.  This  was  the  first  town  in  Holland 
which  was  delivered  from  the  Spaniards,  and  with  this  enter- 
prise, the  naval  power  of  the  United  Provinces  commenced. 
The  Water-Geusen,  as  the  Prince  of  Orange's  sailors  were 
called,  had  before  this  time  deserved  no  better  appellation ; 
they  were  mere  pirates,  and  by  their  ill  name  had  done  more 
injury  to  him,  than  by  their  ill  deeds  to  his  enemies.  But 
after  this  adventure,  which  had  been  undertaken  by  the  ex- 
hortation of  a  better  man  than  Lumey,+  one  success  followed 

*  Pieter  Bor,  289, 323. 

f  He  was  a  mere  freebooter,  and  most  of  his  company  little  .better : 
"  Animi  ferox,  idque  illi  unum  pro  virtute  erat,"  says  Grotius  ;  "  et  comi- 
tum  plerisque  consilium,  aut  animus,  non  nisi  in  praedam  "  (Ann.,  1.  ii., 
P-  35)- 


16  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

another.  They  obtained  ports,  entered  earnestly  into  the 
national  cause,  and  acquired  character  as  they  gathered 
strength.*  Within  four  months  after  the  capture  of  the  Briel, 
they  were  joined  by  so  many  adventurers,  French  and  Eng- 
lish, that  a  fleet  of  150  sail+  was  collected  at  Flushing,  and  by 
this  fleet  the  project  of  an  intended  invasion  of  England  was 
defeated,  J  at  a  time  when  no  apprehension  of  any  such 
danger  was  entertained  there.  For  the  Duque  del  Medina 
Celi,  coming  to  succeed  Alva  in  the  Government,  and  bringing 
with  him  reinforcements  and  orders  to  put  in  execution  the 
design  of  entering  the  Thames  and  surprising  London,  ap- 
proached the  coast  of  Flanders,  supposing  it  to  be  still  in 
possession  of  the  Spaniards,  and  that  they  were  masters  as  well 
of  the  sea  as  of  the  shores.  But  the  Admiral  of  Zeeland, 
Boudewijn  Ewoutzoon,  having  intelligence  of  his  approach, 
met  and  attacked  him,  and  captured  the  far  greater  part  of 
his  richly  laden  fleet,  the  duque  himself  hardly  escaping  in  a 
small  vessel  into  Sluys.  §  Dispirited  at  the  unexpected  aspect 
of  affairs  on  his  arrival,  he  solicited  and  obtained  his  recall ; 
and  Alva  seeing  that  the  scheme  of  foreign  invasion,  as  well 
as  of  domestic  treason,  had  been  frustrated,  deemed  it  advisable 
to  dissemble  still  further  with  England,  and  renewed  the  com- 
mercial intercourse  which  had  then  for  four  years  been 
suspended.  By  mutual  agreement  it  was  opened  for  two 
years,  and  among  the  articles  was  a  clause,  that  "  if  this  mutual 
good  understanding  and  close  amity  should  happen  for  a  time 
to  be  disturbed,  yet  should  it  in  no  wise  be  construed  to  be 
broken  and  dissolved.  But  if  the  matter  could  not  be  com- 

*  Tcgenwoordige  Staat  der  Ver.  Netherlander*,  vol.  v.,  pp.  330-336. 
Pieter  Bor,  365. 

f  Strada,  Dec.  i.,  1.  vii.,  p.  393. 

\  Camden,  191. 

§  Pieter  Bor,  393.  T'Vervolgh  der.  Chron.  van  de  Netherlanden,  p. 
64. 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   EFFINGHAM  17 

pounded  by  commissioners,  within   the  time  prescribed,  the 
intercourse  was  to  cease  at  the  end  of  the  two  years."  * 

The  good  faith  and  honour  of  the  realm  was  upon  this 
occasion  well  maintained.  Elizabeth  made  a  full  agreement 
with  the  Genoese  merchants,  concerning  the  money  which 
was  the  first  declared  cause  of  difference  :  she  indemnified 
the  English  merchants  for  their  losses  in  the  Netherlands,  out 
of  the  produce  of  the  Netherlanders'  goods  which  had  been 
embargoed  here ;  and  the  residue  was  restored  to  Alva, 
who  made  no  such  restitution  to  his  subjects  out  of  the 
English  property  that  he  had  detained. f  It  had  never  been 
Elizabeth's  wish  that  the  Netherlands  should  throw  off  their 
allegiance  to  Philip.  Not  contemplating  the  possibility,  which, 
at  that  time,  was  not  contemplated  by  themselves,  that  they 
could  ever  maintain  themselves  as  an  independent  State,  she 
knew  that,  as  it  regarded  England,  it  was  better  they  should 
be  annexed  to  Spain  than  to  France ;  and  there  was  no  other 
apparent  alternative.  Nor,  if  their  independence  had  seemed 
feasible,  could  she,  a  sovereign  princess,  have  desired  that 
what  she  could  not  but  deem  a  dangerous  precedent  should 
be  established.  As  a  Protestant,  she  sympathised  with  their 
sufferings  for  religion's  sake  ;  as  the  queen  of  a  free  people, 
whose  rights  and  privileges  she  respected  as  she  ought,  she 
acknowledged  that  they  complained  justly  of  the  breach  of 
their  fundamental  laws.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  Elizabeth 
felt  that  the  cause  of  the  Reformation  had  been  disgraced  and 
injured  by  the  excesses  the  Netherlanders  had  committed 
under  its  name,  by  spoliation  and  havoc,  and  by  cruelties 
which  afforded  the  persecutors  a  recriminating  plea,  and 
which  were  not  to  be  excused  for  having  been  exercised  in 
retaliation.  Moreover,  she  was  sensible  that,  in  such  com- 
motions, the  foundations  of  civil  society  are  loosened  and 
endangered.  These  equitable  views  were  fairly  stated,  both 

*  Camden,  191.  \  Ibid. 


18  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

to  the  Spanish  Government  and  to  the  States.  When  Re- 
quesens  sent  an  agent  into  England  to  obtain  her  permission 
for  engaging  ships  and  seamen  there,  to  act  against  the 
Hollanders  and  Zeelanders,  she  refused,  and  prohibited 
English  seamen  from  serving  under  foreign  powers,  and  all 
men  from  setting  out  ships  of  war  without  her  licence  :  "  her 
ships  and  sailors,"  she  said,  "  should  not  be  hazarded  in 
foreign  quarrels  ".  The  agent  then  requested  that  she  would 
not  be  displeased  if  those  English  whom  he  called  exiles,  but 
whom  she  termed  rebels,  served  at  sea  against  the  Hollanders; 
but  that  she  would  allow  them  free  access  to  any  of  her  ports. 
Her  answer  was,  "  that  she  could  in  no  wise  allow  them  to 
serve  under  the  Spaniards ;  and  that  to  give  the  use  of  her 
ports  to  rebels  and  sworn  enemies  would  be  nothing  short  of 
madness  ".  One  other  request  the  agent  made,  that  the  Low 
Country  emigrants  might  be  expelled  from  her  dominions. 
To  this  she  replied,  "  that  her  consenting  to  a  like  request, 
three  years  before,  had  proved  most  prejudicial  to  the  Spanish 
affairs  ;  for  from  thence  that  maritime  power  had  arisen, 
against  which  the  Spaniards  now  found  it  so  difficult  to  con- 
tend ".  In  proof  that  she  had  neither  forgotten  nor  disre- 
garded the  ancient  league  with  the  house  of  Burgundy,  she 
forbade  the  Netherlander'  ships  of  war,  which  were  then  in 
her  havens,  from  leaving  them ;  and  would,  by  public  pro- 
clamation, give  orders  that  none  who  were  in  arms  against 
the  Spaniards  should  be  admitted  into  them,  specifying  by 
name  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  some  fifty  of  the  most  con- 
spicuous persons  of  his  party ;  but  she  would  not  expel  the 
fugitives  who  had  taken  shelter  upon  her  shores,  ..."  poor, 
simple  people,  who  had  forsaken  their  country  and  their 
inheritance  for  peace ;  and  whom  it  were  inhuman,  and 
against  the  laws  of  hospitality,  to  deliver  into  the  hands  of 
their  enemies".* 

On  the  other  hand,  she  endeavoured  to  dissuade  the  Prince 
*  Camden,  20. 


LORD   HOWARD   OF  EFFINGHAM  19 

of  Orange  from  inviting  France  to  protect  the  States  ;  and 
when  she  was  entreated  by  Holland  and  Zeeland  to  take  them 
into  her  own  possession,  or  at  least  under  her  protection,  as 
the  person  to  whom,  in  defeasance  of  the   Spanish   line,   the 
right  of  inheritance  reverted  (that  line  deriving  it  from  a  sister 
of  Philippa  of  Hainault,  Edward  III.'s  queen),  she  answered, 
that  she  esteemed  nothing  more  glorious   than  to  act  with 
faith  and  honour  as  beseemeth   a  prince  :  in   this   case,   she 
could    not    be   satisfied    that    she    could,    consistently    with 
honour   and    conscience,    take    those    provinces    under    her 
protection,  much  less  into  her  possession  ;  but  that  she  would 
earnestly  endeavour   to   procure    for  them    a    happy    peace. 
When   Requesens   died,   and   there   were    movements   which 
indicated  a  disposition  in   the  other  States  to  recover  their 
ancient  liberties,  she  exhorted  them  to  bend  their  minds  to 
peace,  desiring  nothing  so  much  as  the  restoration  of  order  in 
their   provinces,    and   good   government.     This,   indeed,  her 
subjects  had  great  reason  to  desire  ;  for  while  many  of  those 
unquiet  spirits,  who  followed  war  as  a  trade,  engaged  on  either 
side,  the  English  merchants,  seeking  their  own  gain  by  less 
exceptionable  means,   were  plundered  by  both.     They  who 
were  resident  in  Antwerp,  when  that  city  was  sacked  by  the 
mutinous  Spaniards,  were  not  only  spoiled  of  their  goods,  but 
compelled   to  pay  a  large  ransom  for  their  lives.     And  the 
Dutch  and  Zeeland  ships  of  war,  with  the  connivance,  if  not 
the  sanction  of  the  States,  detained  English  ships  upon  the 
plea    that   they    imported    provisions    to    their   enemies    the 
Dunkirkers,  and  that  the  trade   from  Flanders  to  Spain  was 
now  carried  on  in  English  bottoms,  and  boarded  them  "smally 
to  the  profit  of  those   to  whom   the  ships  and  goods  apper- 
tained," even  when  they  were  not  boldly  seized  and  earned 
away  as  prizes.     A  breach  had  nearly  been  made  between  the 
States  and  England,  when  the  States  blockaded  the  Scheldt, 
and  prohibited  the  English  from   trading  by  that  river  with 
Antwerp  :  the  merchants,  finding  themselves  thus  damnified, 


20  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

complained  to  their  own  Government,  reprisals  took  place, 
and  the  dispute  Mras  not  adjusted  till  after  much  mutual 
injury  and  ill-will.  The  arrangement  was  facilitated  by 
sending  four  vessels  under  the  comptroller  of  the  queen's 
ships,  William  Holstocke,  to  scour  the  narrow  seas  from  the 
North  Foreland  to  Falmouth.  In  that  course,  he  recaptured 
fifteen  merchantmen  of  sundry  nations,  took  twenty  ships  and 
barques,  "  English,  French,  and  Flemings,  but  all  pirates,  and 
in  fashion  of  war  "  ;  and  brought  home  200  men  prisoners  for 
piracy,  some  thirty  of  whom  were  condemned  to  death.* 

Such  was  the  desire  of  Elizabeth  that  the  Low  Countries 
should  remain  united  to  Spain,  rather  than  be  annexed  to 
France,  that  when  Don  John  of  Austria  arrived  as  governor, 
she  offered  him  her  assistance  in  case  the  States  should  call 
in  the  French.  At  the  same  time  when,  upon  the  impor- 
tunate entreaties  of  the  States,  she  assisted  them  with  20,000/v 
it  was  upon  condition  that  they  should  neither  change  their 
religion  nor  their  prince,  nor  receive  the  French  into  the 
Netherlands,  nor  refuse  a  peace  if  Don  John  would  con- 
descend to  reasonable  conditions  ;  and  that,  if  such  a  peace 
were  obtained,  this  money  should  go  toward  the  payment  of 
the  Spanish  soldiers,  who  were  then  in  a  state  of  mutiny 
because  of  their  arrears,  f  But  it  was  with  no  amicable 
intentions  towards  the  Queen  of  England  that  Don  John  took 
upon  himself  the  command  in  the  Netherlands.  He  had  been 
bred  up  in  ignorance  that  Charles  V.  was  his  father,  but  in 
a  manner  which  qualified  him  for  any  rank  to  which  he  might 
be  advanced ;  and  Philip,  after  acknowledging  him  as  his 
brother,  though  illegitimate,  had  placed  him  in  circumstances 
the  most  favourable  to  an  ambitious  mind,  by  appointing  him  to 
the  command  of  that  fleet  with  which  he  achieved  at  Lepanto 
a  naval  victory  more  important  and  more  famous  than  any 

*  Holinshed,  321-323,  329-332.     Camden,  214. 
t  Camden,  208,  210,  215. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF    EFFINGHAM          21 

preceding  one  in  modern  history.  Having  taken  possession 
of  Tunis,  he  conceived  the  hope  of  becoming  the  founder  of  a 
Christian  kingdom,  which  might  one  day  vie  in  power  and 
prosperity  with  ancient  Carthage  :  *  and  when  Philip  refused 
his  consent  to  a  project  the  difficulties  of  which  were  well 
understood  by  Spanish  statesmen,  Don  John,  with  the  appro- 
bation of  the  Pope,  fixed  upon  England  as  the  seat  of  the 
kingdom  to  which  he  imagined  himself  born.  A  marriage 
with  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  to  provide  him  with  a  claim  to 
it,  and  possession  was  to  be  taken  by  force  of  arms.  The 
English  emigrants  encouraged  him  in  this  design  ;  and  he  re- 
presented to  Philip  that  England  might  be  conquered  more 
easily  than  Zeeland,  and  urged  him  to  grant  him  some  port  in 
the  north  of  Spain  from  whence  he  might  invade  it  with  a 
fleet.  Meantime  he  had  privately  communicated  with  the 
Guises  ;  and  this  part  of  his  negotiation  was  discovered  and 
made  known  to  Elizabeth  by  the  Prince  of  Orange,  as  also 
that  the  intention  was  to  occupy  the  Isle  of  Man,  and  that  the 
aid  of  Mary's  partisans  in  the  south  of  Scotland  was  counted 
on,  and  assistance  from  Ireland,  and  an  insurrection  of  the 
Papists  in  the  northern  counties  and  in  North  Wales.  When 
the  truth  of  this  information  had  been  ascertained,  Elizabeth 
entered  into  a  league  with  the  States,  f 

That  league  she  notified  by  an  ambassador  to  the  King  of 
Spain,  praying  him  and  the  governors  of  the  Netherlands  to 
call  to  mind  how  often  and  how  earnestly,  and  in  how  friendly 
an  intent,  she  had  long  forewarned  them  of  the  evils  impend- 
ing over  those  countries  ;  how  carefully  she  had  endeavoured 
to  keep  them  within  their  duty  to  the  king  ;  how  she  had 
refused  to  take  possession  of  the  rich  provinces  which  had 
been  offered  to  her,  and  refused  also  to  protect  them ;  and 
how  she  had  supplied  them  largely  with  money,  when  all 

*  Memorial  de  Ant.  Perez,  298. 
t  Camden,  220. 


22  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

things  were  in  a  most  desperate  and  deplorable  state,  that 
they  might  not,  for  want  thereof,  be  necessitated  to  call  in 
another  power,  and  break  the  design  of  peace  which  had  lately 
been  set  on  foot ;  whether  these  things  were  unbeseeming  a 
Christian  queen,  who  affected  peace,  and  was  most  desirous  to 
deserve  well  of  her  confederate  the  Spaniard,  let  the  Spaniard 
himself  and  all  Christian  princes  judge  !  And  now  that  the 
wars  might  cease,  and  the  Netherlanders  again  be  at  his 
devotion,  she  advised  him  to  receive  his  afflicted  people  into 
former  grace  and  favour,  to  restore  their  privileges,  to  observe 
the  conditions  of  the  last  agreement,  and  to  appoint  them 
another  governor  of  his  own  family  :  for  no  peace  could  be 
concluded  or  observed  unless  Don  John  of  Austria  were 
removed,  whom  the  States  distrusted  and  hated,  and  whom 
she  certainly  knew,  by  his  secret  practices  with  the  Queen  of 
Scots,  to  be  her  most  mortal  enemy,  insomuch  that  she  could 
expect  nothing  from  the  Netherlands  but  assured  danger,  so 
long  as  he  was  governor  there.  It  was  because  she  knew 
what  great  forces  Don  John  had  raised,  and  how  many 
auxiliary  companies  of  French  were  ready  to  join  him,  that 
she,  to  preserve  the  Netherlands  and  Spain,  and  avert  the 
danger  from  England,  had  now  engaged  to  assist  the  States, 
they  having  promised  on  their  part  that  they  would  continue 
in  the  king's  obedience,  and  alter  nothing  in  religion.  If, 
however,  the  king  would  not  listen  to  these  representations, 
but  was  resolved  to  abrogate  their  rights  and  privileges,  and 
reduce  those  miserable  provinces  into  slavery,  as  if  he  had 
obtained  possession  of  them  by  right  of  war,  she  in  that  case 
would  not  neglect  to  defend  her  neighbours,  and  provide  for 
her  own  security.* 

This  was  no  palatable  language  to  Philip  ;  but  that  deep 
dissembler,  feeling  its  force,  and  conscious  of  its  truth,  brooked 
it,  and  with  simulated  good-will  besought  her  to  continue  her 

*  Camden,  221. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  23 

endeavours  for  bringing  about  a  peace,  and  not  hastily  to 
credit  false  reports,  nor  believe  that  he  attempted  anything 
unbecoming  a  prince  in  amity  with  her.  How  far  he  favoured 
the  designs  of  Don  John  as  conformable  to  his  own  Catholic 
views,  or  discouraged  them  as  tending  more  to  the  advantage 
of  France  than  Spain,  is  uncertain.*  But  after  the  death  of 

*  Strada  says  that  when  the  Pope  proposed  a  marriage  between  Don 
John  and  the  Queen  of  Scots,  "  Cum  dotali  Angliae  regno,  ad  cujus  aggres- 
sionem  honestior  inde  titulus  armis  Austriacis  adderetur  "  ;  Philip  did  not 
refuse  his  consent:  "  Xeque  rex  abnuebat,  immo  licet  expeditionem 
magis  quam  ducem  probaret,"  are  his  cautious  words  (1.  viii.,  p.  445). 

There  is  a  mystery  about  the  fate  of  Don  John.  "  Nam  super  natalium 
sortem  Tunetense  quondam  regnum,  tune  et  Angliam  sperasse  manifestus, 
et  cum  Lotharingis  in  Gallica  aula  praepotentibus,  clam  Philippum, 
sociasse  consilia,  facile  et  res  Belgicas  in  se  versurus  timebatur.  Unde 
nee  veneni  suspicio  abfuit,  incertum  tamen  unde  dati,  quippe  inventis 
sacerdotibus  Romanas  professionis,  qui  suam  in  hoc  operam  patriae  im- 
putarent.  Anglos  alii  suspectabant,  non  ita  dudum  supplicio  affectis, 
qui  inde  immissi  in  ipsum  percursores  dicebantur"  (Grotius,  p.  61). 

The  Englishmen  here  spoken  of  were  Egremont  Ratcliffe,  and  one 
Grey,  the  former  son  to  the  Earl  of  Sussex  by  a  second  wife,  a  man  of  a 
turbulent  spirit,  and  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  northern  rebellion.  The  Eng- 
lish emigrants  accused  him  of  intending  to  assassinate  Don  John,  in 
whose  army  he  was  serving,  and  he  and  Grey  were  executed  upon  this. 
"The  Spaniards,"  says  Camden,  "  give  out  that  Ratcliffe  at  his  death 
voluntarily  confessed  he  had  been  released  from  the  Tower  purposely 
to  commit  this  murder,  and  encouraged  to  it  by  Walsingham  with 
great  promises.  The  English  that  were  there  present  deny  that  he  made 
any  such  confession,  though  the  emigrants  did  what  they  could  to  extort 
it  from  him"  (p.  227).  They  were  put  to  the  torture  after  Don  John's 
death,  by  the  Prince  of  Parma,  and  executed  upon  the  confession  thus 
extorted  (Strada,  557).  If  Don  John  were  poisoned,  the  cause  of  their 
execution  is  evident  enough. 

This  was  an  absurd  charge,  and  could  be  believed  only  by  that  party 
spirit  which  will  believe  anything.  Common  as  the  employment  of 
assassins  was  in  that  age  for  party  motives,  the  English  Government 
stands  free  from  all  reproach  on  that  score ;  and  if  it  had  been  less 
scrupulous,  Don  John  was  no  object  of  its  jealousy  or  of  its  fear.  There 
is  a  strange  tale  of'his  intriguing  for  a  marriage  with  Elizabeth  ;  this  is 


24  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

that  ambitious  chief,  whose  story  is  more  like  a  fiction  of 
romance  or  tragedy  than  a  tale  of  real  life,  the  plots  against 
Elizabeth  were  renewed.  Pope  Gregory  XIII.  and  Philip,  by 
whom  the  scheme  was  now  concerted,  had  each  their  separate 
views ;  the  latter  saw  that  he  could  not  reduce  the  Nether- 
lands to  subjection  unless  he  were  master  of  the  sea,  and  that 
he  could  not  be  master  of  the  sea  till  he  should  have  subdued 
England.  The  Pope,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  authority,  was 
willing  to  confer  upon  him  an  apostolical  title  to  that  kingdom, 
giving  Ireland  at  the  same  time  to  his  own  bastard  son,  whom 
he  had  made  Marchese  de  Vineola.  The  notorious  adventurer 
Stukely  undertook  to  conquer  Ireland  for  this  king-aspirant, 
and  to  burn  the  ships  in  the  Thames.  For  this  service,  he 
asked  only  3000  men,  while  a  larger  force  of  Spaniards  and 
Portuguese  were  to  land  in  England.  To  show  on  what 
grounds  he  proceeded,  this  arch-traitor  presented  an  instru- 
ment to  Philip,  "  subscribed  with  the  names  of  most  of  the 
Irish  nobility,  and  of  divers  in  England  of  good  quality,  ready 

said  to  have  been  seriously  affirmed  by  letters  from  the  Low  Countries, 
and  it  has  also  been  affirmed  that  Escovedo  passed  two  months  in  England 
endeavouring  to  bring  about  a  negotiation  for  this  end  ;  but  nothing  that 
in  the  slightest  degree  supports  this,  appears  in  all  that  has  come  to  light 
concerning  Escovedo's  fate,  nor  in  any  English  documents.  It  is  only 
not  impossible,  because  Don  John  seems  to  have  loved  danger  and  dis- 
simulation for  their  own  sakes.  Instead  of  taking  a  safe  course  to  the 
Netherlands,  when  he  went  to  assume  the  government,  he  chose  to  pass 
through  France  in  the  disguise  of  a  negro  servant,  "  infuscato  ore,  vibrato 
capillo  ac  barba"  (Strada,  Dec.  iv.,  1.  ix.,  p.  460).  The  man  who  could 
choose  such  a  disguise,  would  think  no  plot  too  extravagant  in  which  he 
was  to  perform  a  conspicuous  part. 

Strada  suspects  that  the  story  was  devised  by  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
for  the  purpose  of  exasperating  Philip  against  his  brother  (p.  556).  But 
the  Prince  of  Orange  was  a  good  man,  engaged  in  a  good  cause,  .  .  .  too 
good  a  man  ever  to  have  served  it  by  wicked  means.  When  he  charged 
Philip  in  his  declaration,  with  the  death  of  Don  Carlos,  I  am  as  con- 
fident that  he  believed  the  charge  as  I  am  convinced  that  the  charge  itself 
was  an  atrocious  calumny. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  25 

to  be  at  his  devotion  ".  In  order  to  diminish  the  queen's 
means  of  naval  defence,  foreign  merchants  were  employed  to 
hire  for  distant  voyages  the  greater  part  of  those  merchant 
ships  which  were  built  and  furnished  for  sea-service.* 

It  is  said  that  Sebastian  of  Portugal  was  intended  for  the 
command  of  this  expedition.  Such  an  undertaking  would 
have  well  accorded  with  his  temper,  and  with  the  principles 
wherewith  his  pernicious  education  had  thoroughly  imbued 
him.  The  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew's  had  been  concerted 
with  his  knowledge  :  an  armament,  which  he  had  prepared 
ostensibly  against  the  Turks,  was  to  have  sailed  in  aid  of  the 
French  Government,  if  that  massacre  had  failed ;  and  when 
the  news  of  its  perpetration  arrived,  Lisbon  was  illuminated, 
and  processions  made,  and  a  thanksgiving  sermon  preached 
by  the  most  eloquent  of  the  Spanish  preachers,  Frey  Luiz  de 
Granada  ;  and  an  ambassador  was  sent  to  congratulate  Charles 
IX.  |  upon  a  crime — for  which,  as  it  regards  himself,  it  may 
be  hoped  that  the  horror  and  remorse  which  speedily  brought 
him  to  an  untimely  death  may  have  atoned.  But  though 
Sebastian  had  proffered  to  the  Pope  his  utmost  services 
against  Mahommedans  and  heretics,  early  impressions  and 
national  feeling  led  him  to  tread  in  the  steps  of  his  heroic 
ancestors,  and  endeavour  to  recover  that  dominion  in  Africa 
which  they  had  unwisely  abandoned  for  the  sake  of  more 
distant  and  less  tenable  conquests.  Though  the  Pope  offered 
him  a  consecrated  banner  as  for  a  holy  war,  he  was  not  to  be 
diverted  from  his  purpose ;  and  Stukely,  who  arrived  in  the 
Tagus  with  800  men,  raised  for  the  invasion  of  Ireland,  was 
induced  to  postpone  that  purpose,  and  accompany  Sebastian 
to  Barbary.  Stukely  met  his  death  there,  ...  in  better 
company  than  he  deserved  to  die  in  ;  for  braver  or  nobler- 
minded  men  never  fell  in  battle  than  some  of  those  Portu- 
/ 

*  Camden,  230.     Turner,  574. 

t  Bayam,  Portugal  Cuidadoso  y  Lastimoso,  271,  272. 


26  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

guese  who  perished  on  that  disastrous  day.  Whether  Sebastian 
perished  with  them,  is  one  of  those  secrets  over  which  the 
grave  has  closed.  But  as  his  wilfulness  had  been  the  means 
of  averting  the  intended  invasion  of  England,  so  by  the  con- 
sequences of  his  defeat  and  disappearance  Portugal  became 
the  immediate  object  of  Philip's  designs :  his  chief  care  was 
devoted  to  obtaining  the  succession  for  himself;  and  the 
forces  which  had  been  levied  against  Elizabeth  were  employed 
in  establishing  his  ill-founded  claim  against  a  pretender  whose 
pretensions  were  weaker  than  his  own,  and  who  had  nothing 
to  support  them  but  the  favour  of  the  populace. 

A  few  years  earlier,  Cecil,  the  greatest  of  English  statesmen, 
thought  that  if  an  enemy  were  at  hand  to  assail  the  realm 
it  were  a  fearful  thing  to  consider,  because  of  its  growing 
weakness,  what  the  resistance  might  be.  The  cause  of  that 
weakness  he  perceived  "  in  the  queen's  celibacy,  and  the 
want  of  a  suitable  successor,  and  the  lack  of  foreign  alliances  ; 
in  the  feebleness  which  long  peace  had  induced,  the  weakness 
of  the  frontier,  the  ignorance  of  martial  knowledge  in  the 
subjects,  the  lack  of  meet  captains  and  trained  soldiers,  the 
rebellion  which  had  then  recently  broken  out  in  Ireland,  the 
over-much  boldness  which  the  mildness  of  the  queen's  govern- 
ment had  encouraged,  the  want  of  treasure,  the  excess  of  the 
ordinary  charges,  the  poverty  of  the  nobility  and  gentlemen 
of  service  (the  wealth  being  in  the  meaner  sort),  the  lack  of 
mariners  and  munition,  and  the  decay  of  morals  and  religion  "  ; 
but  the  greatest  danger  he  considered  to  be  that  which  arose 
from  "  the  determination  of  the  two  monarchies,  next  neigh- 
bours to  England,  to  subvert  not  only  their  own  subjects,  but 
also  all  others  refusing  the  tyranny  of  Rome,  and  their  earnest 
desire  to  have  the  Queen  of  Scots  possess  this  throne  of 
England  ".  *  One  alone  of  these  causes  of  danger  had  been 
remedied,  the  lack  of  mariners  :  a  race  of  seamen  such  as  no 

*  Memorial  of  the  state  of  the  realm,  quoted  by  Turner,  513. 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   RFFINGHAM  27 

former  times  had  equalled,  and  no  after  ones  have  surpassed, 
was  then  training  in  voyages  of  discovery  and  of  mercantile 
adventure.  For  the  predatory  spirit  by  which  the  speculators 
at  home,  as  well  as  the  adventurers  themselves,  were  influenced, 
some  provocation  had  been  given  ;  and  when  Elizabeth,  in 
answer  to  the  demand  made  by  the  Spanish  ambassador  for 
restitution  of  the  treasure  which  Drake  had  brought  home 
from  that  voyage  which  has  immortalised  his  name,  told  him 
that  Drake  should  be  forthcoming  to  answer  according  to  law, 
if  he  were  convicted  by  good  evidence  of  having  committed 
anything  against  law  or  right ;  and  that  the  property  was 
set  apart  in  order  that  it  might  be  restored  to  its  just 
claimants  ;  she  reminded  him  that  a  greater  sum  than  Drake 
had  brought  home  she  had  been  compelled  to  expend  in 
putting  down  those  rebellions  which  the  Spaniards  had  raised 
and  encouraged  both  in  Ireland  and  England  :  and  as  to  the 
complaint  which  he  preferred  against  the  English  for  sailing 
in  the  Indian  Ocean,  she  answered,  she  could  not  persuade 
herself  that  the  Bishop  of  Rome's  donation  had  conferred  upon 
the  kings  of  Spain  any  just  title  to  the  Indies  :  she  acknow- 
ledged no  prerogative  in  that  bishop  to  lay  any  restriction 
upon  princes  who  owed  him  no  obedience ;  nor  could  she 
allow  that  he  had  any  authority  to  enfeofF,  as  it  were,  the 
Spaniard  in  that  new  world,  and  invest  him  with  the  posses- 
sion thereof.  Neither  was  their  only  other  claim  to  be 
admitted,  which  was  no  more  than  that  they  had  touched 
here  and  there  upon  the  coast,  built  huts  there,  and  given 
names  to  a  river  or  a  cape.  This  donation  of  that  which  was 
another's,  and  this  imaginary  propriety,  did  not  preclude  other 
princes  from  trading  to  those  countries,  nor  from  transporting 
colonies  (without  breach  of  the  law  of  nations)  into  those 
parts  which  were  not  inhabited  by  Spaniards  (for  prescription 
without  possession  was  little  worth)  ;  nor  from  navigating  that 
vast  ocean,  seeing  that  the  sea  and  air  are  common  to  all.  A 
title  to  the  ocean  belonged  not  to  any  people  or  private 


28  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

persons,  forasmuch  as  neither  nature  nor  public  custom 
warranted  any  possession  thereof.  She  observed,  also,  that 
the  Spaniards,  by  their  hard  dealing  with  the  English,  whom 
they  had,  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations,  prohibited  from 
commerce,  had  drawn  upon  themselves  the  mischiefs  which 
they  now  complained  of.* 

The  charge  against  the  Spanish  Government,  of  having 
instigated  rebellion,  was  incontestable.  Stukely's  preparations 
had  not  been  secret,  and  an  English  fleet  had  been  stationed 
on  the  Irish  coast  to  intercept  him ;  and  that  fleet  had  not 
long  returned  to  England,  in  the  belief  that  all  present  danger 
was  past,  before  a  body  of  Spaniards  were  landed  in  Ireland, 
in  aid  of  the  first  Irish  rebellion  into  which  the  Romish 
religion  entered  as  an  exciting  cause,  ...  a  cause  from 
whence  have  arisen  the  greatest  evils  that  have  [afflicted,  and 
are  afflicting,  and  will  long  continue  to  afflict,  that  unhappy 
island.  The  Spaniards  fortified  themselves  in  Kerry ;  and 
when  the  lord  deputy,  Arthur  Lord  Grey  of  Wilton,  marched 
against  them,  and  sent  a  trumpet  "  to  demand  who  they  were, 
what  they  had  to  do  in  Ireland,  who  sent  them,  and  wherefore 
they  had  built  a  fort  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  dominions,  and 
withal  to  command  them  to  depart  with  speed,"  they 
answered,  that  they  were  sent  "  some  from  the  most  holy 
father,  the  Pope,  and  some  from  the  King  of  Spain,  to  whom 
the  Pope  had  given  Ireland,  Queen  Elizabeth  having,  as  a 
heretic,  forfeited  her  title  to  it.  They  would,  therefore,  hold 
what  they  had  gotten,  and  get  more  if  they  could."  The  con- 
fidence which  seemed  to  themselves  to  justify  this  language 
soon  failed  them ;  they  discovered  too  late  the  vanity  of  the 
promises  which  had  been  held  out  to  them,  the  condition  of 
the  people  with  whom  they  were  to  act,  and  the  dreadful 
character  of  the  war  which,  in  reliance  upon  their  support, 
had  been  begun.  They  were  besieged  by  land  ;  the  protect- 

*  Camden,  255. 


LORD   HOWARD   OF  EFFINGHAM  29 

ing  squadron  was  remanded  from  England,  and  cut  off  their 
escape  by  sea :  they  were  compelled  to  surrender  at  discretion, 
and  were  put  to  the  sword  ;  a  measure  which  grieved  Eliza- 
beth, and  which  she  disapproved,  even  when  she  admitted 
that  the  plea  of  stern  necessity  was  strongly  urged  in  its 
vindication.* 

It  was  easy  for  Elizabeth  to  justify  the  views  of  her  Govern- 
ment, and  the  peaceable  course  which  it  had  hitherto  pur- 
sued. Upon  general  principles,  too,  the  right  of  her  subjects 
to  explore  distant  seas  and  countries  might  well  be  asserted 
and  maintained,  but  she  made  no  attempt  to  defend  what  was 
not  strictly  defensible,  and  a  great  part  of  the  money  which 
Drake  had  brought  home  was  restored  to  the  Spaniards  ;  f  and 
some  of  the  chief  persons  belonging  to  the  court  refused  to 
accept  the  money  which  he  offered  them,  because  they  con- 
sidered it  to  have  been  gained  by  piracy.  This  is  said  to  have 
troubled  him  greatly,  for  he  no  doubt  was  of  opinion  that  the 
conduct  of  the  Spaniards  in  their  American  conquests  war- 
ranted any  hostile  proceedings  against  them ;  and  he  had  this 
to  encourage  him,  that,  while  statesmen  openly  condemned 
his  conduct,  or  only  covertly  protected  him,  "  the  common 
sort  of  people  admired  and  extolled  his  actions,  as  deeming  it 
no  less  honourable  to  have  enlarged  the  bounds  of  the  Eng- 
lish name  and  glory,  than  of  their  empire  ".  J  Indeed,  how- 
ever desirous  Elizabeth's  ministers  were  of  avoiding  a  war, 
they  saw  what  the  people  felt,  that  it  must  soon  be  forced 
upon  them,  and  that  overt  acts  on  the  part  of  Philip  would 

Camden,  243. 

t  It  was  paid  to  a  certain  Pedro  Sebura,  of  whom  Camden  says,  that  he 
"  pretended  himself  an  agent  for  retrieving  the  gold  and  silver,"  though  he 
had  no  letters  of  evidence  or  commission  so  to  do;  and  that  he  "  never 
repaid  it  to  the  right  owners,  but  employed  it  against  the  queen,  and  con- 
verted it  to  the  pay  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  Netherlands,  as  was  at  length 
when  it  was  too  late,  understood  "  (p.  255). 

Fuller's  Church  History,  sixteenth  century,  180-182. 


30  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

soon  follow  the  covert  hostility  which  had  long  been  carried 
on.  The  Jesuits,  who  were  now  the  moving  spirits  in  every 
conspiracy,  were  at  that  time  (to  use  a  word  current  in  that 
age)  completely  hispamolised,  and  this  was  not  because  the 
founder,  and  the  architect,  and  the  great  thaumaturgic  saint 
of  their  order  were  Spaniards,  but  because  the  chimerical 
hope  was  entertained  of  establishing  a  universal  monarchy  of 
which  Spain  was  to  be  the  temporal  and  Rome  the  spiritual 
head.  The  important  step  of  rendering  Spain  in  all  spiritual 
affairs  absolutely  subservient  to  Rome  had  been  effected  ;  and 
they  who  laboured  to  extend  the  Spanish  dominion  perceived 
that  the  succession  of  the  Scottish  line  to  the  throne  of 
England  must  be  unfavourable  to  the  interests  of  Spain, 
because  of  Mary's  connection  with  the  Guises ;  that  of  her 
son  would  be  detrimental  to  the  Romish  Church,  because  he 
had  been  carefully  and  well  educated  in  the  principles  of  the 
Protestant  faith,  and  it  was  now  evident  that  those  principles 
were  well  rooted  in  his  mind.  They  set  up,  therefore,  a  title 
of  the  King  of  Spain  to  the  English  crown,  by  which,  pre- 
posterous as  it  was,  not  a  few  of  the  English  Papists  were 
deluded.*  Some  of  the  queen's  counsellors  proposed  to  her, 
as  a  counter-project,  that  she  should  foment  the  difference 
which  then  existed  between  Philip  and  the  Pope  concerning 
the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  assist  Gregory  not  as  Pope,  but 

*  This  title,  Fuller  says  (180),  was  "  as  much  admired  by  their  o\vn 
party,  as  slighted  by  the  queen  and  her  loyal  subjects.  Indeed  it  is  easy 
for  any  indifferent  herald  so  to  devise  a  pedigree,  as  in  some  seeming 
probability  to  entitle  any  prince  in  Christendom  to  any  principality  in 
Christendom  ;  but  such  will  shrink  on  serious  examination.  Yea,  I  believe 
Queen  Elizabeth  might  pretend  a  better  title  to  the  kingdoms  of  Leon 
and  Castile  in  Spain,  as  descended,  by  the  House  of  York,  from  Edmond 
Earl  of  Cambridge,  and  his  lady,  co-heir  to  King  Pedro,  than  any  claim 
that  the  King  of  Spain  could  make  out  to  the  kingdom  of  England.  How- 
ever, much  mischief  was  done  hereby,  many  Papists  paying  their  good 
wishes  where  they  were  not  due,  and  defrauding  the  queen  (their  true 
creditor)  of  the  allegiance  belonging  unto  her." 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   EFFINGHAM  31 

in  his  character  of  temporal  prince,  with  ships  ;  thus,  they 
argued,  she  might  bring  about  a  diversion  of  the  Spanish 
forces,  and  prevent  an  invasion  of  her  own  dominions.  It 
might  have  been  a  sufficient  objection  to  any  such  proposal 
that  the  Papal  claim  rested  upon  Papal  grounds,  and  was 
not  maintainable  as  a  political  question.  But  Elizabeth 
saw  it  at  once  in  the  right  point  of  view  as  a  question  of 
honour  and  of  conscience  :  she  refused  to  "  entertain  compli- 
ance with  the  Pope  in  any  capacity,  or  any  conditions,  as 
dishonourable  to  herself,  and  distasteful  to  the  Protestant 
princes  ;  nor  would  she,"  says  our  good  Church  historian, 
"  touch  pitch  in  jest,  for  fear  of  being  defiled  in  earnest  ".* 

Part  of  the  system  which  the  hispaniolised  faction  pursued 
was  to  blacken  the  character  of  Elizabeth  by  every  imaginable 
calumny,  knowing  that  no  calumnies  can  be  too  absurd  for 
itching  ears,  and  hearts  that  are  prepossessed  with  hatred  for 
the  person  whom  it  is  proposed  to  injure.  Not  contented  with 
contending  that  she  was  of  illegitimate  birth,  they  affirmed 
that  she  was  the  offspring  of  an  incestuous  intercourse  between 
Henry  VIII.  and  his  own  daughter  !  They  arraigned  her  of 
the  vilest  ingratitude  towards  Philip,  to  whose  intercession, 
they  asserted,  she  had  been  three  times  beholden  for  her  life, 
when  sentence  of  death  had  been  passed  against  her  for 
treason  against  her  sister.  They  represented  the  punishment 
of  convicted  traitors,  and  the  preventive  measures  against 
preparatory  treason,  which  for  self-preservation  her  Govern- 
ment wras  compelled  to  pursue,  in  a  religious  persecution, 
against  which  the  advocates  and  agents  of  the  Inquisition, — 
yea,  the  very  men  who  had  kindled  the  fires  in  Smithfield, — 
filled  Europe  with  their  complaints.  Books  were  set  forth, 
wherein  it  was  not  contended,  but  dogmatically  taught,  that 
princes,  when  excommunicated  for  heresy,  were  to  be  deprived 
of  kingdom  and  life.  This  doctrine  received  the  sanction  of 

*  Fuller's  Church  History,  sixteenth  century,  180-182. 


32  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

the  censorial  authorities  in  Romish  countries  ;  and,  by  a  libel 
which  was  secretly  printed  in  England,  the  ladies  of  Eliza- 
beth's household  were  exhorted  to  deal  with  her  as  Judith 
had  dealt  with  Holofernes.*  Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  the 
Spanish  ambassador  in  England,  was  detected  in  a  corre- 
spondence with  those  Papists  whose  object  it  was,  by  foreign 
aid,  to  depose  the  queen  and  re-establish  the  Romish  religion. 
He  was  ordered  to  depart  the  land,  though  he  had  rendered 
himself  liable  to  the  utmost  severity  of  the  law  ;  and  the 
queen  was  still  so  desirous  of  continuing  at  peace  with  Spain, 
that  she  sent  the  clerk  of  her  council  into  that  countiy,  to 
inform  the  King  of  Spain  for  what  just  cause  his  minister  had 
been  sent  away,  and  withal  to  assure  him,  lest,  by  having  thus 
dismissed  Mendoza,  she  "  might  seem  to  renounce  the  ancient 
amity  that  had  subsisted  between  both  kingdoms,"  that  all 
amicable  offices  should  still  be  shown  by  her,  if  Philip  would 
send  any  other  minister  who  should  be  desirous  of  preserving 
friendship, — provided  only  that  a  like  reception  might  be 
given  to  her  ambassador.  But  this  minister  could  not  obtain 
a  hearing,  f 

Meantime  the  Prince  of  Orange,  who  had  recovered  after 
being  desperately  wounded  by  one  assassin,  perished  by  the 
hand  of  another ;  and  the  war  in  the  Netherlands  was 
vigorously  prosecuted  by  the  Prince  of  Parma,  a  general 
whose  martial  genius  had  then  never  been  equalled  in  modern 
warfare,  and,  perhaps,  has  never  since  been  surpassed.  Eliza- 
beth, in  her  cautious  policy,  hesitated  at  entering  into  any  direct 
alliance  with  the  united  States,  till  he  had  taken  Antwerp, 
after  one  of  the  most  memorable  sieges  in  military  history. 
She  then  hesitated  no  longer,  lest  the  war  should  be  brought 
home  to  her  own  doors ;  and  concluded  a  treaty,  whereby  she 
contracted  to  aid  the  States  with  5000  foot  and  1000  horse 
during  the  war,  the  States  engaging  to  repay  the  expense  thus 

*  Camden,  295,  307.  t  Ibid.,  296. 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   EFFINGHAM  33 

incurred,  in  the  course  of  five  years  after  the  conclusion  of  a 
peace.  Flushing,  Rammakens,  and  the  Briel,  were  to  be 
occupied  by  English  troops  as  caution  towns.  The  contracting 
parties  were  to  enter  into  no  league,  but  on  common  consent ; 
and  ships  for  their  mutual  defence  were  to  be  equipped  in 
equal  numbers  by  both  parties,  at  their  common  charge,  and 
to  be  commanded  by  the  admiral  of  England.  The  Zeelanders, 
in  honour  of  this  alliance,  coined  money  with  the  arms  of  that 
province  on  one  side,  a  lion  rising  out  of  the  waves,  and  the 
motto  Luctor  et  emergo  ;  and  on  the  other  the  arms  of  the 
several  cities,  with  the  motto,  Authore  Deo,favente  Regina.* 
A  declaration  was  published  in  the  queen's  name,  "  of  the 
causes  which  had  moved  her  to  give  aid  to  the  defence  of  the 
people  afflicted  and  oppressed  in  the  Low  Countries " ;  for 
"  although  kings  and  princes  sovereign,  it  was  said,  were  not 
bound  to  render  account  of  their  actions  to  any  but  to  God, 
their  only  sovereign  Lord,  we  are,  notwithstanding  this  our 
prerogative,  at  this  time  specially  moved  to  publish,  not  only 
unto  our  own  natural  loving  subjects,  but  also  to  all  others  our 
neighbours,  what  our  intention  is  at  this  time,  and  upon  what 
just  and  reasonable  grounds  we  are  moved  to  give  aid  unto 
our  next  neighbours,  the  natural  people  of  the  Low  Countries 
being,  by  long  wars  and  persecutions  of  strange  nations  there, 
lamentably  afflicted,  and  in  present  danger  to  be  brought 
into  a  perpetual  servitude  ". 

"  First,"  said  this  declaration,  "  it  is  to  be  understood  that 
there  hath  been,  time  out  of  mind,  even  by  the  natural 
situation  of  those  Low  Countries  and  our  realm  of  England, 
one  directly  opposite  to  the  other,  and  by  reason  of  the  ready 
crossing  of  the  seas,  andjnultitudes  of  large  and  commodious 
havens  respectively  on  both  sides,  a  continual  traffic  and  com- 
merce betwixt  the  people  of  England  and  the  natural  people 
of  those  countries,  and  so  continued  in  all  ancient  times,  when 


Camden,  324. 
3 


34  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

the  several  provinces  thereof,  as  Flanders,  Holland,  and 
Zeeland,  and  other  countries  to  them  adjoining,  were  pos- 
sessed by  several  lords,  and  not  united  together  as  of  late 
years  they  have  been  by  inter-marriages,  and  at  length  by 
concurrence  of  many  and  sundry  titles,  reduced  to  be  under 
the  government  of  those  lords  that  succeeded  to  the  Dukedom 
of  Burgundy  :  whereby  there  had  been  many  special  confede- 
rations, not  only  betwixt  the  kings  of  England  and  the  lords 
of  the  said  countries,  but  also  betwixt  the  very  natural  subjects 
of  both,  as  the  prelates,  noblemen,  citizens,  burgesses  and 
other  commonalties  of  the  great  cities  and  port  towns  of 
either  country  reciprocally,  by  special  obligations  and  stipula- 
tions under  their  seals  interchangeably,  for  maintenance  of 
commerce  and  intercourse  of  merchants,  and  also  of  special 
mutual  amity  to  be  observed ;  and  very  express  provision  for 
mutual  favours,  affections,  and  all  other  friendly  offices  to  be 
used  and  prosecuted  by  the  people  of  the  one  nation  towards 
the  other.  By  which  mutual  bonds  there  hath  continued 
perpetual  union  of  the  people's  hearts  together  ;  and  so,  by 
way  of  continual  intercourse,  from  age  to  age,  the  same  mutual 
love  hath  been  inviolably  kept  and  exercised,  as  it  had  been 
by  the  will  of  nature,  and  never  utterly  dissolved,  nor  yet  for 
any  long  time  discontinued,  howsoever  the  kings  and  the  lords 
of  the  countries  sometimes  (though  very  rarely)  have  been  at 
difference,  by  sinister  means  of  some  other  princes,  their 
neighbours,  envying  the  felicity  of  these  two  countries.  And 
so  had  the  same  mutual  and  natural  concourse  and  commerce 
been  continued  in  many  ages,  far  above  the  like  example  of 
any  other  countries  in  Christendom,  to  the  honour  and  strength 
of  the  princes,  and  to  the  singular  great  benefit  and  enriching 
of  their  people,  until  of  late  years  the  King  of  Spain  had  been 
(as  it  is  to  be  thought)  counselled  by  his  counsellors  of  Spain 
to  appoint  Spaniards,  foreigners,  and  strangers  of  strange 
blood, — men  more  exercised  in  war  than  in  peaceful  govern- 
ment, and  some  of  them  notably  delighted  in  blood,  as  had 


LORD    HOWARD    OF    EFFINGHAM  35 

appeared  by  their  actions, — to  be  the  chiefest  governors  of 
all  his  said  Low  Countries,  contrary  to  the  ancient  laws  and 
customs  thereof.  The  Spaniards,  having  no  natural  regard  to 
the  maintenance  of  those  people  in  their  ancient  manner  of 
peaceable  living,  but  being  exalted  to  absolute  government 
by  ambition,  and  for  private  lucre,  have  violently  broken  the 
ancient  laws  and  liberties,  and,  in  a  tyrannous  sort,  have 
banished,  killed,  and  destroyed,  without  order  of  law,  many  of 
the  most  ancient  and  principal  persons  of  the  natural  nobility, 
that  were  most  worthy  of  government.  And  howsoever,  in 
the  beginning  of  these  cruel  persecutions,  the  pretence 
thereof  was  for  maintenance  of  Romish  religion,  yet  they 
spared  not  to  deprive  very  many  Catholics  and  ecclesiastical 
persons  of  their  franchises  and  privileges ;  and  of  the  chiefest 
that  were  executed  of  the  nobility,  none  was  in  the  whole 
country  more  affected  to  that  religion  than  was  the  noble  and 
valiant  Count  of  Egmond,  the  very  glory  of  that  country, 
who  neither  for  his  singular  victories  in  the  service  of  the 
King  of  Spain  can  be  forgotten  in  true  histories,  nor  yet  for 
the  cruelty  used  for  his  destruction  be  but  for  ever  lamented 
in  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  that  country." 

The  declaration  proceeded  to  show  how  the  horrible 
calamities  thus  brought  upon  the  Low  Countries  had  moved 
to  compassion  even  such  of  their  neighbours  as  had  been  at 
frequent  discord  with  them  in  former  times,  insomuch  that 
the  French  king  thought,  very  many  years  ago,  to  have  taken 
them  under  his  protection,  had  not  (as  the  deputies  of  the 
States  were  answered)  the  "  complots  of  the  house  of  Guise, 
stirred  and  maintained  by  money  out  of  Spain,  disturbed  the 
peace  of  France,  and  thereby  urged  the  king  to  forbear  from 
the  resolution  he  had  made,  not  to  aid  those  oppressed  people 
of  the  Low  Countries  against  the  Spaniards,  but  also  to  have 
accepted  them  as  his  own  subjects.  But,  in  very  truth,  how- 
ever, they  were  comforted  and  kept  in  hope  by  the  French 
king,  who  had  oftentimes  solicited  us,  as  Queen  of  England, 


36  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

both  by  message  and  writing,  to  be  careful  of  their  defence  ; 
yet,  in  respect  that  they  were  more  strictly  knit  in  ancient 
friendship  to  this  realm  than  to  any  other  country,  we  are 
sure  that  they  could  be  pitied  of  none  with  more  cause  of 
grief  generally  than  of  our  subjects,  being  their  most  ancient 
allies  and  familiar  neighbours  ;  and  that  in  such  manner  that 
this  our  realm  of  England  and  those  countries  have  been  of 
long  time  resembled  and  termed  as  man  and  wife.  For  these 
urgent  causes,  and  many  others,  we  have  by  many  friendly 
messages  and  ambassadors,  by  many  letters  and  writings,  to 
the  said  King  of  Spain,  our  brother  and  ally,  declared  our 
compassion  of  this  so  evil  and  cruel  usage  of  his  natural  and 
loyal  people.  And  furthermore,  as  a  good  loving  sister  to 
him,  and  a  natural  good  neighbour  to  his  Low  Countries,  we 
have  often  and  often  again  most  friendly  warned  him,  that  if 
he  did  not  by  his  wisdom  and  princely  clemency,  restrain  the 
tyranny  of  his  governors,  and  cruelty  of  his  men  of  war,  we 
feared  that  the  people  should  be  forced,  for  safety  of  their 
lives,  and  for  continuance  of  their  native  country  in  the 
former  state  of  their  liberties,  to  seek  the  protection  of  some 
other  foreign  lord,  or  rather  to  yield  themselves  wholly  to  the 
sovereignty  of  some  mighty  prince  ;  as  by  the  ancient  laws, 
and  by  special  privileges  granted  by  some  of  the  lords  and 
dukes  to  the  people,  they  do  pretend  and  affirm  that  in  such 
cases  of  general  injustice,  and  upon  such  violent  breaking  of 
their  privileges,  they  are  free  from  their  former  homage,  and 
at  liberty  to  make  choice  of  any  other  prince  to  be  their 
head.  By  some  such  alteration,  as  stories  testify,  Philip,  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  came  to  his  title,  from  which  the  King  of 
Spain's  interest  is  derived.  And  now,  to  stay  them  from 
yielding  themselves  in  any  like  sort  to  the  sovereignty  of  any 
other  strange  prince,  we  yielded  some  years  past  to  the  im- 
portunate requests  of  some  of  the  greatest  persons  of  degree 
and  most  obedient  subjects  to  the  king,  and  granted  them 
prests  of  money,  only  to  continue  them  as  his  subjects,  and  to 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM          37 

maintain  themselves  in  their  just  defence  against  the  violence 
of  the  Spaniards,  their  oppressors  ;  and  during  the  time  of 
that  our  aid  thus  given,  and  their  stay  in  their  obedience  to 
the  King  of  Spain,  we  did  freely  acquaint  the  same  king  with 
our  actions,  and  did  still  continue  our  friendly  advices  to  him, 
to  move  him  to  command  his  governors  and  men  of  war  not 
to  use  such  insolent  cruelties  against  his  people  as  might  make 
them  to  despair  of  his  favour,  and  seek  some  other  lord. 

"  For  we  did  manifestly  see  if  the  nation  of  Spain  should 
make  a  conquest  of  those  countries,  as  was  and  yet  is  ap- 
parently intended,  and  plant  themselves  there  as  they  have 
done  in  Naples  and  other  countries,  adding  thereto  the  late 
examples  of  the  hostile  enterprise  of  a  power  of  Spaniards, 
sent  by  the  King  of  Spain  and  the  Pope  into  our  realm  of 
Ireland,  with  an  intent,  confessed  by  the  captains,  that  their 
number  was  sent  to  seize  upon  some  strength  there,  and  with 
other  great  forces  to  pursue  a  conquest  thereof,  we  did  mani- 
festly see  in  what  danger  our  ourself,  country  and  people 
might  shortly  be,  if  in  convenient  time  we  did  not  speedily 
otherwise  regard  to  prevent  or  stay  the  same."  The  queen 
then  complained,  that  notwithstanding  her  often  requests  and 
advices,  the  king's  governors  in  the  Low  Countries  increased 
their  cruelties  toward  his  own  afflicted  people,  and  his  officers 
in  Spain  offered  daily  greater  injuries  to  the  English  resorting 
thither  for  traffic :  yea,  her  express  messengers  with  her 
letters  were  not  permitted  to  come  to  the  king's  presence, — 
"  a  matter  very  strange,  and  against  the  law  of  nations".  She 
contrasted  the  unworthy  treatment  of  her  ambassadors  in 
Spain,  with  her  conduct  towards  the  Spanish  ambassadors, 
and  especially  Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  "  one,"  said  she, 
"  whom  we  did  accept  and  use  with  great  favour  a  long  time, 
as  was  seen  in  our  court,  and  we  think  cannot  be  denied  by 
himself :  but  yet  of  late  years  (we  know  not  by  what  direc- 
tion), we  found  him  to  be  a  secret  great  favourer  to  sundry 
our  evil-disposed  and  seditious  subjects,  not  only  to  such  as 


38  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

lurked  in  our  realm,  but  also  to  such  as  fled  the  same,  being 
notoriously  condemned  as  open  rebels  and  traitors,  with  whom, 
by  his  letters,  messages,  and  secret  counsels,  he  did  in  the  end 
devise  how,  with  a  power  of  men,  partly  to  come  out  of  Spain, 
partly  out  of  the  Low  Countries  (whereof  he  gave  them  great 
comfort  in  the  king's  name),  an  invasion  might  be  made  into 
our  realm ;  setting  down  in  writing  the  manner  how  the  same 
should  be  done,  with  what  number  of  men  and  ships,  and  upon 
what  coasts,  ports,  and  places  of  our  realm,  and  who  the 
persons  should  be,  therein  of  no  small  account,  that  should 
favour  this  invasion,  and  take  part  with  the  invaders :  facts 
which  have  been  most  clearly  proved,  and  confessed  by  such 
as  were  in  that  confederacy  with  him  ;  yet  when  he  had  been 
charged  with  these  practices,  and  it  had  been  made  patent 
to  him  how  and  by  whom,  with  many  other  circumstances,  we 
knew  it,  he  was  caused,  in  very  gentle  sort,  to  depart  out  of 
our  realm,  the  rather  for  his  own  safety,  as  one  in  very  deed 
mortally  hated  of  our  people  ". 

The  declaration  proceeded  to  state  what  the  queen  had 
done  for  delivering  Scotland  from  the  servitude  into  which 
the  house  of  Guise  meant  to  have  brought  it,  and  that  by  her 
means  only  it  had  been  restored  to  its  ancient  freedom,  and 
was  so  possessed  by  the  present  king,  whereby  Scotland  had 
remained  in  better  amity  and  peace  with  England  than  could 
be  remembered  for  many  hundred  years  before.  It  concluded 
by  saying  how,  upon  the  continued  and  lamentable  requests 
of  the  States  of  Holland,  Zeeland,  Gueldres,  and  other  pro- 
vinces with  them  united,  the  queen  had,  with  good  advice, 
and  after  long  deliberation,  determined  to  aid  them,  "  only  to 
defend  them  and  their  towns  from  sacking  and  desolation, 
and  to  procure  them  safety,  to  the  honour  of  God,  whom  they 
desire  to  serve  sincerely  as  Christian  people,  according  to  His 
holy  word,  and  to  enjoy  their  ancient  liberties,  for  them  and 
their  posterity,  and  so,  consequently,  to  preserve  the  lawful 
and  ancient  commerce  betwixt  those  countries  and  ours.  And 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  39 

so,"  said  this  magnanimous  queen,  "we  hope  our  intentions 
herein,  and  our  subsequent  actions,  will  be,  by  God's  favour, 
honourably  interpreted  of  all  persons  (saving  of  the  oppressors 
themselves  and  their  partisans),  in  that  we  mean  not  hereby 
either  for  ambition  or  malice,  the  two  roots  of  all  injustice, 
to  make  any  particular  profit  hereof  to  ourself  or  to  our 
people ;  only  desiring  at  this  time  to  obtain,  by  God's  favour, 
for  these  countries  a  deliverance  of  them  from  war  by  the 
Spaniards  and  foreigners,  a  restitution  of  their  ancient  liberties, 
and  government  by  some  Christian  peace,  and  thereby  a  surety 
for  ourselves  and  our  realm  to  be  free  from  invading  neigh- 
bours, and  our  people  to  enjoy  their  lawful  intercourse  of 
friendship  and  merchandise,  according  to  the  ancient  usage 
and  treaties  of  intercourse  made  betwixt  our  progenitors  and 
the  lords  and  earls  of  those  countries,  and  betwixt  our  people 
and  theirs.  And  though  our  further  intention  also  is,  or  may 
be,  to  take  into  our  guard  some  few  towns  upon  the  sea-side, 
next  opposite  to  our  realm,  which  otherwise  might  be  in 
danger  to  be  taken  by  the  strangers,  enemies  of  the  country ; 
yet  therein  considering  we  have  no  meaning  at  this  time  to 
take  and  retain  the  same  to  our  own  proper  use,  we  hope  all 
persons  will  think  it  agreeable  with  good  reason  and  princely 
policy  that  we  should  have  the  guard  and  use  of  some  such 
places,  for  sure  access  and  recess  of  our  people  and  soldiers 
in  safety,  and  for  furniture  of  them  with  victuals  and  other 
things  requisite  and  necessary,  whilst  it  shall  be  needful  for 
them  to  continue  in  those  countries,  for  the  aiding  thereof  in 
these  their  great  calamities,  miseries,  and  imminent  danger, 
and  until  the  countries  may  be  delivered  of  such  strange  forces 
as  do  now  oppress  them,  and  recover  their  ancient  lawful 
liberties  and  manner  of  government,  to  live  in  peace  as  they 
have  heretofore  done,  and  do  now  most  earnestly  in  lament- 
able manner  desire  to  do,  which  are  the  very  only  true  ends 
of  all  our  actions  now  intended." 

At  the  conclusion,  the  queen  alluded  to  the  "  cankered  con- 


40  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

ceits/'  uttered  by  malicious  tongues,  and  blasphemous  reports, 
in  such  infamous  libels,  that  in  no  age  had  the  devil  employed 
more  spirits  replenished  with  all  wickedness  to  utter  his  rage. 
An  appendix  was  added  to  this  declaration,  in  consequence  of 
an  account  of  the  siege  of  Antwerp,  printed  at  Milan,  in  which 
said  she  :  "  We  found  ourselves  most  maliciously  charged  with 
two  notable  crimes,  no  less  hateful  to  the  world  than  most 
repugnant  and  contrary  to  our  own  natural  inclination.  The 
one  with  ingratitude  towards  the  King  of  Spain,  who,  as  the 
author  saith,  saved  our  life,  being  justly  by  sentence  adjudged 
to  death  in  our  sister's  time  ;  the  other,  that  there  were 
persons  corrupted  with  great  promises,  and  that  with  our 
intelligence,  to  take  away  the  Prince  of  Parma's  life.  Now, 
knowing  how  men  are  maliciously  bent,  in  this  declining  age 
of  the  world,  both  to  judge,  speak,  and  write  maliciously, 
falsely,  and  unreverently  of  princes,  and  holding  nothing  so 
dear  unto  us  as  the  conservation  of  our  reputation  and  honour 
to  be  blameless,  we  found  it  very  expedient  not  to  suffer  two 
such  horrible  imputations  to  pass  under  silence.  And  for 
answer  of  the  first  point,  touching  our  ingratitude  towards  the 
King  of  Spain,  as  we  do  most  willingly  acknowledge  that  we 
were  beholden  unto  him  in  the  time  of  our  late  sister,  which 
we  then  did  acknowledge  very  thankfully,  and  have  sought 
many  ways  since  in  like  sort  to  requite,  so  do  we  utterly  deny 
as  a  most  manifest  untruth,  that  ever  he  was  the  cause  of  the 
saving  of  our  life,  as  a  person  by  course  of  justice  sentenced 
unto  death,  who  ever  carried  ourself  towards  our  said  sister  in 
such  dutiful  sort,  as  our  loyalty  was  never  called  in  question, 
much  less  any  sentence  of  death  *  pronounced  against  us  :  a 

*  This  accusation  was  not  made  by  pamphleteers  and  mere  libellers 
only.  Herrera,  the  royal  chronicler,  in  his  Historia  General  del  Mundo 
for  the  first  seventeen  years  of  Philip's  reign,  asserts  that  Elizabeth  was 
on  three  several  occasions  condemned  to  death  for  treason  against  her 
sister,  and  as  often  pardoned  through  the  king's  intercession :  "  Y  el 
librarla  los  Espanoles  con  tanto  cuydado  de  la  muerte,  dezian  los  Fran- 


LORD    HOWARD    OF    EFFINGHAM  41 

matter  such  as  in  respect  of  the  ordinary  course  of  proceeding, 
as  by  process  in  law,  by  place  of  trial,  by  the  judge  that 
should  pronounce  such  sentence,  and  other  necessary  circum- 
stances in  like  cases  usual,  especially  against  one  of  our 
quality,  as  it  could  not  but  have  been  publicly  known,  if  any 
such  thing  had  been  put  in  execution.  This,  then,  being  true, 
we  leave  to  the  world  to  judge  how  maliciously  and  in- 
juriously the  author  of  the  said  pamphlet  dealeth  with  us  in 
charging  us  with  a  vice  that  of  all  others  we  do  most  hate  and 
abhor.  And  by  the  manifest  untruth  of  this  imputation,  men, 
not  transported  with  passion,  may  easily  discern  what  untruth 
is  contained  in  the  second,  by  which  we  are  charged  with  an 
intended  attempt  against  the  life  of  the  Prince  of  Parma.  He 
is  one  of  whom  we  have  ever  had  an  honourable  conceit,  in 
respect  of  those  singular  rare  parts  we  always  have  noted  in 
him,  which  hath  won  unto  him  as  great  a  reputation  as  any 
man  this  day  living  carrieth  of  his  degree  and  quality  ;  and  so 
have  we  always  delivered  out  by  speech  unto  the  world,  when 
any  occasion  hath  been  offered  to  make  mention  of  him.  And 
touching  the  prosecution,  committed  unto  him,  of  the  wars  in 
the  Low  Countries,  as  all  men  of  judgment  know,  that  the 


ceses  que  se  hazia  porque  no  sucediesse  en  la  corona  de  Inglaterra  Maria 
reyna  de  Escocia,  casada  con  Francisco  delfin  de  Francia ;  y  los  Espa- 
noles  dezian  contra  los  Franceses  que  procuravan  de  enganar  a  Ysabel, 
metiendola  en  estos  trabajos,  para  que  muriendo  por  ellos,  quedasse  de- 
sembarazada  la  sucession  a  la  reyna  de  Escocia  "  (Let.  vi.,  c.  xiii.,  p.  399). 
Herrera  probably  believed  what  he  asswted,  if  what  Strada  affirms  be 
true,  that  the  statement  was  made  by  Pnk'p  himself!  That  king,  the 
Jesuit  says,  was  incensed  against  Elizabeth,  *  "antoquidem  acriore  sensu, 
quanto  pro  beneficiis,  proque  vita  ipsa,  quam  ei  bis  terque  se  dedisse  rex 
affirmabat,  dum  conspirationum  insimulatam,  e  carcere,  capitalique 
judicio  liberaverat ;  pro  his  aliisque  promeritis  alias  super  alias  accepisse 
se  indesinenter  injurias  agnoscebat  "  (p.  526).  The  chronicler  adds  that 
Calais  was  betrayed,  with  Elizabeth's  consent,  she  hoping  thereby  to 
break  her  sister's  heart,  "  para  acabar  con  estos  enojos  tanto  mas  presto 
la  vida  de  su  hermana  ". 


42  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

taking  away  of  his  life  carrieth  no  likelihood  that  the  same 
shall  work  any  end  of  the  said  prosecution,  so  is  it  manifestly 
known  that  no  man  hath  dealt  more  honourably  than  the 
said  prince,  either  in  duly  observing  of  his  promise,  or  extend- 
ing grace  and  mercy  where  merit  and  desert  hath  craved  the 
same  ;  and,  therefore,  no  greater  impiety  by  any  could  be 
wrought,  nor  nothing  more  prejudicial  to  ourself  (so  long  as 
the  king  shall  continue  the  prosecution  of  the  cause  in  that 
forcible  sort  he  now  doth),  than  to  be  an  instrument  to  take 
him  away  from  thence  by  such  violent  means,  that  hath  dealt 
in  a  more  honourable  and  gracious  sort  in  the  charge  com- 
mitted unto  him,  than  any  other  that  hath  ever  gone  before 
him,  or  is  likely  to  succeed  after  him.  Now,  therefore,  how 
unlikely  it  is  that  we  should  be  either  author,  or  any  way 
assenting  to  so  horrible  a  fact,  we  refer  to  the  judgment  of 
such  as  look  into  causes,  not  with  the  eyes  of  their  affection, 
but  do  measure  and  weigh  things  according  to  honour  and 
reason.  The  best  course,  therefore,  that  both  we  and  all 
other  princes  can  hold,  in  this  unfortunate  age,  that  over- 
floweth  with  malignant  spirits,  is,  through  the  grace  and 
goodness  of  Almighty  God,  to  direct  our  course  in  such  sort, 
as  they  may  rather  show  their  wills  through  malice,  than  with 
just  cause  by  desert  to  say  ill  either  by  speech  or  writing ; 
assuring  ourselves,  that  besides  the  punishment  that  such 
wicked  libellers  shall  receive  at  the  hands  of  the  Almighty 
for  depraving  of  princes  and  lawful  magistrates,  who  are  God's 
ministers,  they  both  are  and  always  shall  be  thought  by  all 
good  men  unworthy  to  live  upon  the  face  of  the  earth."  * 

When  Elizabeth  thus  openly  allied  herself  with  the  united 
States,  which  were,  in  fact,  declaring  war  against  Spain,  the 
other  Christian  princes  "  admired  such  manly  fortitude  in  a 
woman  ;  and  the  King  of  Sweden  said,  she  had  taken  the 
crown  from  her  head  and  adventured  it  upon  the  chance  of 

*  Holinshed,  621-630. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  43 

war  ".  *  But  no  new  or  additional  danger  was  drawn  upon 
her  by  this  declaration.  The  plan  of  invasion  which  Se- 
bastian's expedition  to  Africa  had  frustrated,  and  which  had 
been  suspended  in  consequence  of  the  subsequent  events  in 
Portugal,  had  been  resumed  two  years  before  this  treaty  with 
the  States  was  concluded.  The  Prince  of  Parma  had  at  that 
time  been  ordered  to  obtain  accurate  information  respecting 
the  English  ports  and  their  means  of  defence  :  the  Milanese 
engineer,  Battista  Piatti,  who  constructed  the  bridge  over 
the  Scheldt  during  the  siege  of  Antwerp,  was  one  of  the 
persons  thus  employed  ;  he  had  drawn  up  a  report  accordingly, 
and  proceeded  to  Spain  to  give  what  further  information  might 
be  required,  f  A  negotiation  pending  with  the  Queen  of 
Scots,  for  her  release,  upon  her  engagement  that  her  agents 
should  attempt  nothing  to  the  injury  of  Elizabeth  or  of  Eng- 
land, was  broken  off,  partly,  says  Camden,  because  of  certain 
fears  cast  in  the  way  by  those  who  knew  how  to  increase 
suspicions  between  women  already  displeased  with  one 
another  ;  but  chiefly  in  consequence  of  certain  papers,  which 
a  Scotch  Jesuit,  on  his  passage  to  Scotland,  when  captured  by 
some  Netherlander,  tore  in  pieces  and  cast  overboard  :  the 
wind  blew  them  back  into  the  ship,  and  from  these  fragments 
the  designs  of  the  Pope,  the  Spaniard,  and  the  Guises,  for 
invading  England,  were  discovered.^  The  detection  of  a 
nearer  treason  led  to  the  death  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  an  act 
by  which  Elizabeth,  if  she  lessened  her  own  immediate  danger 
and  that  of  the  nation  (which  may  well  be  doubted),  brought 
upon  herself  an  ineffaceable  stain,;;  purchasing  self-preservation 

*  Camden,  321.  fStrada,  526.  £  Camden,  299. 

§  Parry  in  a  letter  to  the  queen,  after  his  condemnation,  says  :  "  The 
Queen  of  Scots  is  your  prisoner.  Let  her  be  honourably  entreated,  but 
yet  surely  guarded.  She  may  do  you  good  ;  she  will  do  you  no  harm,  if 
the  fault  be  not  English.  It  importeth  you  much  ;  so  long  as  it  is  well 
with  her,  it  is  safe  with  you.  When  she  is  in  fear,  you  are  not  without 
peril.  Cherish  and  love  her.  She  is  of  your  blood,  and  your  undoubted 
heir  in  succession.  It  is  so  taken  abroad,  and  will  be  found  so  at  home  " 
(Strype's  Annals,  App.  No.  46). 


44  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

at  a  greater  price  than  it  is  worth.  But  it  is  not  upon  Eliza- 
beth that  the  blackest  stigma  should  be  affixed.  The  English 
Parliament  called  upon  her  for  blood.  Not  a  voice  in  either 
House  was  raised  against  the  popular  cry.  The  Commons  came 
to  a  resolution,  "  that  no  other  way,  device,  or  means  whatso- 
ever could  possibly  be  found  or  imagined,  that  safety  could  in 
any  wise  be  had  as  long  as  the  Queen  of  Scots  were  living.* 
To  spare  her,"  they  said,  "  were  nothing  else  but  to  spill  the 
people,  who  would  take  all  impunity  in  this  case  very  much  to 
heart,  and  would  not  think  themselves  discharged  of  their 
oath  of  association,  unless  she  were  punished  according  to  her 
deserts.  And  they  called  upon  Elizabeth  to  remember  the 
fearful  examples  of  God's  vengeance  upon  King  Saul  for 
sparing  Agag,  and  upon  King  Ahab  for  sparing  Benhadad."  I 
To  such  purposes  can  public  feeling  be  directed,  and  Scripture 
perverted  !  Some  of  those  great  personages  who  had  corre- 
sponded with  the  royal  prisoner,  and  were  implicated  more  or 
less  in  the  treasonable  practices  which  under  her  name  and 
with  her  concurrence  were  continually  carried  on,  began  now 
to  act  as  her  deadly  enemies,  thereby  the  better  to  conceal 
their  own  guilt.J  The  Spanish  party  thrust  her  forward  to 
her  own  danger,  that  by  her  destruction  the  way  might  be 
cleared  for  the  pretended  title  of  the  King  of  Spain.  §  They 
had  persuaded  themselves  that  nothing  but  an  absolute  con- 
quest of  the  island,  like  that  by  William  of  Normandy,  could 
establish  a  Catholic  prince  here,  and  reinstate  the  Romish 
religion  in  its  full  powers.  And  when  the  French  king, 
Henry  III.,||  sent  a  special  ambassador  publicly  to  speak  in  the 

*  Parliamentary  History,  844.  t  Camden,  363. 

llbid.,  344.  §  Ibid.,  331. 

||  Parry  says  of  him,  in  the  remarkable  letter  above  quoted,  in  which 
he  speaks  with  the  freedom  as  well  as  the  sincerity  of  a  dying  man  :  "  The 
French  king  is  French  ;  you  know  that  well  enough.  You  will  find  him 
occupied  when  he  should  do  you  good.  He  will  not  lose  a  pilgrimage  to 
save  vour  crown." 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  45 

Queen  of  Scots  behalf,  that  ambassador  was  charged  with 
secret  instructions  to  press  upon  Elizabeth  the  necessity  of 
putting  her  to  death  as  an  enemy,  who,  if  she  succeeded  to 
the  English  throne,  would,  through  her  connection  with  the 
Guises,  be  as  dangerous  to  him  as  she  now  was  to  the  Queen  of 
England  !  * 

The  death  of  Mary  may  have  preserved  England  from  the 
religious  struggle  which  would  have  ensued  upon  her  succes- 
sion to  the  throne,  but  it  delivered  Elizabeth  from  only  one, 
and  that  the  weakest,  of  her  enemies  ;  and  it  exposed  her  to 
a  charge  of  injustice  and  cruelty,  which,  being  itself  well 
founded,  obtained  belief  for  any  other  accusation,  however 
extravagantly  false.  It  was  not  Philip  alone  who  prepared 
for  making  war  upon  her  with  a  feeling  of  personal  hatred  : 
throughout  Romish  Christendom  she  was  represented  as  a 
monster  of  iniquity ;  that  representation  was  assiduously  set 
forth,  not  only  in  ephemeral  libels,  but  in  histories,  in  dramas, 
in  poems  and  in  hawkers'  pamphlets ;  f  and  when  the  King 
of  Spain  equipped  an  armament  for  the  invasion  of  England, 
volunteers  entered  it  with  a  passionate  persuasion  that  they 
were  about  to  bear  apart  in  a  holy  war  against  the  wickedest  and 
most  inhuman  of  tyrants.  The  Pope  exhorted  Philip  to  engage 
in  this  great  enterprise  for  the  sake  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
and  Apostolic  Church,  which  could  not  be  more  effectually 
nor  more  meritoriously  extended  than  by  the  conquest  of 
England ;  so  should  he  avenge  his  own  private  and  public 
wrongs  ;  so  should  he  indeed  prove  himself  most  worthy  of  the 
glorious  title  of  Most  Catholic  King.  And  he  promised,  as 
soon  as  his  troops  should  have  set  foot  in  that  island,  to  supply 
him  with  a  million  of  crowns  of  gold  |  towards  the  expenses 

*  Turner,  643.  Bayle's  critique  on  Maimbourg's  Hist,  of  Calvinism 
there  quoted. 

t  They  are  circulated  to  this  day  in  Spain  and  Portugal. 

£  The  money,  however,  was  not  forthcoming.  Strada,  when  he  relates 
the  offer,  adds  :  "Quod  magis  Xysti  magnanimitatem  ostendit,  quam  belli 


46  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

of  the  expedition.  Opportunity  could  never  be  more  favour- 
able :  he  had  concluded  a  truce  with  the  Turk  ;  the  French 
were  embroiled  in  civil  war,  and  could  offer  to  him  no  opposi- 
tion. England  was  without  forts  or  defences  :  long  peace  had 
left  it  unprovided  of  commanders  or  soldiers  ;  and  it  was  full 
of  Catholics,  who  would  joyfully  flock  to  his  standard.  The 
conquest  of  Portugal  had  not  been  easier  than  that  of 
England  would  be  found  ;  and  when  England  was  once  con- 
quered, the  Low  Countries  would  presently  be  reduced  to 
obedience. 

Such  exhortations  accorded  with  the  ambition,  the  passions, 
and  the  rooted  principles  of  the  King  of  Spain.  The  under- 
taking was  resolved  on  ;  and  while  preparations  were  making 
upon  the  most  formidable  scale,  it  was  deliberated  on  what 
plan  to  proceed.  Sir  William  Stanley,  the  most  noted  of 
those  persons  who  for  conscience'  sake  betrayed  their  trust, 
deserted  to  the  enemy,  and  bore  arms  against  this  country, 
advised  that  Ireland  should  be  the  first  point  of  attack.  He 
knew  that  country  well,  having  served  in  it  fifteen  years ; 
and  if  Waterford,  he  said,  were  once  taken  and  fortified,  the 
Spaniards  might  from  thence  reduce  the  one  island  and  invade 
the  other.  Piatti  was  of  opinion  that  it  were  better  to  begin 
with  Scotland,  where  he  was  led  to  believe  the  king  might 
be  induced  to  join  with  them  for  the  sake  of  revenging 
his  mother's  death.  Having  established  a  footing  there,  he 
thought  the  Isle  of  Wight  should  next  be  occupied.  A  noble 
inhabitant  of  that  island  had  promised  the  Prince  of  Parma  to 
show  him  a  place  known  only  to  himself,  by  Avhich  ships  could 
approach,  and  in  four  and  twenty  hours  obtain  possession  of 
it;  and  he  laid  before  Philip  a  plan  of  the  island,  and  a 
memoir  concerning  it,  which  had  been  drawn  up  at  the  Prince 

subsidium  fuit :  quippe,  ut  partem  hujus  summas  aliquam  pontifex  elargi- 
retur  ante  praefinitum  hoc  tempus,  nullis  adduci  potuit  aut  Hispani  legati, 
aut  Caesii  comitis  a  Parmensi  duce  propterea  Romam  missi,  persuasioni- 
bus"  (p.  527). 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   EFFINGHAM  47 

of  Parma's  desire.  The  Marquis  of  Santa  Cruz,  who  was  to 
be  commander-in-chief,  objected  to  neither  of  these  plans, 
but  he  urged  the  necessity  of  perpending  all  things  well 
before  an  expedition  should  be  sent  out,  in  which  Spain  put 
forth  all  her  strength  :  and  he  advised  that  a  port  should 
previously  be  secured,  either  in  Ireland,  or,  which  he  thought 
more  desirable,  in  Holland  or  Zeeland.  The  enterprise  might 
safely  be  undertaken,  if  the  fleet  were  thus  rendered  secure 
on  that  side.  This  was  the  opinion  which  the  Prince  of 
Parma  supported  in  his  letters.  He  represented  the  danger 
of  venturing  such  a  fleet  in  the  British  seas  without  providing 
a  harbour  into  which  it  might  retreat ;  and  Flushing,  he  said, 
was  the  only  one  in  the  Low  Countries  capacious  enough  for 
so  great  a  force.  Now  that  he  had  taken  Sluys,  Flushing 
might  more  easily  be  captured ;  and  he  strongly  advised  that 
the  capture  of  this  place  should  be  effected  before  the  Armada 
ventured  into  those  seas.  It  was  a  conquest  which,  with 
God's  help,  he  undertook  to  make.  But,  in  thus  advising, 
the  prince  had  a  further  object ;  he  was  not  willing  that 
Spain  should  divert  its  attention  from  the  Low  Countries, 
which  he  had  no  doubt  of  subjugating,  if  only  a  part  of  the 
force  designed  for  England  were  employed  for  that  purpose. 
Those  countries  once  subdued,  England  would  be  open  to 
invasion ;  and  of  this,  which  he  saw  clearly  himself,  he  hoped 
to  convince  the  king,  if  he  could  first  persuade  him  to  let  the 
siege  of  Flushing  be  undertaken.* 

But  Philip  would  hear  of  no  delay.  The  troubles  in  France 
and  the  treaty  with  the  Turks  allowed  him  at  this  time  to 
direct  his  whole  attention  towards  England  :  it  was  even  less 
costly  to  punish  that  country  by  an  invasion  than  to  defend 
the  coasts  of  his  own  empire  against  her  piratical  enterprises  ; 
and  he  felt  himself  bound  to  exact  vengeance  for  the  death  of 
the  Queen  of  Scots,  in  which  cause  all  sovereign  princes  were 

*  Strada,  528-531. 


48  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

concerned.  Objecting,  therefore,  to  any  attempt  upon 
Ireland,  which  would  be  opening  a  new  theatre  of  war,  or  to 
any  delay,  which  would  allow  the  enemy  time  to  prepare  for 
defence,  he  directed  the  prince  to  take  what  measures  he 
thought  best  for  exciting  the  Scotch  to  arms  ;  but  meantime 
to  make  ready  with  all  speed  for  co-operating  with  the  expedi- 
tion, which  would  set  sail  as  soon  as  he  should  be  in  readi- 
ness.* Upon  another  point,  also,  there  had  been  a  difference 
of  opinion  among  Philip's  advisers  :  some  of  whom  thought 
that  war  should  be  proclaimed  against  England,  both  to 
remove  suspicion  from  other  powers,  and  to  alarm  Elizabeth, 
who  might  then  be  induced  to  levy  foreign  troops  for  her 
defence  ;  which,  if  she  did,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  those 
troops,  according  to  the  usual  insolence  of  mercenaries,  would 
so  demean  themselves,  as  to  excite  discontent  among  the 
English  people,  and  consequent  confusion. f  The  formality  of 
declaring  war  was  however  disregarded  as  a  mere  form  on 
both  sides ;  and  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards  it  was  deemed 
more  politic  to  disturb  the  English  with  apprehensions  of  some 
great  but  indefinite  danger,  and  at  the  same  time  divert  them 
from  making  any  effectual  preparation  for  defence,  by  carrying 
on  negotiations  in  the  Low  Countries,  without  the  slightest 
intention  of  assenting  to  any  terms  of  reconciliation  that 
could  be  proposed. 

The  Prince  of  Parma,  therefore,  while  he  prepared  for  the 
invasion  with  his  characteristic  diligence,  which  left  nothing 
undone,  opened  a  negotiation  with  England,  to  which  Eliza- 
beth, notwithstanding  the  urgent  remonstrances  of  the  States, 
gave  ear,  yet  with  a  just  suspicion  that  the  proposal  was 
insincerely  made.  Leicester,  who  had  unwisely  been 
entrusted  with  the  command  of  the  English  auxiliaries,  had 
conducted  himself  neither  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  States  nor 
of  his  own  Government :  the  English  and  Dutch  had  not  been 

*  Strada,  582.  t  Camden,  404. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  49 

found  to  agree  when  they  came  to  act  together,  under  circum- 
stances that  brought  their  national  qualities  into  close  and 
unamiable  contrast :  *  the  Dutch,  too,  were  divided  among 
themselves  ;  so  that  there  seemed  little  hope  that  England 
could  afford  them  any  such  assistance  as  might  enable  them 
to  obtain  the  objects  for  which  they  had  taken  up  arms, 
and  still  less  of  any  such  happy  termination,  if  they  were  left 
to  themselves.  With  regard  to  England,  it  was  the  opinion 
of  her  greatest  statesman,  Cecil,  that  a  peace  was  not  only 
desirable,  but  most  necessary  ;  but  it  must  be  such  a  peace  as 
should  be  clear  and  assured,  leaving  no  such  occasion  of 
quarrel  as  had  hitherto  existed  ;  the  queen's  subjects  must 
be  free  from  the  Inquisition ;  and  the  people  of  the  Low 
Countries  not  impeached  for  anything  which  had  passed  ;  but 
allowed  to  enjoy  their  liberties  and  franchises,  and  to  have 
the  use  of  their  religion,  now  openly  professed  in  their 
churches,  for  which  they  had  so  long  stood  to  their  defence. t 
The  Dutch  were  well  convinced  that  all  negotiation  was 
useless,  and  therefore  refused  to  take  any  part :  the  English 
commissioners,  however,  met  those  of  the  King  of  Spain  at 
Ostend  :  they  first  proposed  a  suspension  of  arms,  "  thereby 
to  stay  the  coming  of  the  Spanish  fleet "  ;  and  to  this  the 
Spanish  commissioners  seemed  to  incline,  craftily  thereby 
seeking  to  persuade  them  that  it  was  not  intended  against 
England.  They  asked  for  the  renewal  of  old  treaties  and 
intercourse  ;  the  repayment  of  such  sums  as  the  queen  had 
advanced  to  the  States,  not  requiring  this  from  the  king,  but 
that  he  should  authorise  the  States  to  collect  money  for  this 
purpose  :  further,  they  required  that  foreign  governors  and 

*  "  Plurimum  autem  differunt  harum  nationum  ingenia  et  mores  ;  nam 
Angli,  ut  addicte  serviunt,  ita  evecti  ad  dignitates  priorem  humilitatem 
insolentia  rependunt ;  Belgarum  est  parere  et  imperare  cum  modo,  nee 
gens  ulla  fidelius  amat  eminentes,  aut  iisdem,  si  contemtus  adsit,  impla- 
cabilius  irascitur  "  (Grotius,  95). 

t  Strype's  Annals,  vol.  iii. ,  part  ii.,  p.  5. 

4 


50  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

foreign  troops  should,  for  the  queen's  safety,  be  withdrawn 
from  the  Low  Countries  ;  that  the  people  might  enjoy  their 
ancient  liberties  and  privileges,  and  be  governed  by  their 
countrymen,  not  by  strangers ;  and  that  there  might  be  a 
toleration  for  two  years  at  least,  during  which  time  the  matter 
of  religion  should  be  ordered  and  established  by  the  States. 
If  these  terms  were  concluded,  the  queen  would  agree  to  any 
reasonable  conditions  concerning  the  cautionary  towns,  that  all 
the  world  might  know  she  had  taken  possession  of  them  not  to 
aggrandise  herself,  but  for  her  own  necessary  assurance  and 
defence.* 

To  the  more  important  of  these  proposals  it  was  replied, 
that  the  king  could  not  withdraw  his  troops  till  the  States  had 
submitted  themselves,  nor  while  the  French  were  in  arms  : 
that  the  Queen  of  England  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
privileges  of  the  Low  Countries  ;  nor  was  she  to  prescribe  a 
law  to  him  how  he  should  govern  his  subjects  ;  and  that  he 
would  not  hear  of  the  free  exercise  of  religion,  but  would 
grant  a  toleration,  such  as  had  been  allowed  to  the  towns 
that  had  yielded  themselves  to  his  obedience.  The  English 
commissioners  made  answer,  that  neither  the  queen  nor  the 
Netherlanders  could  be  assured  of  any  peace  while  foreign 
troops  were  maintained  in  that  country  :  that  in  the  privileges 
of  these  countries  she  had  a  special  interest ;  first,  in  regard 
of  neighbourhood ;  secondly,  as  being  specially  named  in 
several  pacifications  ;  and  thirdly,  because  it  was  not  possible 
for  her  subjects  to  enjoy  their  privileges  there,  unless  the 
provinces  themselves  were  allowed  them.  And  for  the  point 
of  religion,  if  the  king  would  not  hear  of  any  toleration  of  the 
exercise  thereof,  then  must  the  Protestants  be  forced  either 
to  forsake  the  religion  in  which  they  had  been  born  and  bred, 
or  go  into  perpetual  exile.  Not  with  any  reason  could  the 
king  refuse  his  subjects  what  in  times  past  had  been  by  his 

*  Grimestone,  986. 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   EFFINGHAM  51 

father,  the  Emperor  Charles,  accorded  to  the  Germans,  and 
by  other  princes,  and  namely  by  himself,  in  his  perpetual 
edict.  None  but  dilatory  replies  were  made  to  this  replica- 
tion, the  object  of  either  party  being  to  gain  time  ;  for  Philip 
would  have  consented  to  no  other  terms  than  such  as  an 
absolute  conquest  of  the  revolted  States  might  have  enabled 
him  to  impose  ;  and  Elizabeth,  though  she  sincerely  wished 
for  peace,  knew  that  it  could  not  possibly  be  obtained.  At 
this  time  the  Pope  issued  his  bull,  declaring  that  the  Catholic 
king  was  about  to  direct  his  power  against  England,  and 
enjoining  the  queen's  subjects,  by  their  obedience  to  the 
Church,  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  for  assisting  the  army 
which,  under  the  Prince  of  Parma,  was  preparing  for  their 
deliverance.  Allen,  also,  who  had  now  been  made  a  cardinal, 
published  a  book  at  Antwerp,  which,  for  the  audacity  of  its 
unhesitating  falsehood,  its  vituperation,  and  its  treason,  may 
vie  with  any  libel  that  ever  issued  from  the  press.*  He  called 
Elizabeth  heretic,  rebel,  and  usurper  ;  an  incestuous  bastard, 
the  bane  of  Christendom,  and  firebrand  of  all  mischief;  one 
who  deserved  not  deposition  alone,  but  all  vengeance  both  of 
God  and  man  ;  and  he  reproached  the  English  Papists  for 
their  effeminate  dastardy  in  suffering  such  a  creature  to  reign 
almost  thirty  years,  both  over  their  bodies  and  their  souls.f 
Nor  was  sophistry  wanting  in  a  composition  thus  highly 
seasoned  with  insolence  and  slander.  He  argued,  that  if  there 
were  no  power  by  which  apostate  princes  might  be  deposed,  God 
would  not  have  sufficiently  provided  for  our  salvation,,  and  the 
preservation  of  His  Church  and  holy  laws.  Our  obligation 
to  the  Church  far  exceedeth  all  other  that  we  owe  to  any 
human  creature.  The  wife  may  depart  from  her  husband,  if 
he  be  an  infidel  or  a  heretic  ;  the  bond-slave,  if  his  master 
become  a  heretic,  may  refuse  to  serve  him  ;  yea,  ipso  facto, 
he  is  made  free  ;  parents,  if  they  become  heretic,  lose  their 

*  Turner,  671.  t  Strype,  iii.,  p.  2,  App.  No.  54. 


52  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

natural  authority  over  their  children.  "  Therefore/'  said  the 
cardinal,  "let  no  man  marvel  that,  in  case  of  heresy,  the 
sovereign  loseth  the  superiority  over  his  people  and  kingdom. 
The  Pope,"  he  added,  "  acting  on  a  special  canon  of  the  great 
Council  of  Lateran,  touching  the  chastisement  of  princes  that 
will  not  purge  their  dominions  of  heresy  and  heretics,  hath 
specially  entreated  the  King  of  Spain  to  take  upon  him  this 
sacred  and  glorious  enterprise  ;  who,  by  this  his  Holiness's 
authority  and  exhortation,  moved  also  not  a  little  by  my 
humble  and  continual  suit,  hath  consented  and  commanded 
sufficient  royal  forces  to  be  gathered  and  conducted  into  our 
country."*  The  publication  of  this  book  at  Antwerp  was  an 

*Yet  this  very  man  had  but  a  few  years  before  protested,  "that 
neither  the  reverend  fathers  of  the  Society  of  the  Holy  Name  of  Jesus, 
whom  the  people  called  Jesuits  (an  express  clause  being  in  the  instruc- 
tions of  their  mission  into  England,  that  they  deal  not  in  matters  of  State, 
which  is  to  be  showed,  signed  with  their  late  general's  hand,  of  worthy 
memory),  neither  the  priests,  either  of  the  seminaries,  or  others,  have  any 
commission,  direction,  instruction,  or  insinuation,  from  his  Holiness  or 
any  other  their  superior,  either  in  religion,  or  of  the  colleges,  to  move 
sedition,  or  to  deal  against  the  State  or  temporal  Government ;  but  only 
by  their  priesthood  and  the  functions  thereof,  to  do  such  duties  as  be 
requisite  for  Christian  men's  souls,  which  consist  in  preaching,  teaching, 
catechising,  ministering  the  Sacraments,  and  the  like  "  (Apology  of  the 
English  Seminaries,  p.  71). 

In  the  same  apology,  alluding  to  a  publication,  very  similar  both  in 
matter  and  spirit  to  that  which  he  now  fulminated  in  his  capacity  of 
cardinal,  Allen  says :  "  Touching  some  of  our  late  repairing  to  the  city  of 
Rome,  wherewith  we  are  charged,  the  principal  of  that  voyage  (meaning 
himself)  doth  protest  that  he  neither  joined  with  rebel  nor  traitor,  nor  any 
one  or  other  against  the  queen  or  realm  ;  or  traitorously  sought  or 
practised  any  prince  or  potentate  to  hostility  against  the  same  :  further 
invocating  upon  his  soul,  that  he  never  knew,  saw,  nor  heard,  during  his 
abode  in  the  court  there,  of  any  such  writings  as  are  mentioned  in  the 
proclamation  of  July,  containing  certain  articles  of  confederation  of 
the  Pope,  King  of  Spain,  and  other  princes  for  the  invasion  of  the  realm  ; 
nor  ever  afterward  gave  counsel  to  publish  any  such  thing,  though  he 
were  at  Rome  at  the  day  of  the  date,  that  some  of  those  copies  which 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  53 

overt  act  of  hostility  ;  that  of  the  bull  amounted  to  nothing 
less  than  a  declaration  of  war  on  the  part  of  Spain.*  The 
queen,  therefore,  directed  Dr.  Valentine  Dale,  who  was  one 
of  her  commissioners,  to  speak  with  the  prince  in  person, 
charge  him  in  good  sort  with  the  things  contained  in  this 
publication,  and  require  from  him  a  direct  answer,  whether  he 
were  not  appointed  general  of  the  army  which  was  then  pre- 
paring in  Spain,  and,  as  there  publicly  stated,  for  the  invasion 
of  England,  t 

The  prince  made  answer,  that  he  knew  nothing  either  of 
the  book  or  bull;  nor  had  he  undertaken  anything  in  obedience 
to  the  Pope,  nor  attempted  anything  of  himself  but  honour- 
ably, in  the  service  of  the  king  his  master,  whom,  as  his  own 
sovereign,  he  must  obey.  And  for  the  Queen  of  England,  he 
had  so  high  an  esteem  for  her,  for  her  royal  virtues,  that, 
next  his  own  king,  he  honoured  her  above  all  persons,  and 
desired  to  do  her  service.  With  that  desire,  he  had  persuaded 
the  king  to  enter  upon  this  treaty,  which  would  be  more 

afterwards  he  saw  when  they  were  common  to  all  the  world,  do  bear. 
Being  also  most  assured  that  no  other  English  Catholic  would  or  could 
be  the  author  thereof,  nor  (as  it  may  be  thought),  any  other  of  those 
princes  or  their  ministers,  that  are  pretended  to  be  of  the  foresaid 
league  ;  being  neither  wisdom  nor  policy,  if  any  such  thing  were  intended 
(as  we  verily  think  there  was  not),  much  less  if  it  were  never  meant,  to 
publish  any  such  libels  to  give  the  realm  warning  to  provide  for  it ;  speci- 
ally all  the  world  knowing  that  the  pinching  of  the  poor  Catholics  at 
home  (a  lamentable  case)  is  their  fence  to  repay  for  all  adverse  accidents 
abroad.  And  it  may  verily  be  thought  (and  so  it  is  certain  that  some  of 
the  principal  ministers  of  the  forenamed  princes  have  answered,  being 
reminded  thereof),  that  the  Protestants,  having  exercised  skill  and  auda- 
city in  such  practices  and  counter-practices  (of  which  France,  Flanders, 
Scotland,  and  other  countries  have  had  so  lamentable  experience),  did 
contrive  them,  to  alter  her  Majesty's  accustomed  benignity  and  mercy 
towards  the  Catholics,  into  such  rigour  of  justice  as  in  the  said  edict  is 
threatened  "  (pp.  15-16). 

*  Turner,  672. 

t  Bor,  320.     Grimestone,  996.     Camden,  409. 


54  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

advantageous  for  the  English  than  the  Spaniards.  "  For  if  the 
Spaniards  be  overcome/'  said  he,  "  they  will  soon  repair  their 
loss  ;  but  if  you  are  once  vanquished,  your  kingdom  is  lost." 
Dale  made  answer :  "Our  queen  is  provided  of  strength  suf- 
ficient to  defend  her  kingdom  :  and  you  yourself,  in  your 
wisdom,  may  judge  that  a  kingdom  cannot  easily  be  won  by 
the  fortune  of  one  battle,  seeing  that  in  so  many  years  of  war 
the  King  of  Spain  has  not  yet  been  able  to  recover  his  ancient 
inheritance  of  the  Netherlands  ".  "  Be  it  so,"  replied  the 
prince  :  "  these  things  are  in  the  disposal  of  the  Almighty."* 
This  consummate  general  practised  a  duplicity  more  conform- 
able to  his  religion  than  his  own  better  nature,  when  he  denied 
all  knowledge  of  a  bull  then  circulating  throughout  the 
States  which  he  governed,  and  a  book  which  had  been  printed 
at  Antwerp,  with  the  knowledge  and  approbation  of  the 
authorities  that  he  had  himself  established  there.  In  fin-ward- 
ing with  the  utmost  activity  the  preparations  for  invasion 
during  the  negotiations,  he  did  no  more  than  circumstances 
fairly  warranted,  and  his  plain  sense  of  duty  required  :  in  this 
point,  neither  party  was  duped  into  any  loss  of  irretrievable 
time.  Most  happily  for  England,  the  provinces  which  the 
Prince  of  Parma  had  reduced  were  not  the  maritime  ones  ; 
Flanders  alone  excepted.  He  had  to  seek,  therefore,  for 
shipwrights  and  for  seamen  :  the  former  were  brought  from 
Italy,  which  still  retained  its  reputation  in  this  branch  :  the 
latter  from  Hamburgh,  Bremen,  and  Embden.  He  thought 
also  to  obtain  both  ships  and  sailors  from  Denmark.  The 
Danish  king  had  endeavoured  to  act  as  mediator  for  bringing 
about,  if  that  were  possible,  an  accommodation  between  Philip 
and  the  States  :  but  his  ambassador,  proceeding  in  company 
with  some  of  the  prince's  soldiers,  had  been  made  prisoner  by 
the  Dutch  in  a  skirmish  ;  and  as  they  either  disbelieved  or 
disregarded  his  pretensions  to  the  character  which  he  assumed, 

*  Camden,  409, 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  55 

his  papers  had  been  opened.  This  so  incensed  the  king,  that 
he  immediately  detained  700  vessels  which  were  bringing 
grain  from  the  Baltic  ;  for  even  if  former  experience  had 
taught  the  Dutch  to  provide  against  such  a  danger,  in  the 
present  circumstances  of  their  country  means  and  leisure  for 
such  provision  were  alike  wanting,  and  they  must  have  been 
reduced  to  immediate  distress  for  food,  if  they  had  not,  as 
necessity  compelled,  brought  into  their  ports  the  French  and 
English  vessels  *  coming  from  the  same  sea.  Spain,  there- 
fore, had  less  difficulty  in  contracting  with  the  Danes  for 
ships,  mariners,  and  "  soldiers  upon  the  seas  "  ;  but  the  Eng- 
lish resident  at  Copenhagen,  having  intelligence  of  this, 
represented  to  the  governors  of  the  king  (for  he  was  a  minor), 
that  this  was  contrary  to  the  league  between  the  two  crowns, 
and  nothing  conformable  to  the  sincere  friendship  which  had 
subsisted  between  Queen  Elizabeth  and  the  king  their  master. 
This  icmonstrance  prevailed  ;  and  though  the  parties  pleaded 
their  privileges,  severe  order  was  taken  that  no  subjects  of 
Denmark  or  Norway,  or  other  parts  appertaining  to  the  king's 
dominions,  should  either  then  or  thereafter  serve  against  the 
queen.f 

But  in  what  was  to  be  effected  by  human  exertions  under 
his  own  superintendence,  the  prince  was  in  no  danger  of  being 
disappointed.  Two  and  thirty  war  ships  he  made  ready  at 
Dunkirk,  hired  for  the  same  purpose  five  foreign  vessels  in 
that  harbour,  and  engaged  five  more  from  Hamburgh  to 
rendezvous  there.  Seventy  flat-bottomed  boats  were  fitted 
out  in  the  little  river  Watene,  each  to  carry  thirty  horses, 
with  bridges  for  embarking  and  landing  them  ;  and  at  Nieu- 
port  about  200  similar  vessels,  but  of  smaller  size.  Here,  too, 

*  "  Ita  vitatum  discrimen  sola  pecunias  a  Danis  expressae  jactura ; 
quod  ipsum  tamen  et  quia  rex  missos  ad  se  legates  audire  dedignabatur, 
hssit  altius  multorum  animis  judicantium  minora  regna  majorum  opibus 
obnoxia  teneri  "  (Grotius,  105). 

tStrype,  25. 


56  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

he  collected  store  of  fascines,  and  all  other  materials  for  throw- 
ing up  entrenchments  and  constructing  sconces.  At  Grave- 
lines  many  thousand  casks  were  got  together,  with  cordage  or 
chain-work  to  connect  them,  for  forming  bridges  or  blocking 
havens.  Stakes  for  palisades  also  were  provided,  horse 
furniture  of  every  kind,  and  horses  for  draught,  "  with  ord- 
nance and  all  other  necessary  provision  for  the  war".  With 
such  neighbours  as  the  Zeelanders  and  the  English  at  Flush- 
ing, even  Antwerp  did  not  give  him  the  command  of  the 
Scheldt ;  and  he  was  fain,  therefore,  to  deepen  and  w:'den 
some  of  those  channels  by  which  Flanders  is  intersected,  that 
ships  might  be  brought  from  Antwerp  by  way  of  Ghent  to 
Bruges,  and  so  to  Sluys  ;  or  by  the  Yperlee,  which  had  also 
been  deepened,  to  the  other  Flemish  ports.  At  Nieuport  he 
had  thirty  companies  of  Italian  troops,  two  of  Walloon,  and 
eight  of  Burgundian.  At  Dixmude,  eighty  of  Netherlander, 
sixty  Spanish,  sixty  German,  and  seven  of  English  deserters, 
under  Sir  William  Stanley,  the  traitor  :  each  company  con- 
sisted of  100  men,  and  better  troops  were  never  brought  into 
the  field  than  those  who  served  under  the  Prince  of  Parma  : 
4000  horse  were  quartered  at  Courtray,  900  at  Watene.  "To 
this  great  enterprise  and  imaginary  conquest  divers  princes 
and  noblemen  came  from  divers  countries  ;  out  of  Spain  came 
the  Duke  of  Pestrana,  who  was  said  to  be  the  son  of  Ruy 
Gomez  de  Silva,  but  was  held  to  be  the  king's  bastard  ;  the 
Marquis  of  Bourgou,  one  of  the  Archduke  Ferdinand's  sons 
by  Philippina  Welserine  ;  Don  Vespasian  Gonzagua,  of  the 
house  of  Mantua,  a  great  soldier,  who  had  been  viceroy  in 
Spain  ;  Giovanni  de  Medici,  bastard  of  Florence  ;  Amedeo, 
bastard  of  Savoy,  with  many  such  like,  besides  others  :>f 
meaner  quality."  * 

These  preparations  held   the   States  in  alarm,  the  more   jo 
because  the  prince  endeavoured  to  make  them  apprehend  that 

*  Grimestone,  999,  1000.     601,317. 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   EFFINGHAM  57 

his  intention  was  to  attack  Goes,  or  Walcheren,  or  Tholen  ; 
on  all  these  points  they  prepared  for  defence,  and  some  were 
for  cutting  dykes,  and  drowning  one  part  of  the  country  for 
the  sake  of  preserving  the  other.  But  the  wiser  opinion  pre- 
vailed, not  to  incur  this  certain  evil,  till  its  necessity  became 
evident  ;  and  the  Dutch  statesmen  inferred  that  no  move- 
ment would  be  made  here  till  the  great  Spanish  Armada, 
news  of  which  was  now  bruited  abroad,  should  arrive  in  the 
narrow  seas  ;  then  they  judged  it  would  be  joined  by  the 
Prince  of  Parma's  forces,  whether  the  expedition  was  intended 
against  them,  or  against  England  first ;  whichever  were 
attacked,  they  knew  that  the  subjugation  of  both  was  in 
view.  For  themselves,  they  stood  in  little  fear  of  the  Spanish 
fleet,  from  which  the  nature  of  their  coast,  in  great  measure, 
would  protect  them  ;  but  they  were  in  much  greater  danger 
from  the  prince's  flotilla,  against  which  their  shoals  and  diffi- 
cult harbours  could  afford  them  no  security.  Straitened  as 
they  were  for  means,  and  with  the  disadvantage  of  an  un- 
settled Government,  they  exerted  themselves  manfully  and 
wisely.  All  the  vessels  that  they  could  muster  were  equipped ; 
and  after  due  consultation  it  was  resolved  that  the  larger 
vessels  should  be  stationed  between  England  at  the  coast  of 
Flanders,  outside  the  shoals,  the  smaller  within  the  shoals, 
and  the  flotilla  of  smacks  ofFKleeyenburg,  or  between  Ramme- 
kens  and  Flushing,  according  to  circumstances.  Their  feelings 
toward  England,  notwithstanding  the  ill  blood  that  had  been 
stirred  during  Leicester's  administration,  was  shown  by  a 
medal  which  they  struck  at  this  time.  On  the  one  side  were 
the  arms  of  England  and  of  the  united  States,  and  two  oxen 
ploughing,  the  motto  Trahite  cequo  jugo — draw  evenly  ;  on 
the  reverse  two  earthen  pots  floating  upon  the  waves,  the 
motto  Frangimur  si  collidimur — if  we  strike  we  break.* 

Meantime,   though  the  negotiations  at   Ostend  were   still 

*  Grimestone,  994.     Bor,  318, 


58  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

carried  on  in  policy  by  the  Spanish  commissioners,  there  was  on 
the  part  of  the  Spanish  Government  a  disdainful  disregard  of 
secrecy  as  to  its  intentions,  or  rather  a  proud  manifestation  of 
them,  which,  if  they  had  been  successful,  might  have  been  called 
magnanimous.  The  great  king  had  determined  upon  putting 
forth  his  strength,  and  so  confident  were  his  subjects  of 
success,  that  in  the  accounts  which  were  ostentatiously  pub- 
lished of  its  force,  they  termed  it  "  The  most  fortunate  and 
invincible  Armada".  The  fleet,  according  to  the  official 
statement,  consisted  of  130  ships,  having  on  board  19,2Q5 
soldiers,  8450  mariners,  2088  galley-slaves,  and  2630  great 
pieces  of  brass  ;  there  were,  moreover,  twenty  caravels  for  the 
service  of  the  fleet,  and  ten  six-oared  falua-s.  The  names  of 
the  most  popular  Romish  saints  and  invocations  appeared  in 
the  nomenclature  of  the  ships  ;  and  holier  appellations,  which 
ought  never  to  be  thus  applied,  were  strangely  associated  with 
the  Great  Griffin  and  the  Sea  Dog,  the  Cat  and  the  White 
Falcon.  There  were  in  the  fleet  124  volunteers  of  noble 
family,  having  among  them  456  armed  servants.  There  was 
no  noble  house  in  Spain  but  had  a  son,  a  brother,  or  a  nephew 
in  the  voyage,  embarked  either  at  their  own  cost  or  in  the 
king's  pay.  The  religioners  who  embarked  for  the  service  of 
the  fleet,  and  for  after  operations,  were  180,  consisting  of 
Augustinians,  Franciscans,  Dominicans,  and  Jesuits.  Don 
Martin  Alarcon  embarked,  for  the  good  of  the  heretics,  as 
vicar-general  of  the  holy  Inquisition  ;  and  implements  of  con- 
version of  a  more  cogent  kind  than  argument  or  persuasion 
are  said  to  have  been  embarked  in  sufficient  quantity.  The 
business  of  reconciling  England  to  the  Romish  see  was  com- 
mitted to  Cardinal  Allen,  as  it  had  formerly  been  to  Cardinal 
Pole,  and  an  English  translation  of  the  Pope's  bull  was  ready 
for  circulation  as  soon  as  a  landing  should  be  effected.  The 
galleons,  being  above  sixty  in  number,  were  "  exceeding  great, 
fair,  and  strong,  and  built  high  above  the  water,  like  castles, 
easy,  says  a  contemporary  writer,  to  be  fought  withal,  but 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  59 

not  so  easy  to  board  as  the  English  and  the  Netherland  ships  ; 
their  upper  decks  were  musket-proof,  and  beneath  they  were 
four  or  five  feet  thick,  so  as  no  bullet  could  pass  them.  Their 
masts  were  bound  about  with  oakum,  or  pieces  of  fazeled  ropes, 
and  armed  against  all  shot.  The  galleasses  were  goodly  great 
vessels,  furnished  with  chambers,  chapels,  towers,  pulpits,  and 
such  like  :  they  rowed  like  galleys,  with  exceeding  great  oars, 
each  having  300  slaves,  and  were  able  to  do  much  harm  with 
their  great  ordnance."  In  place  of  the  Marquez  de  Santa 
Cruz,  who  was  dead,  the  Duque  del  Medina  Sidonia  was 
general  of  this  great  armament  ;  Don  Juan  Martinez  de 
Ricalde,  admiral.* 

In  whatever  spirit  of  vengeance  this  expedition  was  under- 
taken, and  with  whatever  ambitious  views  on  the  part  of 
Philip,  it  cannot  be  doubted  but  that  he  believed  himself 
to  be  engaged  in  a  religious  Avar,  and  that  a  great  proportion 
of  the  army  embarked  with  as  full  a  persuasion  that  they 
were  engaging  in  God's  service,  as  the  first  crusaders  felt 
when  they  set  forth  for  the  Holy  Land.  The  Duque  of 
Medina  Sidonia,  in  the  general  orders  issued  before  his  em- 
barkation, said  :  "  First,  and  before  all  things,  it  is  to  be  under- 
stood by  all  in  this  army,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  that 
the  principal  cause  which  hath  moved  the  king  his  Majesty  to 
undertake  this  voyage,  hath  been  and  is  to  serve  God,  and  to 
bring  back  unto  His  Church  a  great  many  contrite  souls,  now 
oppressed  by  the  heretics,  enemies  to  our  holy  Catholic  faith. 
And  for  that  every  one  may  fix  his  eyes  upon  this  mark,  as  we 
are  bound,  1  do  command,  and  much  desire  every  one  to 
enjoin  those  who  are  under  his  charge,  that  before  they 
embark,  they  be  shriven  and  receive  the  sacrament,  with  due 
contrition  for  their  sins;  which,  if  it  be  done,  and  we  are 
zealous  to  do  unto  Him  such  great  service,  God  will  be  with  us, 
and  conduct  us  to  His  great  glory,  which  is  what  particularly 

*  (jrimestone,  998. 


60  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

and  principally  is  intended."  Strict  command  was  given  that 
no  one  should  blaspheme  or  rage  against  God,  or  Our  Lady, 
or  any  of  the  saints,  on  pain  of  condign  punishment  ;  "  oaths 
of  less  quality  "  were  to  be  punished  by  deprivation  of  wine, 
or  otherwise,  as  might  seem  fitting.  Gaming  was  forbidden, 
as  a  provocation  to  this  and  other  sins  ;  and  all  quarrels 
between  any  persons  of  what  quality  soever,  were  to  be  sup- 
pressed and  suspended,  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  even  though 
they  were  old  quarrels,  so  long  as  the  expedition  lasted.  Any 
breach  of  this  truce  and  forbearance  of  arms  was  to  be 
accounted  as  high  treason,  and  punished  with  death.  For 
further  security,  it  was  declared  that  on  board  the  ships 
nothing  should  be  offered  to  the  disgrace  of  any  man,  and 
that  whatever  happened  on  board,  no  disgrace  nor  reproach 
should  be  imputed  to  any  one  on  that  account  ;  moreover,  no 
one  might  wear  a  dagger,  nor  thwart  any  one,  nor  give  any 
provocation.  "  And  for  that  it  was  known  that  great  incon- 
venience and  offence  unto  God  arose  from  consenting  that 
common  women,  and  such  like,  went  in  such  armies,"  none 
were  to  be  embarked  ;  if  any  person  sought  to  carry  them,  the 
captains  and  masters  of  the  ships  were  ordered  not  to  consent 
thereto  :  whosoever  did  thus,  or  dissembled  therewith,  was  to 
be  grievously  punished.  Every  ship's  company  was  to  give 
the  good-morrow  at  day-break,  by  the  main-mast,  according 
to  custom  ;  and  at  evening,  the  Ave  Maria,  and  some  days  the 
Salve  Regina,  or,  at  least  on  Saturdays,  with  a  litany.  A  litany 
had  been  composed  for  the  occasion,  in  which  all  archangels, 
angels,  and  saints  were  invoked  to  assist  with  their  prayers 
against  the  English  heretics  and  enemies  of  the  faith.  Should 
it  happen  because  of  the  wind,  that  the  word  could  not  be 
given  by  the  admiral,  in  such  case  the  following  words  were 
appointed  for  the  days  of  the  week  in  order, — Jesus,  the  Holy 
Ghost,  the  Holy  Trinity,  Santiago,  the  Angels,  All  Saints, 
Our  Lady.  No  men  ever  set  forth  upon  a  bad  cause  with 
better  will,  nor  under  a  stronger  delusion  of  perverted  faith. 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM          61 

As  needful  preparations  for  action,  the  gunners  were  in- 
structed to  have  half-butts,  filled  with  water  and  vinegar  *  as 
usual,  "  with  bonnets,  old  sails,  and  wet  mantles,  to  defend 
fire  "  ;  and  to  have  shot  made  in  good  quantity,  and  powder 
and  match  "  ready,  by  weight,  measure,  and  length  "  ;  and  all 
soldiers  to  have  "  their  room  clean  and  uiipestered  of  chests  "  ; 
"  and  for  that  the  mariners  must  resort  unto  their  work,  tackle, 
and  navigation,"  their  lodgings  were  to  be  on  the  upper  works 
of  the  poop  and  forecastle,  otherwise  the  soldiers  would 
trouble  them  on  the  voyage.  "  The  artillery,"  said  the  in- 
structions, "must  stand  in  very  good  order,  and  reparted 
among  the  gunners,  being  all  charged  with  their  balls  ;  and 
nigh  unto  every  piece  his  locker,  wherein  to  put  his  shot  and 
necessaries  ;  and  to  have  great  care  to  the  cartridges  of  every 
piece,  for  not  changing,  and  not  taking  fire  ;  and  that  the 
ladles  and  sponges  be  ready  at  hand.  Every  ship  shall  carry 
two  boats-lading  of  stones,  to  throw  to  profit,  in  the  time  of 
fight,  on  the  deck,  forecastle,  or  tops,  according  to  his  burden  ; 
and  shall  carry  two  half-pipes,  to  fill  them  with  water  in  the 
day  of  battle,  and  repart  them  among  the  ordnance,  or  other 
places  as  shall  be  thought  necessary,  and  nigh  unto  them  old 
clothes  and  coverings,  which,  with  wetting,  may  destroy  any 
kind  of  fire."  The  wildfire  was  to  be  entrusted  only  to  those  who 
understood  well  how  to  use  it,  "  otherwise  it  might  happen  to 
great  danger  ".  That  there  might  be  no  excuse  for  neglecting 
these  orders  on  pretence  of  ignorance  concerning  them,  they 
were  to  be  publicly  read,  thrice  a  week,  in  every  ship,  by  the 
purser. 

Meantime  Elizabeth  and  her  wakeful  ministers  were  well 
aware  of  the  danger,  and  seeing  it  in  its  whole  extent,  they 
prepared  to  meet  it  with  right  English  spirit.  The  lord  lieu- 

*  Had  then  the  wildfire,  which  was  still  in  use,  been  derived  from 
that  of  the  Greeks,  that  vinegar  was  thought  necessary  for  quenching 
it? 


62  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

tenants  of  the  several  counties  were  required,  by  circular 
letters  from  the  queen,  to  "call  together  the  best  sort  of 
gentlemen  under  their  lieutenancy,  and  to  declare  unto  them 
these  great  preparations  and  arrogant  threatenings,  now  burst 
forth  in  action  upon  the  seas,  wherein  every  man's  particular 
state,  in  the  highest  degree,  could  be  touched  in  respect  of 
country,  liberty,  wives,  children,  lands,  lives,  and  (which  was 
specially  to  be  regarded)  the  profession  of  the  true  and  sincere 
religion  of  Christ.  And  to  lay  before  them  the  infinite  and  un- 
speakable miseries  that  would  fall  out  upon  any  such  change, 
which  miseries  were  evidently  seen  by  the  fruits  of  that  hard 
and  cruel  government  holden  in  countries  not  far  distant.  We 
do  look,"  said  the  queen,  "  that  the  most  part  of  them  should 
have,  upon  this  instant  extraordinary  occasion,  a  larger  pro- 
portion of  furniture,  both  for  horsemen  and  footmen,  but 
especially  horsemen,  than  hath  been  certified  ;  thereby  to  be 
in  their  best  strength  against  any  attempt,  or  to  be  employed 
about  our  own  person,  or  otherwise.  Hereunto  as  we  doubt 
not  but  by  your  good  endeavours  they  will  be  the  rather  con- 
formable, so  also  we  assure  ourselves,  that  Almighty  God  will 
so  bless  these  their  loyal  hearts  borne  towards  us,  their  loving 
sovereign,  and  their  natural  country,  that  all  the  attempts  of 
any  enemy  whatsoever  shall  be  made  void  and  frustrate,  to 
their  confusion,  your  comfort,  and  to  God's  high  glory."  * 
Letters  also  were  addressed  by  the  council  to  the  nobility, 
because,  in  the  directions  given  of  late  years  for  mustering, 
arming,  and  training  all  persons,  there  had  been  no  special 
ones  to  the  nobles,  her  Majesty  having  "  certainly  supposed 
that  it  was  the  natural  disposition  of  the  nobility,  without 
direction,  to  be  armed,  both  for  themselves  and  for  furniture 
of  horsemen  and  footmen,  according  to  their  ability.  The 
council,  therefore,  having  a  more  certain  knowledge  than  by 
common  report,  of  what  preparations  were  made  beyond  the 

*  Strype,  App.  L. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  63 

seas,  very  likely  for  the  offence  of  this  realm,  required  each 
lord,  to  whom  this  communication  was  addressed,  to  receive  it 
as  one  whom  her  Majesty  trusted,  and  as  an  argument  of 
special  love.  And  in  regard  thereof,"  the  letter  proceeds, 
"  we  do  not  doubt  but  that  your  lordship,  with  all  the  speed 
you  can  possible,  will  be  furnished  with  armour  and  weapon 
meet  for  your  calling  ;  and  of  your  servants  and  able  tenants 
that  are  not  already  enrolled  in  the  general  musters  of  the 
country  as  special  trained  persons,  to  make  as  many  horsemen 
as  you  can,  both  for  lances  and  light  horsemen.  And  for  the 
more  increase  of  horsemen,  for  want  of  sufficient  number  of 
great  horse  or  geldings,  we  think  your  lordship  may  do  well 
to  increase  your  number,  if  you  shall  provide  able  men  with 
petronels  upon  horses  of  smaller  stature."  * 

A  contemporary  relates,  that  "  all  the  noblemen  in  the 
realm,  from  east  to  west,  from  north  to  south,  excepting  such 
only  as  could  not  be  absent  from  their  charge  in  the  country, 
and  some  few  that  were  not  able  to  make  forces  according  to 
their  desire,  came  to  the  queen,  bringing  with  them,  according 
to  their  degrees,  and  to  the  uttermost  of  their  power,  goodly 
bands  of  horsemen,  both  lances,  light  horsemen,  and  such 
other  as  are  termed  carbines  or  argelatiers,  lodging  their  bands 
round  about  London,  and  maintaining  them  in  pay  at  their 
own  charges.  And  of  these  noblemen,  many  showed  the 
bands  of  their  horsemen  before  the  queen,  in  the  fields  afore 
her  own  gate,  to  the  great  marvel  of  men ;  for  that  the 
number  of  them  was  so  great,  and  so  well  armed  and  horsed, 
that,  knowing  they  were  no  parcel  of  the  horsemen  limited 
in  every  country,  it  was  thought  there  had  not  been  so  many 
spare  horses  of  such  valour  in  the  whole  realm,  except  the 
north  part  towards  Scotland,  whose  forces  consist  chiefly  of 
horse."  The  first  who  presented  himself  and  his  retainers  to 
the  queen  was  a  Roman  Catholic  peer,  the  Viscount  Moun- 

*  Strype,  iii.,  part  ii.,  pp.  13, 14. 


64  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

tague,  who  at  this  time  professed  his  resolution,  "  though  he 
was  very  sickly,  and  in  age,  to  live  and  die  in  defence  of  the 
queen  and  of  his  country,  against  all  invaders,  whether  it  were 
pope,  king,  or  potentate  whatsoever  ;  and  in  that  quarrel  to 
hazard  his  life,  his  children,  his  lands,  and  goods.  And  to 
show  his  mind  agreeably  thereto,  he  came  personally  himself 
before  the  queen  with  his  band  of  horsemen,  being  almost  200, 
the  same  being  led  by  his  own  sons ;  and  with  them  a  young 
child,  very  comely,  seated  on  horseback,  being  the  heir  of  his 
house,  that  is,  the  eldest  son  to  his  son  and  heir  :  a  matter 
much  noted  of  many,  to  see  a  grandfather,  father  and  son  at 
one  time  on  horseback,  afore  a  queen,  for  her  service."  * 

The  clergy  also  were  called  upon  by  the  primate,  Arch- 
bishop Whitgift.  "  Being  members,"  he  said,  "  of  one  and 
the  self-same  commonweal,  and  embarked  in  the  like  common 
danger  with  others,  if  not  more,  in  respect  of  our  calling  and 
public  profession  of  religion,  whereby  we  are  also  bound  to  go 
before  others,  as  well  in  word  as  good  example  ;  we  are, 
therefore,  to  remember,  and  advisedly  to  weigh  with  our- 
selves what  dutiful  forwardness  against  these  extraordinary 
imminent  dangers,  of  very  congruence,  is  expected  at  our 
hands  for  the  defence  of  our  gracious  sovereign,  ourselves,  our 
families,  and  country.  And,  beside  the  very  good  expecta- 
tion of  the  best,  the  stirring  up  of  those  which  otherwise  are 
but  slow  to  further  such  service,  and  the  discouraging  of  the 
common  enemy,  our  willing  readiness  herein  will  be  a  good 
means  also  to  stop  the  mouths  of  such  as  do  think  those 
temporal  blessings,  which  God  hath  in  mercy  bestowed  upon 
us,  to  be  too  much  ;  and,  therefore,  spare  not  in  grudging 
manner  to  say  that  themselves  are  forced,  to  their  great 
charges,  to  fight  for  us,  while  we  live  quietly  at  home,  without 
providing  any  munition  in  these  public  perils."  He  required 
the  bishops,  therefore,  as  the  letter  of  the  council  required 

*  Copy  of  a  letter,  etc.  (Harl.  Muse.,  8vo  ed. ,  ii.,  p.  76). 


65 

him,  "effectually  to  deal  with  those  of  their  cathedral  churches, 
and  other  beneficed  men  in  their  dioceses,  but  especially  such 
as  were  of  better  ability,  for  the  furnishing  of  themselves  with 
lances,  light  horses,  petronels  on  horseback,  muskets,  calivers, 
pikes,  halberds,  bills,  or  bows  and  arrows,  as  in  regard  of  their 
several  abilities  might  be  thought  most  convenient  :  and  he 
desired  them,  by  all  good  persuasions,  to  move  such  ecclesias- 
tical persons  to  be  ready  with  all  free  and  voluntary  provision 
of  man,  horse,  and  furniture.  This  present  necessary  service," 
he  said,  "  being  no  great  charge,  and  so  expedient  for  every 
one  to  have  in  readiness,  for  the  defence  of  his  own  person, 
house,  and  family,  upon  any  sudden  occasion."  * 

The  appeal  from  such  a  queen  to  such  a  nation  was  an- 
swered with  just  and  enthusiastic  loyalty.  The  city  of  London 
set  an  example  worthy  of  London,  such  as  the  metropolis  then 
was.  When  its  aid  was  asked,  the  Lord  Mayor  requested  that 
the  council  would  state  what  would  be  deemed  requisite.  Ac- 
cordingly, 5000  men  and  fifteen  ships  were  required.  The 
Lord  Mayor  asked  two  days  for  deliberation,  and  then,  in  the 
name  of  the  city,  prayed  that  the  queen  would  accept  of 
twice  those  numbers.  Six  thousand  were  immediately  trained 
arid  regimented,  being  armed  with  muskets,  pikes,  calivers, 
and  bills  :  the  other  4000  were  armed  and  put  in  readiness, 
and  10,000  more  were  reported  as  able  men.  The  artillery 
company,  which  had  originated  about  three  years  before, 
proved  singularly  useful  now.  At  that  time,  "  certain  gallant, 
active,  and  forward  citizens,"  says  the  old  historian  of  London, 
"  having  had  experience,  both  abroad  and  at  home,  voluntarily 
exercised  themselves  and  trained  others,  for  the  ready  use  of 
war  ;  so  that  there  were  almost  300  merchants,  and  others  of 
the  like  quality,  very  sufficient  and  skilful  to  train  and  teach 
common  soldiers  the  managing  of  their  pieces,  pikes,  and 
halberds,  and  to  march,  countermarch,  and  ring.  These 


*  Strype's  Whitgift,  book  iii.,  App.  No.  38. 
5 


66  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

merchants  met   every  Tuesday  to  practise  all  points  of  war. 
Every  man  by  turn  bore  orderly  office,  from  the  corporal  to 
the  captain.     Some  of  them  had  now  charge  of  men  in  the 
great  camp,  and  were  generally  called  captains  of  the  artillery 
garden."     Most  erroneously  had  Cardinal  Allen,  and  the  King 
of  Spain,   and    the   Pope   judged,   when  they   thought   that 
Elizabeth  and  the  English  nation  were  to  be  intimidated  by  a 
display  of  overpowering  force,  and  denunciations  "  that  the 
realm  should   be   invaded    and    conquered,   that    the    queen 
should  be  destroyed,  and  all  the  nobility  and  men  of  reputation, 
of  honour,  and  wealth,  who  should  obey  her,  and  defend  her, 
and    would   withstand    the    invasion,    should,    with    all   their 
families,  be  rooted  out,  and  their  places,  their  honours,  their 
houses,  and  their  lands  bestowed  upon  the  conquerors  !  "   For 
"  these    things  were  universally  so  odiously  taken,  that  the 
hearts  of  all  sorts  of  people  were  inflamed, — some  with  ire, 
some  with  fear  ;  but  all  sorts,  almost  without  exception,  re- 
solved   to    venture  their   lives    for   the    withstanding    of  all 
manner  of  conquest ".     The  people,  firmly  devoted  as  they 
were  to  their  magnanimous  and  excellent  queen,  were,  by  such 
insolent  threats,  "  thoroughly  irritated,"  says  a  contemporary, 
"  to  stir  up  their  whole  forces  for  their  defence  against  such 
prognosticated  conquests:  so  that,  in  a  very  short  time,  all 
her  whole  realm,  and  every  corner,  were  furnished  with  armed 
men,  on  horseback  and  on  foot ;  and  those  continually  trained, 
exercised,  and  put  into  bands,  in  warlike   manner,  as   in   no 
age  ever  was  before  in  this  realm.     There  was  no  sparing  of 
money  to   provide  horse,  armour,  weapons,  powder,  and   all 
necessaries  ;  no,  nor  want  of  provision  of  pioneers,  carriages, 
and  victuals,  in  every  county  of  the  realm,  without  exception, 
to  attend  upon  the   armies.     And  to  this  general   furniture 
every  man  voluntarily  offered,  very  many  their  services  person- 
ally without  wages,  others  money  for  armour  and  weapons,  and 
to  wage  soldiers  :  a  matter  strange,  and  never  the  like  heard 
of  in  this  realm  or  elsewhere.     And  this  general  reason  moved 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM          67 

all  men  to  large  contributions,  that  when  a  conquest  was  to 
be  withstood  wherein  all  should  be  lost,  it  was  no  time  to 
spare  a  portion."  * 

There  were  some  who  advised  the  queen  to  place  no  reli- 
ance upon  any  means  of  maritime  defence,  but  to  expect  the 
enemy's  coming,  and  "welcome  him  with  a  land  battle,"  as 
her  father  had  resolved  to  do  when  he  was  threatened  with 
invasion  by  a  superior  fleet ;  and  as  was  intended  in  the  time 
of  the  French  Armada,  in  Richard  II. 's  reign.  But  Elizabeth, 
though  her  reliance  was  not  upon  any  human  strength,  knew 
the  worth  of  her  seamen,  and  omitted  none  of  those  means 
of  defence  with  which  God  and  nature  had  provided  her. 
The  command  of  the  whole  fleet  she  gave  to  Charles,  Lord 
Howard  of  Effingham,  who  had  been  appointed  lord  high 
admiral  three  years  before,  on  the  death  of  the  Earl  of  Lin- 
coln, Edward  Clinton. t  That  office  "seemed  to  have  become 
almost  hereditary  in  the  Howard  family.  The  queen  had  a 
great  persuasion  of  his  fortunate  conduct,  and  knew  him  to  be 
of  a  moderate  and  noble  courage,  skilful  in  sea  matters,  wary 
and  provident,  valiant  and  courageous,  industrious  and  active, 
and  of  great  authority  and  esteem  among  the  sailors."  Him 
she  sent  early  in  the  year  to  the  western  coast  with  the  main 
body  of  the  fleet ;  Drake,  who  was  her  vice-admiral,  joined 
him  here,  and  Hawkins  and  Frobisher  (great  names  in  naval 
history)  were  in  this  division.  Lord  Henry  Seymour,  second 

*Copy  of  a  letter  sent  out  of  England  (Harl.  Muse.,  8vo  ed.,  vol.  ii., 
63,  64).  The  editor  of  this  collection  must  have  cast  a  careless  eye  over 
this  letter,  or  he  would  not  have  supposed  that  it  had  really  been  written 
by  a  Papist  in  the  Spanish  interest. 

"One  strange  speech,"  says  the  writer,  "  that  I  heard  spoken,  may  be 
marvelled  at,  but  it  was  avowed  to  me  for  a  truth,  that  one  gentleman  in 
Kent  had  a  band  of  150  footmen  which  were  worth  in  goods  above  1 50,000 J. 
sterling,  besides  their  lands.  Such  men  would  fight  stoutly  before  they 
would  lose  their  goods  "  (p.  65). 

t  Camden,  325. 


68  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

son  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  was  ordered  to  lie  off  the  coast 
of  Flanders  with  forty  ships,  Dutch  and  English  ;  blockade 
the  enemy's  ports  there ;  and  prevent  the  Prince  of  Parma 
from  forming  a  j  unction  with  the  Armada  from  Spain.  Ten  years 
before  this  time  the  royal  navy  consisted  of  no  more  than  twenty- 
four  ships  of  all  sizes,  the  largest  being  of  1000  tons,  the  smallest 
under  60  ;  all  the  ships  throughout  England  of  100  tons  and 
upwards  were  but  135,  and  all  under  100  and  above  40  tons 
were  656.*  But  if  the  ten  years  which  had  elapsed  had  done 
little  toward  the  augmentation  of  the  royal  navy,  it  had  added 
more  than  any  preceding  century  to  the  maritime  strength 
of  the  country  in  that  race  of  sailors  which  had  been  trained 
up  in  adventurous  expeditions  to  the  new  world.  The  whole 
number  of  ships  collected  for  the  defence  of  the  country  on 
this  great  occasion  was  191,  the  number  of  seamen  17,472, 
the  amount  of  tonnage  31,985.  Eighteen  of  these  ships  were 
volunteers.  There  was  one  ship  in  the  fleet  (the  Triumph) 
of  1100  tons,  one  of  1000,  one  of  900,  two  of  800  each,  three 
of  600,  and  five  of  500,  five  of  400,  six  of  300,  six  of  250, 
twenty  of  200  :  all  the  rest  were  smaller.  But,  in  the 
Armada,  though  there  were  only  three  ships  that  exceeded  in 
size  the  Triumph,  there  were  no  fewer  than  45  between  600 
and  1000  tons  burden  ;  and  though  the  English  fleet  out- 
numbered the  Armada  nearly  by  sixty  sail,  its  tonnage 
amounted  not  to  one-half  of  that  of  the  enemy,  t 

For  the  land  defence,  somewhat  more  that  100,000  men 
were  called  out,  regimented  and  armed,  but  only  half  of  them 
were  trained.  Of  these  the  cavalry,  with  the  pioneers, 
amounted  to  14,000.  This  was  exclusive  of  the  force  upon 
the  borders,  and  of  the  Yorkshire  force,  which  was  reserved 
for  service  northward.  Twenty  thousand  men  were  disposed 
along  the  southern  coast ;  an  army  of  45,000  was  collected 

*  Campbell,  i.,  334. 

t  Charnock,  vol.  ii.,  15,  17.     Turner,  667. 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   EFFINGHAM  (59 

under  the  Earl  of  Hunsdon  to  guard  the  queen's  person,  who, 
in  case  of  the  invaders'  success,  if  she  escaped  from  that 
malignant  treason  which  had  so  often  threatened  her  life,  was 
to  have  been  placed  at  the  Pope's  disposal.  The  band  of 
pensioners  was  attached  to  this  army.  Another  was  formed 
at  Tilbury  under  Leicester  :  it  consisted  of  1000  horse,  and 
22,000  foot ;  and  2000  troops  were  requested  and  obtained 
from  Holland  to  act  with  this  force,  which  was  specially 
intended  to  engage  the  Prince  of  Parma,  it  being  understood 
that  London  was  the  point  for  which  he  would  immediately 
aim.  "  The  Hollanders,"  says  Stowe,  "  came  roundly  in,  with 
threescore  sail,  brave  ships  of  war,  fierce  and  full  of  spleen, 
not  so  much  for  England's  aid,  as  in  just  occasion  for  their 
own  defence  ;  these  men  foreseeing  the  greatness  of  the 
danger  that  might  ensue,  if  the  Spaniards  should  chance  to 
win  the  day,  and  get  the  mastery  over  them  ;  in  due  regard 
whereof  their  manly  courage  was  inferior  to  none."  Both 
sides  of  the  river  were  fortified  under  the  direction  of  Federico 
Giambelli,  an  Italian  deserter  from  the  Spanish  service,  who 
invented  the  famous  fire-ships,  or  rather  floating  mines, 
employed  against  the  Prince  of  Parma  over  the  Scheldt  at 
the  siege  of  Antwerp.  Gravesend  was  fortified,  and  western 
barges  brought  thither  with  the  twofold  intent  of  constructing 
a  bridge  like  that  of  Antwerp,  for  blocking  the  river,  and 
affording  a  passage  for  horse  and  foot  between  Kent  and 
Essex,  as  occasion  might  require.  Arthur,  Lord  Grey  of 
Wilton,  Sir  Francis  Knolles,  Sir  John  Norris,  Sir  Richard 
Bingham,  and  Sir  Roger  Williams  were  appointed,  as  ex- 
perienced soldiers,  to  consult  upon  the  best  means  of  defence. 
They  advised  that  the  most  convenient  landing-places  for  the 
enemy,  whether  coming  from  Spain,  or  from,  the  Low  Countries, 
should  be  well  manned  and  fortified,  "  namely,  Milford  Haven, 
Falmouth,  Plymouth,  Portland,  the  Isle  of  Wight,  Ports- 
mouth, that  open  coast  of  Kent  which  we  call  the  Downs, 
the  Thames  mouth,  Harwich,  Yarmouth,  Hull.  And  that  the 


70  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

trained  bands  all  along  the  maritime  counties  should  meet  in 
arms  upon  a  signal  given,  to  defend  the  said  parts,  and  do 
their  best  to  prohibit  the  enemy's  landing.  And  if  the  enemy 
did  land,  to  lay  all  the  country  waste  round  about,  and  spoil 
all  things  that  might  be  of  any  use  to  them  ;  that  so  they 
might  find  no  food  but  what  they  brought  with  them  on  their 
shoulders  ;  and  to  busy  the  enemy  night  and  day  with  con- 
tinual alarms,  so  as  to  give  them  no  rest ;  but  not  to  put  it  to 
the  hazard  of  a  battle,  till  more  commanders  with  their  com- 
panies were  come  to  them — one  commander  being  nominated 
in  every  shire."  * 

The  bull,  Cardinal  Allen's  treasonable  appeal  to  the  English 
Romanists,  and  the  opinion  confidently  expressed  in  Spain, 
that  they  would,  as  soon  as  Spanish  aid  afforded  them 
opportunity,  cast  off  the  queen's  yoke,  and  attempt  something 
memorable  for  her  destruction,  f  had  rendered  them  objects  of 
suspicion  ;  and  there  were  evil  counsellors  who  argued  that 
the  Spaniards  abroad  were  not  so  much  to  be  feared  as  the 
Papists  at  home  ;  that  no  invasion  would  be  attempted  were 
it  not  in  reliance  upon  their  co-operation  ;  and,  therefore,  that 
for  the  sake  of  public  safety,  the  heads  of  this  dangerous  party 
ought  to  be  taken  off;  alleging,  as  an  example,  that  in  Henry 
VIII. 's  time,  when,  at  the  v  Pope's  instigation,  the  emperor 
and  the  King  of  France  were  about  to  invade  England,  their 
intention  was  abandoned  as  soon  as  he  had  put  to  death  the 
persons  whom  he  suspected  of  favouring  it.  This  Elizabeth 
justly  condemned  as  wicked  counsel :  on  account,  however,  of 
the  general  murmurs,  she  thought  it  prudent  not  only  to 
secure  the  priests  and  seminarists,  but  to  commit  some  of  the 
principal  laity  to  custody,  part  in  Wisbeach  Castle,  others  in 
the  bishop's  palace  at  Ely.  |  This  was  not  an  indiscriminate 

*  Camden,  406.  f  Strype,  vol.  iii.,  p.  33. 

J  Camden,  406.  Copy  of  a  letter,  etc.,  66.  Strype's  Whitgift,  i.,  528- 
530. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  71 

measure,  nor  can  it  be  judged  from  the  event  to  have  been  a 
needless  one  ;  for,  after  the  failure  of  the  Armada,  when  they 
might  have  been  enlarged  upon  signing  a  bond,  they  took 
exception  at  a  clause  in  it,  engaging  "  for  their  good  behaviour 
to  the  queen  and  the  state,"  because,  they  said,  it  seemed  to 
touch  them  in  credit ;  they  offered  a  form  of  their  own,  which 
was  properly  suspected  of  some  mental  reservation  ;  and,  in 
fact,  three  of  the  persons  who  were  thus  committed  were 
afterwards  engaged  in  the  Gunpowder  Plot. 

While  all  human  means  for  defence  were  provided  by  the 
queen  and  her  wise  ministers,  they  did  not  neglect  to  implore 
that  aid  without  which  all  human  means  would  have  been  un- 
availing. A  form  of  prayer,  "  necessary  for  the  present  time 
and  state,''  was  set  forth,  and  enjoined  to  be  used  on  Wednes- 
days and  Fridays  every  week,  in  all  parish  churches.  "  One  of 
these  prayers  deserves,"  says  Strype,  "  to  be  recorded,  in 
eternal  memory  of  this  imminent  national  danger  : "  it  ran 
thus  :  "  O  Lord  God  of  Hosts,  most  loving  and  merciful 
Father,  we,  Thy  humble  servants,  prostrate  ourselves  before 
Thy  Divine  Majesty,  most  heartily  beseeching  Thee  to  grant 
unto  us  true  repentance  for  our  sins  past ;  namely,  for  our  un- 
thankfulness,  contempt  of  Thy  word,  lack  of  compassion 
toward  the  afflicted,  envy,  malice,  strife  and  contention  among 
ourselves,  and  for  all  other  our  iniquities.  Lord,  deal  not 
with  us  as  we  have  deserved  :  but  of  Thy  great  goodness  and 
mercy  do  away  our  offences  ;  and  give  us  grace  to  confess  and 
acknowledge,  O  Lord,  with  all  humble  and  hearty  thanks, 
Thy  wonder  iiil  and  great  benefits  which  Thou  hast  bestowed 
upon  this  Thy  Church  and  people  of  England,  in  giving  unto 
us,  without  all  desert  on  our  part,  not  only  peace  and  quiet- 
ness, but  also  in  preserving  our  most  gracious  queen,  Thine 
handmaid,  so  miraculously  from  so  many  conspiracies,  perils, 
and  dangers.  We  do  instantly  beseech  Thee,  of  Thy  gracious 
goodness,  to  be  merciful  to  Thy  Church  militant  here  upon 
earth  ;  and,  as  at  this  time,  compassed  about  with  most  strong 


72  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

and  subtle  adversaries.  And,  especially,  O  Lord,  let  Thine 
enemies  know,  and  make  them  confess,  that  Thou  hast  re- 
ceived England  (which  they,  most  of  all  for  Thy  Gospel's 
sake,  do  malign)  into  Thine  own  protection.  Set,  we  pray 
Thee,  O  Lord,  a  wall  about  it,  and  evermore  mightily  defend 
it.  Let  it  be  a  comfort  to  the  afflicted,  a  help  to  the  oppressed, 
a  defence  to  Thy  Church  and  people  persecuted  abroad.  And, 
forasmuch  as  Thy  cause  is  now  in  hand,  we  beseech  Thee  to 
direct  and  go  before  our  armies,  both  by  sea  and  land.  Bless 
and  prosper  them,  and  grant  unto  them,  O  Lord,  Thy  good 
and  honourable  success  and  victory,  as  Thou  didst  to  Abraham 
and  his  company  against  the  four  mighty  kings  ;  to  Joshua, 
against  the  five  kings,  and  against  Amalek  ;  and  to  David, 
against  the  strong  and  mighty-armed  Goliath  ;  and  as  Thou 
usest  to  do  to  Thy  children  when  they  please  Thee.  We  ac- 
knowledge all  power,  strength,  and  victory  to  come  from 
Thee.  Some  put  their  trust  in  chariots,  and  some  in 
horses  ;  but  we  will  remember  Thy  name,  O  Lord  our  God  ! 
Thou  bringest  the  counsel  of  the  heathen  to  nought,  and 
makest  the  devices  of  the  people  to  be  of  none  effect.  There 
is  no  king  that  can  be  saved  by  the  multitude  of  an  host  ; 
neither  is  any  mighty  man  delivered  by  much  strength. 
Therefore  we  pray  unto  Thee,  O  Lord  !  Thou  art  our  help 
and  our  shield  !  "  *  "  This,"  says  Strype,  "  we  may  call  a 
prayer  of  faith,  in  regard  of  the  strong  hopes  of  success  to  be 
granted  to  this  kingdom  professing  the  Gospel."  And  such 
is  the  emphatic  and  scriptural  language  in  which  the  prayers 
of  the  Church  of  England  have  always  been  composed  ;  such 
the  sober  and  earnest  devotion  which  they  breathe  ;  such  the 
spirit  of  Christian  humility  in  which  they  are  conceived. 

History  never  impresses  itself  so  strongly  on  the  imagination 
as  when,  in  great  emergencies,  it  presents  us  with  the  hopes 
and  feelings  of  the  people  in  their  own  words.  Never,  indeed, 

*  Strype,  vol.  iii.,  p.  ii.,  15-17. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  73 

had  England  been  threatened  with  an  equal  danger  since  the 
Norman  conquest ;  that  was  a  danger  of  which  there  was  no 
general  apprehension  throughout  the  nation  ;  nor  was  it  in 
itself  so  formidable ;  and  even  the  evils  which  it  brought  upon 
the  Anglo-Saxon  people  were  light  in  comparison  with  the 
horrors  of  a  Romish  persecution,  and  a  war  such  as  that  which 
was  then  raging  in  the  Netherlands,  when  there  were  no 
such  defensive  advantages  as  the  Netherlanders  possessed  in 
their  strong  places  and  the  nature  of  their  country.  If  ever 
national  prayers  proceeded  from  the  heart  of  a  nation,  it  was 
at  this  momentous  crisis.  One  of  the  most  passionate  was 
framed  in  these  words :  "  For  Preservation  and  Success  against 
the  Spanish  Navy  and  Forces.  O  Lord  God,  Heavenly 
Father,  without  whose  providence  nothing  proceedeth,  and 
without  whose  mercy  nothing  is  saved  ;  in  whose  power  lie 
the  hearts  of  princes,  and  the  end  of  all  their  actions  ;  have 
mercy  upon  Thine  afflicted  Church,  and  especially  regard 
Elizabeth,  our  most  excellent  queen,  to  whom  Thy  dispersed 
flock  do  fly,  in  the  anguish  of  their  souls,  and  in  the  zeal  of 
Thy  truth.  Behold  how  the  princes  of  the  nations  do  band 
themselves  against  her,  because  she  laboureth  to  purge  Thy 
sanctuary,  and  that  Thy  holy  Church  may  live  in  security. 
Consider,  O  Lord,  how  long  Thy  servant  hath  laboured  to 
them  for  peace,  but  how  proudly  they  prepare  themselves 
unto  battle.  Arise,  therefore,  maintain  Thine  own  cause,  and 
judge  Thou  between  her  and  her  enemies.  She  seeketh  not 
her  own  honour,  but  Thine  ;  nor  the  dominions  of  others,  but 
a  just  defence  of  herself ;  not  the  shedding  of  Christian  blood, 
but  the  saving  of  poor  afflicted  souls.  Come  down,  therefore, 
come  down,  and  deliver  Thy  people  by  her.  To  vanquish  is 
all  one  with  Thee,  by  few  or  by  many,  by  want  or  by  wealth, 
by  weakness  or  by  strength.  Oh !  possess  the  hearts  of  our 
enemies  with  a  fear  of  Thy  servants.  The  cause  is  Thine,  the 
enemies  Thine,  the  afflicted  Thine  :  the  honour,  victory,  and 
triumph  shall  be  Thine.  Consider,  Lord,  the  end  of  our 


74  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

enterprises.  Be  present  with  us  in  our  armies,  and  make  a 
joyful  peace  for  Thy  Christians.  And  now,  since  in  this 
extreme  necessity  Thou  hast  put  into  the  heart  of  Thy 
servant  Deborah,  to  provide  strength  to  withstand  the  pride 
of  Sisera  and  his  adherents,  bless  Thou  all  her  forces  by  sea 
and  land.  Grant  all  her  people  one  heart,  one  mind,  and  one 
strength,  to  defend  her  person,  her  kingdom,  and  Thy  true 
religion.  Give  unto  all  her  council  and  captains  wisdom, 
wariness  and  courage,  that  they  may  speedily  prevent  the 
devices,  and  valiantly  withstand  the  forces  of  all  our  enemies  ; 
that  the  fame  of  Thy  Gospel  may  be  spread  unto  the  ends  of 
the  world.  We  crave  this  in  Thy  mercy,  O  Heavenly  Father, 
for  the  precious  death  of  Thy  dear  Son,  Jesus  Christ. 
Amen."  * 

In  this  faith,  with  these  preparations,  and  with  a  national 
spirit  thus  roused,  the  queen  and  the  English  people  awaited 
the  coming  of  the  enemy.  It  was  towards  the  latter  end  of 
May  t  that  the  then  called  Invincible  Armada  sailed  from  the 
Tagus  for  Corunna,  there  to  take  on  board  the  remainder  of 
the  land  forces  and  stores.  Cardinal  Albert  of  Austria,  then 
Viceroy  of  Portugal,  gave  it  his  solemn  blessing  before  it 
departed,  and  it  set  forth  with  all  the  confidence  J  that  could 
be  derived  from  military  and  naval  strength,  and  an  entire 
belief  that  all  the  saints  in  the  Romish  Litany  would  befriend 
it.  On  the  30th,  the  lord  admiral  and  Sir  Francis  Drake 
sailed  from  Plymouth:  their  fleet  "amounted  to  100  sail, 
whereof  fifteen  were  victuallers,  and  nine  voluntaries  of  Devon- 
shire gentlemen,  many  a  serviceable  man  returning  back  for 

*  Strype,  book  ii.,  App.  No.  54. 

t  Most  of  the  old  accounts  say  the  igth.  One  which  Mr.  Turner 
follows  makes  it  the  25th.  The  Dutch  writers  say  the  2gth  or  3oth,  and 
with  this  Camden  agrees ;  but  the  earliest  date  accords  with  the  account 
given  to  Drake  by  the  hulk  from  S.  Lucar. 

I  "  With  the  greatest  pride  and  glory,"  says  Sir  W.  Monsey,  "  and  least 
doubt  of  victory  that  ever  any  nation  did"  (p.  156). 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM           75 

lack  of  employment  or  place  ".  The  easterly  wind  with  which 
they  set  forth  "  continued  but  a  short  time  ;  yet,  neverthe- 
less," says  Drake,  "all  men  were  so  willing  of  service,  and  none 
more  than  my  lord  admiral  himself,  that  we  endured  a  great 
storm  (considering  the  time  of  the  year),  with  the  wind 
southerly  and  at  south-west,  for  seven  days  ;  and  longer  we 
had,  had  not  the  wind  come  westwardly,  and  that  so  much, 
as  in  keeping  sea,  we  should  have  been  put  to  leeward  off 
Plymouth,  either  for  Portland  or  Wight,  which  places  had  not 
been  so  meet,  either  for  the  meeting  of  the  enemy,  or  reliev- 
ing ourselves  of  those  wants  which  daily  will  be  in  so  great 
an  army  of  ships ''.  He  had  met  with  intelligence  that  the 
enemy  were  at  sea,  and  he  inferred  that  either  they  would 
very  shortly  be  heard  of,  or  else  go  to  Corunna,  and  there 
"  make  their  full  rendezvous  ".  "  I  assure  your  good  lord- 
ship," said  he  in  his  letter  to  Burleigh,  "and  protest  it  before 
God,  that  I  find  my  lord  admiral  so  well  affected  for  all 
honourable  services  in  this  action,  as  it  doth  assure  all  his 
followers  of  good  success  and  hope  of  victory.  Thus  humbly 
taking  my  leave  of  your  good  lordship,  I  daily  pray  to  God  to 
bless  her  Majesty,  and  to  give  us  grace  to  fear  Him.  So  shall 
we  not  need  to  doubt  the  enemy,  although  they  be  many. 
From  aboard  her  Majesty's  good  ship  the  Revenge,  riding  in 
Plymouth  Sound,  this  6th  of  June,  1588.  Your  good  lord- 
ship's very  ready  to  be  commanded,  Francis  Drake."  This  was 
the  first  despatch  relating  to  the  operations  of  this  great 
campaign. 

The  storm  which  the  English  encountered  dismasted  some 
of  the  enemy's  ships,  dispersed  others,  and  occasioned  the  loss 
of  four  Portuguese  galleys.  One  sunk ;  a  Welshman,  David 
Gwynne  *  by  name,  who  had  been  a  galley-slave  among  these 
merciless  people  eleven  years,  took  the  opportunity  of  regain- 

*  Hakluyt,  596.  Speed,  859.  Bor,  321,  322.  In  the  latter  author  the 
details  are  given. 


76  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

ing  his  liberty,  and  made  himself  master  of  another,  captured 
one  galley  with  it,  was  joined  by  a  third,  in  which  the  slaves 
were  encouraged  to  rise  by  his  example,  and  carried  the  three 
into  a  French  port.  The  Armada,  after  this  ominous  com- 
mencement of  the  voyage,  put  back  to  Corunna ;  the  lord 
admiral  having  received  intelligence  that  it  was  broken  in  the 
storm,  concluded  rightly  that  its  "  storm-shaken  "  ships  would 
return  thither,  and  he  set  sail  with  the  first  fair  wind,  hoping 
to  attack  them  in  the  harbour.  But  when  he  was  not  far 
from  the  coast  of  Spain,  the  wind  came  suddenly  about  into 
the  south  ;  and  he,  lest  they  should  effect  their  passage  with 
that  wind,  unperceived,  returned  to  the  entrance  of  the 
channel.  "1  myself,"  he  wrote,  "do  lie  in  the  midst  of  the 
channel,  with  the  greatest  force ;  Sir  Francis  Drake  hath 
twenty  ships,  and  four  or  five  pinnaces,  which  lie  towards 
Ushant ;  and  Mr.  Hawkins,  with  as  many  more,  lieth  towards 
Scilly.  Thus  we  are  fain  to  do,  or  else  with  this  wind  they 
might  pass  us  by,  and  we  never  the  wiser.  The  Sleeve  is 
another  manner  of  thing  than  it  was  taken  for  :  we  find  it  by 
experience  and  daily  observation  to  be  100  miles  over:  a 
large  room  for  me  to  look  unto  ! "  *  Yet  the  delay  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  report  of  what  they  had  suffered,  not  from 
the  storm  alone,  but  also  from  sickness,  deceived  both  the 
admiral  and  the  Government ;  the  ships  withdrew,  some  to 
the  coast  of  Ireland,  the  admiral,  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
fleet,  to  Plymouth,  where  the  men  were  allowed  to  come 
ashore.  Many  of  them  were  discharged,  t  and  the  officers 
amused  themselves  with  revels,  dancing,  bowling,  and  making 
merry.  The  queen  was  verily  persuaded  that  the  invasion 
was  not  to  be  looked  for  this  year ;  and  in  that  rash  confi- 
dence the  secretary  Walsingham  wrote  to  the  admiral  to  send 
back  four  of  the  tallest  ships  royal,  as  if  the  war  for  that 
season  were  surely  at  an  end.  Happily  for  England,  and 

*  Turner,  675,  n,  f  Monson,  157. 


LORD   HOWARD   OF  EFFINGHAM  77 

most  honourably  for  himself,  the  Lord  Effingham,  though  he 
had  relaxed  his  vigilance,  saw  how  perilous  it  was  to  act  as  if 
all  were  safe.  He  humbly  entreated  that  nothing  might  be 
lightly  credited  in  so  weighty  a  matter,  and  that  he  might 
retain  these  ships,  though  it  should  be  at  his  own  cost.  This 
was  no  empty  show  of  disinterested  zeal ;  for  if  the  service  of 
those  ships  had  not  been  called  for,  there  can  be  little  doubt, 
that  in  the  rigid  parsimony  of  Elizabeth's  Government,  he 
would  have  been  called  upon  to  pay  the  costs.* 

Meantime  the  Armada,  having  completely  refitted,  sailed 
from  Corunna  on  the  12th  of  July.  The  Duque  de  Medina 
Sidonia  f  had  been  ordered  to  keep  along  the  coasts  of 
Bretagne  and  Normandy ;  and  if  he  met  with  the  English 
fleet,  to  keep  on  the  defensive,  and  avoid  an  action ;  and  to 
repair  to  the  road  of  Calais,  there  to  wait  for  the  Prince  of 
Parma :  when  their  junction  should  have  been  affected,  he 
was  then  to  open  the  sealed  instructions,  which  were  directed 
to  both.  But  as  the  news  of  the  damage  which  he  had  sus- 
tained misled  the  English  Government,  so  did  the  information 
which  he  received  that  the  English  were  off  their  guard  in- 
duce him  to  depart  from  his  orders  ;  "  yet  this  was  not  done 
without  some  difficulty,  for  the  council  was  divided  in  opinion  ; 
some  held  it  best  to  observe  the  king's  commands,  others  not 
to  lose  the  opportunity  of  surprising  our  fleet  in  harbour,  and 
burning  and  destroying  it".  This  course  was  strongly  advised 
by  Diego  Flores  de  Valdez,  on  whom  the  duke  most  relied, 
because  of  his  experience  ;  and  with  that  determination  they 
steered  their  course  for  England.  The  first  land  with  which 
they  fell  in  was  the  Lizard  :  they  mistook  it  for  the  Ram's- 
head ;  and  "night  being  at  hand,  they  tacked  off  to  sea,  making 

*  "  A  man  employed  rather  for  his  birth  than  experience  ;  for  so  many 
dukes,  marquises,  and  earls  voluntarily  going,  would  have  repined  to 
have  been  commanded  by  a  man  of  less  quality  than  themselves " 
(Monson). 

t  Camden,  410. 


78  ENGLISm'SEAMEN 

account  in  the  morning  to  attempt  the  ships  in  Plymouth".* 
One  Thomas  Fleming,  a  lucky  pirate,  had  got  sight  of  them 
off  the  Lizard,  and  hastened  to  Plymouth  with  the  intelligence ; 
— it  was  of  such  importance,  that  he  obtained  his  pardon  for 
it,  and  a  pension  during  life.  It  had  been  little  looked  for,  — 
and  the  wind  at  that  time  "blew  stiffly  into  the  harbour". 
All  hands  were  got  on  board  with  all  speed  ;  the  ships  were 
warped  out  with  great  difficulty,  "but  indeed  with  singular 
diligence  and  industry,  and  with  admirable  alacrity  of  the 
seamen,  whom  the  lord  admiral  encouraged  at  their  halser- 
work,  towing  at  a  cable  with  his  own  hands.  "  I  dare  boldly 
say,"  says  Fuller,  "that  he  drew  more,  though  not  by  his 
person,  by  his  presence  and  example,  than  any  ten  in  the 
place."  He  got  out  himself  that  night,  with  only  six  ships  ; 
some  four  and  twenty  came  out  on  the  morrow,  and  with  these, 
though  they  were  some  of  the  smallest  of  the  fleet,  he  stood 
out  to  meet  the  enemy,  resolving  to  impede  their  progress  at 
all  hazards. 

The  next  day  the  Armada  was  seen,  "with  lofty  turrets 
like  castles,  in  front  like  a  half-moon  ;  the  wings  thereof 
spreading  out  about  the  length  of  seven  miles,  sailing  very 
slowly,  though  with  full  sails,  the  winds,"  says  Camden, 
"being  as  it  were  weary  with  wafting  them,  and  the  ocean 
groaning  under  their  weight".  The  intent  of  surprising  the 
fleet  in  harbour  being  frustrated,  they  passed  Plymouth,  the 
English  willingly  suffering  them  to  pass,  that  they  might  chase 

*  Monson.  In  a  discourse  of  Sir  Robert  Slingsby's  it  is  said :  "  Had  it 
not  been  for  the  English  privateer  Fleming,  Valdez's  counsel  to  burn 
our  fleet  as  they  lay  in  harbour  without  men  had  taken  effect.  The 
Spaniards'  ignorance  in  sea  affairs  taking  the  Lizard  for  the  Ram's-head, 
and  tacking  off  that  night,  lost  their  opportunity  of  destroying  our  fleet 
in  Plymouth  Sound.  And  although  King  Philip's  counsel  for  his  fleet  to 
sail  along  the  coast  of  France  was  great  and  good,  yet  being  to  be  put  in 
practice  by  gentlemen  ignorant  in  sea  affairs,  and  preferred  only  for  their 
birth,  it  lost  the  effect  it  might  have  had,  and  totally  overthrew  all  their 
design  "  (Charnock,  Preface,  Ixxvi.). 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM          79 

them  in  the  rear,  with  a  foreright  wind.  And  on  the  morrow, 
the  lord  admiral  sending  the  Defiance  pinnace  forward,  de- 
nounced war  *  by  discharging  her  ordnance,  and  presently  his 
own  ship,  the  Ark  Royal,  thundered  thick  and  furiously  upon 
what  he  supposed  to  be  the  general's  ship,  but  it  proved  to 
be  the  vice-admiral's,  Alonso  de  Leyva's.  Soon  after,  Drake, 
Hawkins,  and  Frobisher  played  stoutly  with  their  ordnance 
upon  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  where  Ricalde,  the  admiral,  com- 
manded ;  that  officer  endeavoured  to  prevent  his  ships  from 
flying  to  the  main  fleet,  till  his  own  ship  was  rendered  nearly 
unserviceable,  and  he  was  then  fain,  "with  much  ado,"  to 
hasten  thither  himself.  "The  duque  then  gathered  together 
his  fleet,  which  was  scattered  this  way  and  that  way,  and 
hoisting  more  sail,  held  on  his  course  with  what  speed  he 
could.  Neither  could  he  do  any  other,  seeing  both  the  wind 
favoured  the  English,  and  their  ships  would  turn  about  with 
incredible  celerity  which  way  soever  they  pleased  to  charge, 
wind,  and  tack  about  again."  The  Spaniards  then  felt  a 
cause  of  weakness  in  their  excess  of  strength,  "their  great 
ships  being  powerful  to  defend  but  not  to  offend,  to  stand  but 
not  to  move,  and  therefore  far  unfit  for  fight  in  those  narrow 
seas ;  their  enemies  nimble,  and  ready  at  all  sides  to  annoy 
them,  and  as  apt  to  escape  harm  themselves,  by  being  low 
built,  and  easily  shot  over.  Therefore  they  gathered  them- 
selves close  in  form  of  a  half-moon,  and  slackened  sail,  that 
their  whole  fleet  might  keep  together.  After  a  smart  fight, 
in  which  he  had  injured  the  enemy  much,  and  suffered  little 
or  no  hurt  himself,  Lord  Effingham  gave  over  the  action,  be- 
cause forty  of  his  ships  were  not  yet  come  up,  having  scarcely 
indeed  got  out  of  the  haven."  t 

During   the   night,   the    St.    Catalina,   which    had    suffered 

*"Fire,  smoke,  and  echoing  cannons,"  says  Speed,  "began  the 
parley ;  and  bullets,  most  freely  interchanged  between  them,  were  mes- 
sengers of  each  other's  mind." 

f  Hakluyt,  595.     Speed,  860.     Camden,  411. 


80  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

greatly,  was  taken  into  the  midst  of  the  fleet  to  be  repaired  ; 
and  Oquendo's  ship  (of  800  tons)  was  set  on  fire  (it  is  said) 
by  a  Flemish  gunner,  whose  wife  had  been  abused  and  him- 
self outraged  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  troops  on 
board.  It  was  part  of  their  general  orders,  that  if  any  ship 
took  fire,  those  that  were  near  were  to  make  from  her,  send- 
ing, however,  their  boats  to  succour  her ;  this  was  so  well 
observed  that  no  other  ship  was  injured,  and  the  fire  was 
quenched,  though  not  before  the  upper  works  were  consumed  ; 
but  more  diligence  than  humanity  was  shown  in  this,  for  after 
taking  out  whatever  was  of  value  that  could  be  saved,  when 
they  abandoned  the  hulk  they  left  in  it  some  fifty  of  their 
countrymen,  "miserably  hurt".  That  night,  also,  in  the  con- 
fusion which  this  fire  occasioned,  Valdez's  galleon  ran  foul  of 
another  ship,  broke  her  foremast,  and  was  left  behind,  and 
none  coming  to  her  assistance,  "the  sea  being  tempestuous 
and  the  night  dark,"  the  lord  admiral  supposed  that  the  men 
had  been  taken  out,  and  without  tarrying  to  take  possession 
of  the  prize,  passed  on  with  the  Bear  and  the  Mary  Wolf, 
that  he  might  not  lose  sight  of  the  enemy  in  the  darkness. 
He  thought  that  he  was  following  Drake's  ship,  which  ought 
to  have  carried  the  lantern  that  night ;  it  proved  to  be  a 
Spanish  light,  and  in  the  morning  he  found  himself  in  the 
midst  of  the  enemy's  fleet,  "but  when  he  perceived  it,  he 
cleanly  conveyed  himself  out  of  that  great  danger".  In  the 
eagerness  of  hope  Drake  had  forgotten  or  disregarded  his 
orders,  and  engaged  in  close  pursuit  of  five  great  ships,  which 
he  supposed  to  be  enemies,  but  which,  when  he  came  up  with 
them,  proved  to  be  Easterlings,  holding  their  course  by  these 
contending  fleets,  and  protected  by  them  from  all  danger  of 
pirates.  But  the  whole  of  the  English  ships,  except  the  two 
which  followed  the  admiral  into  so  perilous  a  situation,  lay  to 
during  the  night,  because  the  lantern  was  not  to  be  seen, 
nor  did  they  recover  sight  of  the  admiral  till  the  following 
evening.  Drake  himself  had  the  good  fortune  to  fall  in  with 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  81 

Valdez,  who,  after  some  parley,  surrendered,  seeing  that  re- 
sistance must  have  been  vain.  The  prize  was  sent  into  Ply- 
mouth ;  and  Drake's  men  paid  themselves  well  with  the  spoil 
of  the  ship,  wherein  were  55,000  ducats  in  gold,  which  they 
shared  merrily  among  them.  The  hulk  of  the  galleon  was 
also  carried  into  Weymouth,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  beholders ; 
though  the  upper  works  had  been  consumed,  and  most  of  the 
crew  burned.  The  gunpowder  in  the  hold  had  not  taken  fire, 
"to  the  great  admiration  of  all  men".* 

On  Tuesday,  the  23rd,  the  Spaniards  were  off  Portland,  and 
the  wind  came  about  into  the  north,  so  that  they  "  had  a 
fortunate  and  fit  gale  for  invading  the  English  ".  But  the 
English,  "  agile  and  foreseeing  all  harms,  recovered  the 
vantage  of  the  wind ".  After  they  had  for  some  time 
manoeuvred  for  this  object,  they  prepared  on  both  sides  for 
action,  the  Spaniards  "  seeming  more  incensed  to  fight  than 
before.  And  fight  they  did,  confusedly,  and  with  variable 
fortune  ;  for  on  the  one  side  the  English  manfully  rescued 
some  London  ships  that  were  hemmed  in  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  on  the  other  the  Spaniards  as  stoutly  rescued  their 
admiral,  Ricalde,  when  he  was  in  danger."  "  On  this  day  was 
the  sorest  fight,  yet  with  no  memorable  loss  on  either  side." 
A  great  Venetian  ship  and  some  smaller  ones  were  surprised 
and  taken  by  the  English.  On  their  part  Captain  Cock  died 
with  honour  in  the  midst  of  the  enemies,  in  a  small  ship  of 
his  own.  Though  this  was  the  most  furious  and  bloody 
skirmish  of  all,  the  loss  was  little,  because  the  English,  having 
given  their  broadsides,  presently  stood  off,  never  exposing 
themselves  in  close  action,  but  satisfied  with  levelling  their 
guns  with  sure  aim  against  those  great  ships,  "  which  were 
heavy  and  altogether  unwieldy.  Neither  did  the  lord  admiral 
think  good  to  adventure  grappling  with  them,  as  some  unad- 
visedly persuaded  him.  For  the  enemy  had  a  strong  army  in 

*  Hakluyt,  597,  598.     Speed,  860.     Camden,  412. 
6 


82  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

his  fleet,  but  he  had  none  :  their  ships  were  of  bigger 
burden,  stronger  and  higher  built,  so  as  their  men  fighting 
from  those  lofty  hatches  must  inevitably  destroy  those  who 
should  charge  them  from  beneath.  And  he  knew  that  an 
overthrow  would  endamage  him  much  more  than  a  victory 
would  advantage  him.  For  if  he  were  vanquished  he  should 
very  much  endanger  all  England ;  and  if  he  conquered  he 
should  only  gain  a  little  honour  for  beating  the  enemy."  On 
the  other  hand  the  Spaniards  were  not  less  wary:  they 
"  gathered  themselves  close  into  a  roundel,  their  best  and 
greatest  ships  without,  securing  the  smaller  and  those  which 
had  suffered  most "  ;  so  that  it  was  apparent  that  they  meant 
as  much  as  possible  to  avoid  fighting,  and  hold  on  to  the  place 
appointed  for  their  junction  with  the  Prince  of  Parma.* 

There  was  no  wind  stirring  on  the  morrow,  and  only  the 
four  great  galleasses  were  engaged,  these  having  much  ad- 
vantage, by  reason  of  their  oars,  while  the  English  were 
becalmed ;  the  English,  however,  galled  the  enemy  with 
chain-shot,  therewith  cutting  asunder  their  tacklings  and 
cordage.  But  they  were  now  constrained  to  send  ashore  for 
gunpowder,  the  want  of  which  ministered  displeasure,  it  is 
said,  if  not  suspicion  to  many,  that  a  scarcity  should  thus  be 
felt  on  our  own  coast.  Those  persons  did  not  reflect  how 
freely  it  had  been  expended  during  the  three  preceding  days. 
The  same  day  a  council  of  war  was  held,  and  it  was  resolved 
that  the  fleet  should  be  divided  into  four  squadrons  under  the 
command  of  the  four  "  most  skilful  navigators,  whereof  the 
lord  admiral  in  the  Ark  Royal  was  chief,  Drake  in  the  Revenge 
led  the  second,  Hawkins  the  third,  and  Frobisher  the  fourth. 
Out  of  every  squadron,  also,  small  vessels  were  appointed  to 
give  the  onset  and  attack  the  enemy  on  all  sides  simul- 
taneously in  the  dead  of  the  night."  This  design  took  no 
effect  for  want  of  wind.  The  Spaniards,  meantime,  "  observed 

*  Hakluyt,  598.     Speed,  860.     Camden,  412. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  83 

very  diligent  and  good  order,  sailing  three  and  four,  and 
sometimes  more,  in  a  rank,  and  following  close  up  one  after 
another,  and  the  stronger  and  greater  ships  protecting  the 
lesser  ".  The  morrow  was  Santiago's  day,  and  the  Spaniards 
not  improbably  were  animated  by  the  hope  that  their  patron 
saint  might  exert  himself  as  visibly  that  day  on  their  behalf 
as  they  had  been  taught  to  believe  he  had  so  often  done 
against  the  Moors.  The  St.  Anna  not  being  able  to  keep  up 
with  the  rest  was  set  upon  by  some  small  ships :  three  gal- 
leasses came  to  her  rescue  ;  against  these  the  lord  admiral 
himself  advanced,  and  Lord  Thomas  Howard  in  the  Golden 
Lion:  their  ships  being  towed,  because  of  the  calm,  they  plied 
their  guns  with  such  effect  that  the  galleon  was  not  brought 
off  without  much  difficulty,  and  from  that  time  no  galleasses 
would  venture  to  engage.  By  this  time  they  were  off  the 
Isle  of  Wight ;  and  according  to  the  Spaniards,  the  English, 
encouraged  as  it  seems  by  success  in  the  last  encounter, 
battered  the  Spanish  admiral  (then  in  the  rear  of  his  fleet) 
with  their  great  ordnance,  approached  closer  than  they  had 
before  done,  and  shot  away  his  mainmast ;  but  other  ships  came 
to  his  assistance,  beat  them  off,  and  set  upon  the  English 
admiral,  who  escaped  only  by  favour  of  the  wind  which  sprung 
up  when  he  most  needed  it.*  The  English  relate  that  they 
shot  away  the  lantern  from  one  of  the  enemy's  ships,  and  the 
beak-head  from  a  second,  and  did  much  hurt  to  a  third,  and 
that  Frobisher  extricated  himself  with  great  ability  from  a 
situation  of  great  danger.  The  lord  admiral  knighted  the 
Lord  Thomas  Howard,  Lord  Sheffield,  Roger  Townsend, 
Hawkins  and  Frobisher  for  their  behaviour  on  that  day.  Both 
parties  appear  to  have  demeaned  themselves  gallantly,  and 
both  to  have  been  rendered  more  cautious.  The  Spaniards 
say  that  from  that  time  they  gave  over  what  they  call  the 
pursuit  of  their  enemy;  and  they  despatched  a  fresh  messenger 

*  Camden,  413.     Turner,  679. 


84  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

to  the  Prince  of  Parma,  urging  him  to  effect  his  junction  with 
them  as  soon  as  possible,  and  withal  to  send  them  some  great 
shot,  for  they  had  expended  theirs  with  more  prodigality  than 
effect.  Without  knowing  of  this  intention  on  their  part,  the 
English  also  came  to  a  resolution  that  they  would  make  no 
further  attack  upon  the  Spaniards,  till  they  should  arrive  in 
the  Straits  of  Calais,  where  they  should  be  joined  by  Lord 
Henry  Seymour  and  Sir  William  Winter,  with  their  squad- 
rons.* 

That  same  day  the  lord  admiral  received  welcome  assurances 
from  Havre  that  no  attempt  in  aid  of  the  enemy  would  be 
made  by  the  Guises,  which  there  had  been  reason  to  ap- 
prehend. His  own  force  now  was  continually  increased  by 
ships  and  men,  resorting  to  him  "  out  of  all  havens  of  the 
realm  ;  for  the  gentlemen  of  England  hired  ships  from  all 
parts  at  their  own  charge,  and  with  one  accord  came  flocking 
thither  as  to  a  set  field,  where  glory  was  to  be  attained  and 
faithful  service  performed  unto  their  prince  and  their  country". 
Among  the  volunteers  who  thus  came  out  were  the  Earls  of 
Oxford,  Northumberland,  and  Cumberland,  with  many  others, 
whose  names  are  conspicuous  in  Elizabeth's  famous  reign,  the 
most  illustrious  of  them  being  Walter  Raleigh.  So  with  a 
clear  sky  and  a  fair  south-west  wind  the  Armada  held  on  its 
course,  closely  followed  by  the  English  fleet.  On  the  evening 
of  the  27th  the  Spaniards  came  to  anchor  before  Calais  just  at 
sunset  :  their  intention  had  been  to  hold  on  for  Dunkirk  in 
expectation  of  being  joined  there  by  the  prince  ;  but  they 
were  told  by  the  pilots  that  if  they  proceeded  any  further 
they  would  be  in  danger  of  being  carried  by  force  of  the  tide 
into  the  northern  sea.  The  English,  also,  anchored  here,  and 
within  cannon  shot.  Seymour  and  Winter  had  joined  with 
their  squadrons.  "  And  now  were  there  in  the  English  fleet 
140  sail,  all  of  them  ships  fit  for  fight,  good  sailors,  nimble  and 

*  Camden,  144.     Hakluyt,  599. 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  85 

tight  for  tacking  about  which  way  they  would."  Hitherto  the 
whole  brunt  had  been  borne  by  not  more  than  fifteen  of 
them. 

The  conferences  at  Ostend  had  continued  up  to  this  time ; 
but  when  the  firing  was  heard  at  sea  "  all  dissembling  was  laid 
aside  ".  The  Prince  of  Parma  has  been  accused  of  more  dis- 
simulation than  was  consistent  with  his  honourable  character, 
for  having  solemnly  assured  the  English  commissioners  that 
the  Armada  was  not  intended  against  England,  if  the  terms 
for  which  they  were  treating  should  be  agreed  on.  There 
seems  to  have  been  no  duplicity  in  this,  because  in  that  case 
it  would  immediately  have  been  directed  against  the  united 
provinces.  Honourable  dealing,  however,  was  so  little 
practised,  or  so  little  understood,  in  those  times,  that  these 
commissioners  thought  themselves  in  danger,  because  no 
hostages  had  been  taken  for  their  safety  ;  and  when  they 
obtained  a  passport  and  a  convoy  to  the  frontiers,  "  they  gave 
great  thanks  to  the  Spanish  commissioners,  and  much  com- 
mended the  prince's  honourable  disposition  in  that  he  had  so 
justly  kept  his  word  with  them".*  That  prince,  as  soon 
as  he  was  assured  that  the  Armada  was  on  its  way,  had 
made  over  his  command  in  the  Netherlands  to  the  old  Lord 
of  Mansfelt ;  and  in  that  same  spirit  of  Romish  devotion,  in 
which  the  expedition  was  set  forth,  went  in  pilgrimage  to  our 
Lady  of  Halle,  the  most  noted  idol  in  those  countries,  that 
he  might  obtain  her  patronage  and  protection  in  this  great 
attempt  at  the  conquest  of  England.  Returning  from  thence 
he  repaired  to  Dunkirk,  where  he  was  to  embark  :  there  he 
heard  the  firing  on  the  coast,  found  that  Stanley's  regiment 
of  deserters  was  the  only  one  which  had  embarked,  and  that 
the  other  troops  were  as  little  willing  to  go  on  board  the  ships 
as  the  ships  themselves  were  likely  to  get  out  of  the  har- 
bour, t 

*  Grimestone,  996.  t  Ibid.,  1003. 


86  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

It  had  been  concerted  with  the  States,  that  a  squadron  of 
about  thirty  ships,  under  Cornelius  Lonke  van  Rosendael, 
should  unite  with  Seymour's  squadron,  and  take  its  station 
between  Dover  and  Calais.  It  had  sailed  with  this  intention, 
but  a  storm  had  compelled  it  to  put  back  to  Zeeland  ;  and 
some  of  the  English,  too  prone  to  put  a  sinister  interpretation 
upon  all  the  actions  of  their  allies,  complained  of  this,  as 
if  there  had  been  an  intentional  breach  of  faith.  But  the 
squadron  performed  better  service  than  if  the  original  plan 
had  been  carried  into  effect ;  for,  when  the  weather  allowed 
of  its  again  coming  forth,  it  joined  the  Admiral  of  Zeeland, 
Justinus  van  Nassau,  and  the  Vice-Admiral  of  Holland,  Jonker 
Pieter  van  der  Does,  who  had  with  them  about  five  and  thirty 
sail  of  from  80  to  250  tons  :  1200  soldiers  were  on  board, 
selected  from  all  the  regiments  in  the  service  of  the  States,  as 
good  soldiers,  accustomed  to  sea-service  ;  and  with  part  of 
this  fleet  they  watched  every  creek  and  haven  in  Flanders, 
and  with  the  remainder  blockaded  Dunkirk.*  In  vain  did 
the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia  despatch  messenger  after  mes- 
senger to  the  prince,  urging  him  to  send  forty  light  vessels 
for  the  immediate  protection  of  the  Armada,  cumbered  as  it 
was  by  the  unwieldy  strength  of  its  own  ships,  and  entreating 
him  to  put  to  sea  with  his  army,  that  they  might  proceed  to- 
gether to  the  Thames.  His  flat-bottomed  boats  were  leaky  ; 
his  provisions  were  not  ready  ;  his  men  were  not  willing  :  the 
sailors  had  been  brought  together  by  compulsion,  and  were 
deserting  as  fast  as  they  could  from  what  they  knew  to  be  a 
desperate  service  :  the  galleys  which  might  have  cleared  the 
way  for  him  (if  it  could  have  been  cleared)  had  been  lost  on 
the  voyage  ;  and  the  great  general  of  his  age  knew  that  if  he 
attempted  to  sail  from  Dunkirk  in  the  face  of  the  Dutch  fleet 
it  would  be  wilfully  exposing  himself  and  his  army  to  imminent 
and  certain  destruction.t  Yet,  unless  some  effort  were  made, 

*  Bor,  321,  323.  f  Ibid. 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM          87 

all  these  mighty  preparations  would  be  frustrated,  and  Spain 
would  suffer  a  loss  of  reputation  not  to  be  repaired  ;  and  he 
promised,  if  wind  and  tide  permitted,  to  join  them  within 
three  days.* 

Fair  as  the  hopes  of  the  English  were  at  this  time,  and 
admirable  as  their  conduct  had  been  from  the  hour  that  the 
Armada  came  in  sight,  it  has  been  justly  observed  f  that  the 
Spanish  duke  had  thus  far  conducted  his  great  expedition  with 
as  little  evil  and  annoyance  as  could  have  been  reasonably 
expected.  The  danger  to  England  was  still  undiminished. 
The  Armada  had  arrived  unbroken  at  the  point  intended  for 
its  junction  with  the  force  from  Flanders  :  it  still  appeared 
invincible  to  all  except  the  English  and  the  Dutch,  and  except 
those  also  who,  in  the  confidence  of  its  invincibility,  had  em- 
barked in  it.  While  it  lay  off  Calais,  in  this  anxious  interval 
of  expectation,  "  Flemings,  Walloons,  and  French  came  thick 
and  threefold  to  behold  it,  admiring  the  exceeding  greatness 
of  the  ships  and  their  warlike  order.  The  greatest  kept  the 
outside  next  the  enemy,  like  strong  castles,  fearing  no  assault ; 
the  lesser  placed  in  the  middle  ward."]:  At  this  time  the 
English  might  regret  the  loss  of  Calais  ;  but  never  were  the 
councils  of  England  more  wisely  directed.  The  Spanish  ships, 
"  as  castles  pitched  in  the  sea,  had  their  bulks  so  planked 
with  great  beams,  that  bullets  might  strike  and  stick,  but  never 
pass  through,  so  that  little  availed  the  English  cannon,  except 
only  in  playing  on  their  masts  and  tackling  ".  In  this  respect 
they  seemed  as  invulnerable  as  the  floating  batteries  employed 
against  Gibraltar.  And  their  height  was  such,  that  our 
bravest  seamen  were  against  any  attempt  at  boarding  them. 

*  Camden,  414.     Grimestone,  1003.     Turner,  680. 

t  Turner,  679. 

J  Stowe,  748.  "  Fresh  victuals  were  straight  brought  abroad.  Captains 
and  cavaliers  might  have  what  they  would  for  their  money,  and  gave  the 
French  so  liberally,  that  within  twelve  hours  an  egg  was  worth  sixpence, 
besides  thanks." 


88  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

These  things  had  been  well  prepended  by  Elizabeth's  ministers, 
and  the  lord  admiral  was  instructed  to  convert  eight  of  his 
worst  vessels  into  fire-ships.  The  orders  arrived  in  such  good 
time,  and  were  obeyed  with  such  alacrity,  that  within  thirty 
hours  after  the  enemy  had  cast  anchor  off  Calais  these  ships 
were  disburdened  of  all  that  was  worth  saving,  filled  with 
combustibles,  and  all  their  ordnance  charged ;  and  their 
sides  being  smeared  with  pitch,  rosin,  and  wildfire,  they  were 
sent,  in  the  dead  of  the  night,  with  wind  and  tide,  against 
the  Spanish  fleet ;  "  which  when  the  Spaniards  saw  the  whole 
sea  glittering  and  shining  with  the  flames  thereof,  they 
remembered  those  terrible  fire-ships  which  had  been  used  in 
the  Scheldt,  and  the  fearful  cry  of  '  The  fire  of  Antwerp  ! ' ' 
ran  through  the  fleet.  They  apprehended  not  the  danger  of 
fire  alone,  but  all  the  evils  that  "deadly  engines  and  murderous 
inventions  "  could  inflict  :  some  cut  their  cables  ;  others  let 
their  hawsers  slip,  and  in  haste,  fear,  and  confusion,  put  to 
sea,  "  happiest  they  who  could  first  be  gone,  though  few  or 
none  could  tell  which  course  to  take  ".* 

In  this  confusion,  the  largest  of  the  galleasses,  commanded 
by  D.  Hugo  de  Moncada,  ran  foul  of  another  ship,  lost  her 
rudder,  floated  about  at  the  mercy  of  the  tide,  and  making 
the  next  morning  for  Calais,  as  well  as  she  could,  ran  upon 
the  sands.  There  she  was  presently  assailed  by  the  English 
small  craft,  who  lay  battering  her  with  their  guns,  but  dared 
not  attempt  to  board,  till  the  admiral  sent  a  hundred  men  in 
his  boats,  under  Sir  Amias  Preston.  The  Spaniards  made  a 
brave  resistance,  hoping  presently  to  be  succoured  by  the 
Prince  of  Parma,  and  the  action  was  for  a  long  time  doubtful. 
At  length  Moncada  was  shot  through  the  head,  the  galleass 
was  carried  by  boarding,  and  most  of  the  Spaniards,  leaping 
into  the  sea,  were  drowned.  The  Veedor  of  the  fleet,  D. 

*  Hakluyt,  601.  Strype,  861.  Camden,4i5.  Grimestone,  1003.  Bor, 
324- 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM          89 

Antonio  de  Manrique,  was  one  of  those  who  reached  the 
shore ;  and  he  was  the  first  person  that  carried  certain  news 
to  Spain  of  their  "  now  vincible  navy  ".  This  huge  bottom, 
manned  with  400  soldiers  and  300  galley-slaves,  had  also 
50,000  ducats  on  board  ;  "a  booty,"  says  Speed,  "well  fitting 
the  English  soldiers'  affections  ".  Having  ransacked  all,  and 
freed  the  slaves  from  their  miserable  fetters,  they  were  about 
to  set  that  vessel  of  emptiness  on  fire  ;  but  the  Governor  of 
Calais  would  not  permit  this,  fearing,  it  is  said,  the  damage 
that  might  thereupon  ensue  to  the  town  and  haven.  He  fired 
therefore,  upon  the  captors,  and  the  ship  and  ordnance 
became  his  prize.* 

The  duke,  when  the  fire-ships  were  first  perceived,  had 
ordered  the  whole  fleet  to  weigh  anchor  and  stand  off  to 
sea,  and  when  the  danger  was  over,  return  every  ship  to  its 
former  station.  The  latter  part  of  this  order  they  were  too 
much  alarmed  to  wait  for  or  to  heed ;  and  when  he  returned 
himself,  and  fired  a  signal  for  others  to  follow  his  example, 
the  gun  was  heard  by  few,  "  because  they  were  scattered  all 
about,  and  driven  by  fear,  some  of  them  into  the  wide  sea, 
and  some  among  the  shoals  of  Flanders  ".  Little  broken  yet 
in  strength,  though  now  losing  fast  the  hope  and  the  confi- 
dence with  which  they  had  set  forth,  they  ranged  themselves 
again  in  order  off  Gravelines ;  and  there  they  were  bravely 
attacked.  Drake  and  Fenner  were  the  first  who  assailed 
them :  Fen  ton,  Southwell,  Beeston,  Cross  and  Reyman 
followed  ;  and  then  the  lord  admiral  came  up,  with  Lord 
Thomas  Howard  and  Lord  Sheffield.  They  got  the  wind  of 
the  enemy,  who  were  now  cut  off  from  Calais  Roads,  and  pre- 
ferred any  inconvenience  rather  than  change  their  array  or 
separate  their  force,  standing  only  upon  their  defence.  "  And 
albeit  there  were  many  excellent  and  warlike  ships  in  the 
English  fleet,  yet  scarce  were  there  two  or  three  and  twenty 

*  Hakluyt,  Strype,  Camden,  ut  supra. 


90  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

among  them  all  which  matched  ninety  of  the  Spanish  ships 
in  bigness,  or  could  conveniently  assault  them.  Wherefore, 
using  their  prerogative  of  nimble  steerage,  whereby  they  could 
turn  and  wield  themselves  with  the  wind  which  way  they 
listed,  they  came  oftentimes  very  near  upon  the  Spaniards, 
and  charged  them  so  sore,  that  now  and  then  they  were  but 
a  pike's  length  asunder ;  and  so  continually  giving  them  one 
broadside  after  another,  they  discharged  all  their  shot,  both 
great  and  small,  upon  them,  spending  a  whole  day,  from 
morning  till  night,  in  that  violent  kind  of  conflict."*  "  We 
had  such  advantage,"  says  Lord  Monmouth,  "both  of  wind 
and  tide,  that  we  had  a  glorious  day  of  them,  continuing 
fight  from  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  till  five  or  six  at  night." 
During  this  action  the  Spaniards,  "  lying  close  under  their 
fighting  sails,"  passed  Dunkirk  with  a  south-west  wind,  close 
followed  by  their  enemies.  Their  great  ships  were  found 
vulnerable  in  the  close  action  of  that  day ;  many  of  them 
were  pierced  through  and  through  between  wind  and  water  : 
one  was  sunk  by  Captain  Cross,  in  the  Hope:  from  the  few 
of  her  people  who  were  saved,  it  was  learnt  that  one  of  her 
officers,  having  proposed  to  strike,  was  put  to  death  by 
another  ;  the  brother  of  the  slain  instantly  avenged  his  death, 
and  then  the  ship  went  down.  Two  others  are  believed  to 
have  sunk.  The  St.  Philip  and  the  St.  Matthew,  both  Portu- 
guese galleons,  were  much  shattered.  D.  Diego  de  Pimentel, 
in  the  latter,  endeavoured  to  assist  the  former,  but  in  vain  ; 
for  being  "sore  battered  with  many  great  shot  by  Seymour 
and  Winter,"  and  the  mast  shot  away,  the  St.  Philip  was 
driven  near  Ostend  :  as  a  last  chance,  the  officers  endeavoured 
to  make  for  a  Flemish  port ;  but  finding  it  impossible  to  bring 
the  ship  into  any  friendly  harbour,  they  got  to  Ostend  in  the 
boats,  and  the  galleon  was  taken  possession  of  from  Flushing. 
The  St.  Matthew  suffered  so  much,  and  leaked  so  fast,  that  the 

*  Hakluyt,  602. 


LORD   HOWARD   OF  EFFINGHAM          91 

duke  sent  a  boat  to  bring  Pimentel  and  some  of  the  chief 
persons  on  board  his  own  ship.  A  sense  of  honour  withheld 
them  from  abandoning  their  men,  and  looking  solely  to  the 
preservation  of  their  own  lives.  The  duke  then  charged 
them  to  keep  company  with  him ;  but  this  was  impossible  : 
in  that  danger  the  one  vessel  could  not  slacken  its  course, 
and  the  other  could  make  little  way ;  for  the  water  came  in 
so  fast  that  fifty  men  were  employed  at  the  pumps.  Seeing 
himself  thus  necessarily  forsaken,  Pimentel  resolved  to  run 
aground  on  the  Flemish  coast ;  but  here  he  was  discovered  by 
some  of  the  Dutch  ships,  which  had  their  station  upon  that 
coast  ;  and,  after  losing  some  forty  of  his  men  in  vain  resist- 
ance, struck  to  Pieter  van  der  Does.  The  ship  sunk  in  one 
of  the  Zeeland  ports  ;  and  its  flag  was  suspended  as  a  trophy 
in  St.  Peter's  Church  at  Leyden ;  a  city  which  had  been  in  no 
light  degree  beholden  for  its  own  glorious  deliverance  to  the 
illustrious  family  of  Dousa.* 

Still  the  duke  did  not  despair  of  eventual  success :  an  un- 
expected respite  was  afforded  him  ;  for  the  English  had 
expended  their  ammunition,  and  were  forced  to  send  for  a 
supply ;  and  taking  advantage  of  a  strong  west-north-wester, 
the  Armada  made  an  effort  to  regain  his  position  in  the  straits, 
that  the  prince  might  join  them.  The  spirit  in  which  this 
resolution  was  taken  was  better  than  the  seamanship :  that 
wind  carried  them  towards  the  shallows  and  sands  on  the 
Zeeland  coast ;  and  glad  were  they  when  it  came  to  the  south 
and  enabled  them  to  avoid  the  dangers  by  which  they  must 
otherwise  soon  have  found  themselves  surrounded.  That  day 
Drake  wrote  to  Walsingham  :  "  We  have  the  army  of  Spain 
before  us,  and  mind  to  wrestle  a  pull  with  him.  There  was 
never  anything  pleased  better  than  seeing  the  enemy  flying 
with  a  southerly  wind  to  the  northward.  I  doubt  not,  but 
ere  it  be  long,  so  to  handle  the  matter  with  the  Duke  of 

*  Bor,  325.     Hakluyt,  602,  603.     Camden,  415.     Grimestone,  1004. 


92  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

Sidonia,  that  he  shall  wish  himself  at  St.  Mary's  Port,  among 
his  vine  trees.  God  give  us  grace  to  depend  upon  Him  ;  so 
shall  we  not  doubt  victory,  for  our  cause  is  good."  But  the 
hopes  which  Drake  entertained  of  a  brilliant  victory  *  were 
not  to  be  fulfilled.  Enough  had  been  achieved  by  the  councils 
and  the  hand  of  man.  That  providence  which  had  confounded 
the  devices  of  the  enemy  effected  by  the  agency  of  the 
elements  the  rest.  The  duke  advised  with  his  officers  in  the 
evening  what  course,  after  these  unexpected  disasters,  should 
be  pursued.  They  were  now  experimentally  convinced  that 
the  English  excelled  them  in  naval  strength.  Several  of  their 
largest  ships  had  been  lost,  others  were  greatly  damaged  : 
there  was  no  port  to  which  they  could  repair  ;  and  to  force 
their  way  through  the  victorious  English  fleet,  then  in  sight 
and  amounting  to  140  sail,  was  plainly  and  confessedly  im- 
possible. They  resolved,  therefore,  upon  returning  to  Spain 

*  "And  here,"  says  Sir  William  Monson,  "  was  opportunity  offered  us 
to  have  followed  the  victory  upon  them  ;  for  if  we  had  once  more  offered 
them  fight,  the  general,  it  was  thought,  by  persuasion  of  his  confessor, 
was  determined  to  yield;  whose  example,  'tis  very  likely,  would  have 
made  the  rest  to  have  done  the  like.  But  this  opportunity  was  lost ;  not 
through  the  negligence  or  backwardness  of  the  lord  admiral,  but  merely 
through  the  want  of  providence  in  those  that  had  the  charge  of  furnishing 
and  providing  for  the  fleet.  For  at  that  time  of  so  great  advantage,  when 
they  came  to  examine  their  provisions,  they  found  a  general  scarcity  of 
powder  and  shot,  for  want  whereof  they  were  forced  to  return  home. 
Another  opportunity  was  lost,  not  much  inferior  to  the  other,  by  not 
sending  part  of  our  fleet  to  the  west  of  Ireland,  where  the  Spaniards,  of 
necessity,  were  to  pass,  after  so  many  dangers  and  disasters  as  they  had 
endured.  If  we  had  been  so  happy  as  to  have  followed  their  course,  as  it 
was  both  thought  and  discoursed  of,  we  had  been  absolutely  victorious 
over  this  great  and  formidable  navy,  for  they  were  brought  to  that  neces- 
sity, that  they  would  willingly  have  yielded,  as  divers  of  them  confessed 
that  were  shipwrecked  in  Ireland.  By  this  we  may  see  how  weak  and 
feeble  the  designs  of  man  are  in  respect  of  the  Creator  ;  and  how  indif- 
ferently He  dealt  betwixt  the  two  nations,  sometimes  giving  one,  some- 
times the  other,  the  advantage,  yet  so  that  He  only  ordered  the  battle  " 
(Churchill's  Collection,  iii.,  159). 


LORD    HOWARD    OF  EFFINGHAM  93 

by  a  northern  course  ;  and  in  that  determination,  "having 
gotten  more  sea  room  for  their  huge-bodied  bulks,  spread 
their  mainsails,  and  made  away  as  fast  as  wind  and  water 
would  give  them  leave.  But  surely/'  says  Speed,  "  if  they 
had  known  the  want  of  powder  that  our  fleet  sustained  (a 
fault  inexcusable  upon  our  own  coasts),  they  no  doubt  would 
have  stood  longer  to  their  tacklings.  But  God,  in  this,  as  in 
the  rest,  would  have  us  to  acknowledge,  that  we  were  only 
delivered  by  His  own  gracious  providence  and  arm,  and  not 
by  any  policy  or  poM'er  of  our  own."  The  lord  admiral  left 
Seymour  to  blockade  the  Prince  of  Parma's  force,  and  followed 
what  our  chroniclers  now  call  the  Vincible  Armada,  not  with- 
out some  apprehension  that  they  might  put  into  Scotland ; 
but  leaving  Scotland  on  the  west,  they  bent  towards  Norway, 
"  ill-advised,  but  that  necessity  urged,  and  God  had  infatuated 
their  councils,  to  put  their  shaken  and  battered  bottoms  into 
those  black  and  dangerous  seas  ".  And  the  English  having, 
in  Drake's  words,  "  cast  them  so  far  to  the  northward,  that 
they  could  neither  recover  England  nor  Scotland,  thought  it 
best  to  leave  them  to  those  boisterous  and  uncouth  northern 
seas  ".* 

But  while  the  loss  which  they  had  hitherto  sustained  was 
as  yet  uncertain,  and  the  opinion  on  shore  was  that  they 
would  return  to  the  straits,  it  was  still  thought  probable  that 
the  Prince  of  Parma  might  effect  a  landing.  Elizabeth,  who 
had  not  easily  been  dissuaded  from  her  intention  of  being 
present  in  the  battle  wherever  it  should  be  fought,  went  to 
the  camp  at  Tilbury.  From  the  time  that  camp  was  formed, 
a  true  English  spirit  had  been  shown  there.  "  It  was  a 
pleasant  sight,"  says  the  good  London  chronicler,  t  who  him- 
self had  seen  it,  "  to  behold  the  soldiers  as  they  marched 
towards  Tilbury,  their  cheerful  countenances,  courageous 

*  Hakluyt,  603.     Speed,  862.     Turner,  681. 
t  Stowe,  744. 


94  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

words  and  gestures,  dancing  and  leaping  wheresoever  they 
came.  In  the  camp  their  most  felicity  was  the  hope  of 
fighting  with  the  enemy,  where,  ofttimes,  divers  rumours  ran 
of  their  foes'  approach,  and  that  present  battle  would  be 
given  them  ;  then  were  they  as  joyful  at  such  news  as  if 
lusty  giants  were  to  run  a  race."  When  the  queen  came 
among  them,  "  full  of  princely  resolution,  and  more  than 
feminine  courage,"  she  rode  through  the  ranks  with  a 
general's  truncheon  in  her  hand,  and  sometimes  with  a  martial 
pace,  another  while  gently,  like  a  woman  :  "  Incredible  it  is," 
says  Camden,  "how  much  she  encouraged  the  hearts  of  her 
captains  and  soldiers  by  her  presence  and  her  words  ".  "I 
think,"  says  Leicester,  "  the  weakest  person  among  them  is 
able  to  match  the  proudest  Spaniards  that  dare  land  in 
England  ! "  Her  speech  at  this  memorable  time  has  been 
preserved,*  and  well  might  it  animate  them.  "  My  loving 
people,"  she  said,  "we  have  been  persuaded  by  some  that  are 
careful  of  our  safety  to  take  heed  how  we  commit  ourselves 
to  armed  multitudes,  for  fear  of  treachery ;  but  I  assure  you 
I  do  not  desire  to  live  to  distrust  my  faithful  and  loving 
people.  Let  tyrants  fear !  I  have  always  so  behaved  my- 
self, that,  under  God,  I  have  placed  my  chiefest  strength  and 
safeguard  in  the  loyal  hearts  and  good-will  of  my  subjects  ; 
and,  therefore,  I  am  come  amongst  you,  as  you  see,  at  this 
time,  not  for  my  recreation  and  disport,  but  being  resolved 
in  the  midst  and  heat  of  the  battle,  to  live  or  die  amongst  you 
all,  to  lay  down,  for  my  God,  for  my  kingdom,  and  for  my 
people,  my  honour  and  my  blood  even  in  the  dust.  I  know 
I  have  the  body  but  of  a  weak  and  feeble  woman,  but  I  have 
the  heart  and  stomach  of  a  king,  and  of  a  king  of  England 
too ;  and  think  it  foul  scorn  that  Parma,  or  Spain,  or  any  prince 
of  Europe,  should  dare  to  invade  the  borders  of  my  realm  ; 
to  which  rather  than  any  dishonour  should  grow  by  me,  I 

*  Somer's  Tracts  (Scott's  edition),  i.,  429. 


LORD    HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM  95 

myself  will  take  up  arms,  I  myself  will  be  your  general,  judge, 
and  rewarder  of  every  one  of  your  virtues  in  the  field.  I 
know  already  for  your  forwardness  you  have  deserved  rewards 
and  crowns  ;  and  we  do  assure  you,  on  the  word  of  a  prince, 
they  shall  be  duly  paid  you.  In  the  meantime  my  lieutenant- 
general  shall  be  in  my  stead,  than  whom  never  prince  com- 
manded a  more  noble  or  worthy  subject,  not  doubting  but 
by  your  obedience  to  my  general,  by  your  concord  in  the 
camp,  and  your  valour  in  the  field,  we  shall  shortly  have  a 
famous  victory  over  those  enemies  of  my  God,  of  my  kingdom, 
and  of  my  people." 

While  she  was  at  dinner  that  day  in  the  general's  tent, 
there  came  a  post  with  tidings  that  the  Prince  of  Parma  and 
all  his  forces  had  embarked  for  England,  and  that  his  arrival 
with  all  possible  speed  was  to  be  looked  for.  The  news  was 
immediately  published  through  the  camp  ;*  and  assuredly,  if 
the  enemy  had  set  foot  upon  our  shores,  they  would  have 
sped  no  better  than  they  had  done  at  sea,  such  was  the  spirit 
of  the  nation.  This  intelligence  was  soon  disproved  ;  but 
after  it  was  certain  that  by  God's  mercy  the  danger  had  been 
averted,  some  time  elapsed  before  the  fate  of  the  Armada 
was  ascertained.  Statements  of  its  success  were  confidently 
circulated  upon  the  continent,  and  credited  according  to  the 
wishes  of  the  hearer.  It  was  affirmed  that  great  part  of 
the  English  fleet  had  been  taken,  great  part  sunk,  and  the 
poor  remainder  driven  into  the  Thames  "all  rent  and  torn"  ; 
that  they  were  utterly  discomfited,  and  that  Drake  was 
made  prisoner,  t  Poems  were  composed  in  honour  of  the 
victory,  as  poems  had  been  composed  to  predict  it.  It  was 

*  Turner,  682,  note. 

t  "  And  that  there  was  found  in  his  ship  a  piece  of  twenty-five  spans, 
or  one  quintal  of  munition,  made  on  purpose,  of  one  only  shot,  to  sink 
the  Admiral  of  Spain  ;  but  it  pleased  God,  though  she  was  hurt  therewith, 
yet  she  was  repaired  again,  and  overcame  the  English  fleet  "  (Strype, 
App.  B,  ii.,  No.  55). 


96  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

believed  at  Rome  that  Elizabeth  was  taken,  and  England 
conquered  ;  and  Cardinal  Allen  is  said  to  have  made  a  feast 
in  honour  of  the  event,  and  invited  to  it  the  Scotch,  Irish, 
and  English  who  were  in  that  city  !  But  in  vain,  meantime, 
was  the  ship  looked  for  in  the  Spanish  ports  that  should 
bring  good  tidings  home  !  The  unhappy  fleet,  after  the 
English  had  given  over  the  pursuit,  threw  their  mules  and 
horses  overboard  lest  their  water  should  fail.  They  knew 
that  they  had  no  relief  to  expect  in  Scotland,  and  that 
Norway  could  not  supply  their  wants ;  so  taking  some 
captured  fishermen  for  pilots,  they  sailed  between  the 
Orkney  and  the  Feroe  Islands ;  and  when  they  had  reached 
the  latitude  of  sixty-two,  and  were  some  200  miles  from  any 
land,  the  duke  ordered  them  each  to  take  the  best  course 
they  could  for  Spain.  He,  himself,  with  some  five  and 
twenty  of  the  ships  that  were  best  provided,  steered  a 
straight  course,  and  arrived  in  safety.  The  others,  about 
forty  in  number,  made  for  Cape  Clear,  hoping  to  water  there  ; 
but  a  storm  from  the  south-west  overtook  and  wrecked  many 
of  them  upon  the  Irish  coast.  Their  treatment  there  is  the 
only  circumstance  in  the  whole  history  of  this  enterprise 
which  is  disgraceful  to  an  English  name.  For  the  lord 
deputy,  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam,  fearing  they  should  join 
the  rebels,  and  seeing  that  Bingham,  the  Governor  of  Con- 
naught,  refused  to  obey  his  merciless  orders  concerning  them, 
sent  his  deputy  marshal,  "who  drove  them  out  of  their 
hiding-places,  and  beheaded  about  200  of  them ".  The 
queen  condemned  this  cruelty  from  her  heart,  though  no 
such  punishment  as  he  deserved  was  inflicted  upon  Fitzwilliam. 
Terrified  at  this,  the  other  Spaniards,  "  sick  and  starved  as 
they  were,  committed  themselves  to  the  sea  in  their  shattered 
vessels,  and  very  many  of  them  were  swallowed  up  by  the 
waves  ".*  But  with  some  of  the  officers  who  escaped  this 

*Camden,  417. 


LORD    HOWARD    OF   EFFINGHAM  97 

butchery  Tyrone  concerted  his  rebellion.*  It  is  supposed 
that  more  than  thirty  of  their  ships  perished  off  the  coast  of 
Ireland,  with  the  greater  part  of  their  crews.  Two  vessels 
were  cast  away  on  the  coast  of  Norway.  Some  few,  having  a 
westerly  wind,  got  again  into  the  English  seas  ;  of  these,  two 
were  taken  by  the  cruisers  off  Rochelle,  and  one  (a  great 
galleass)  put  into  Havre.  About  700  men  who  were  cast 
ashore  in  Scotland  were  there  humanely  treated ;  and,  with 
Elizabeth's  consent,  were,  at  the  Prince  of  Parma's  request, 
sent  over  to  the  Netherlands.  Relics  of  this  great  destruction 
are  still  sometimes  brought  to  light.  It  is  not  long  since  the 
remains  of  an  anchor,  which  appeared  to  have  belonged  to 
the  Armada,  was  picked  up  in  a  fisherman's  trawl  off  Dover  ; 
and  in  1832  one  of  their  cannon  f  was  found  on  the  coast 
of  Mayo.  Of  the  whole  Armada,  only  fifty-three  vessels 
returned  to  Spain ;  eighty-one  were  lost ;  and  of  30,000 
soldiers  who  were  embarked,  nearly  14,000  were  missing,  the 
prisoners  being  about  2000. 

Philip's  behaviour  when  the  whole  of  this  great  calamity 
was  known  should  always  be  recorded  to  his  honour.  He 
received  it  as  a  dispensation  of  Providence  ;  and  gave,  and 
commanded  to  be  given,  throughout  Spain,  thanks  to  God 
and  the  saints  that  it  was  no  greater. 

England  having  thus  been  "  delivered  by  the  hand  of  the 
Omnipotent,  and  the  boar  put  back  that  sought  to  lay  her 
vineyard  waste,"  Elizabeth  ordered  a  solemn  thanksgiving 
to  be  celebrated  at  St.  Paul's,  where  eleven  of  the  Spanish 
ensigns  were  hung  upon  the  lower  battlements,  "  as  palms  of 
praise,"  says  Speed,  "for  England's  deliverance,  a  show,  no 
doubt,  more  acceptable  to  God  than  when  their  spread  colours 
did  set  out  the  pride  of  their  ships,  threatening  the  blood  of 

*  Fiennes  Moryson,  8.     Carte's  Ormond,  i.,  58. 
f  It  is  now  in  Lord  Sligo's  possession. 

7 


98  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

so  many  innocent  and  faithful  Christians  ".  On  the  following 
day,  which  was  Southwark  fair,  the  same  flags  were  displayed 
upon  London  bridge.  They  were  finally  suspended  in  St. 
Paul's.  Less  perishable  trophies  were  deposited  in  the 
Tower,  where  many  of  the  arms  taken  in  the  captured  ships 
are  still  preserved ;  and  not  a  few  instruments  of  torture, 
wickedly  devised,  but  more  probably  intended  for  the  punish- 
ment of  offences  on  board,  than  for  the  use  of  their  inquisitors, 
who,  if  the  conquest  had  been  effected,  might  have  found 
racks  in  England,  and  would  have  had  fire  and  faggot  at 
command.  Another  great  thanksgiving  day  was  celebrated 
on  the  anniversary  of  the  queen's  succession,  which  was  long 
and  most  fitly  observed  as  a  holiday  in  these  kingdoms  :  one 
of  greater  solemnity,  two  days  after,  throughout  the  realm  ; 
and,  on  the  Sunday  following,  the  queen  repaired  as  in  public, 
but  Christian  triumph,  to  St.  Paul's.  Her  privy  council,  her 
nobility,  the  French  ambassador,  the  judges,  and  the  heralds, 
attended  her.  The  streets  were  hung  with  blue  cloth,  "  the 
several  companies,  in  their  liveries,  being  drawn  up  on  both 
sides  the  way,  with  their  banners  in  becoming  and  gallant 
order  ".  Her  chariot  *  was  made  in  the  form  of  a  throne  with 
four  pillars,  and  drawn  by  four  white  horses  ;  alighting  from  it 
at  the  west  door  of  St.  Paul's,  she  there  knelt,  and,  with 
great  devotion,  audibly  praised  God,  acknowledging  Him  her 
only  defender,  who  had  thus  delivered  the  land  from  the  rage 
of  the  enemy.  Pierce,  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  who  was  her  lord 
almoner,  preached  a  sermon,  "wherein  none  other  argument 
was  handled,  but  only  of  praise  and  glory  to  be  rendered 
unto  God.  And,  when  he  had  concluded,  the  queen  herself 
(like  unto  another  Joshua,  David  and  Josias),  with  most 
princely  and  Christian  speeches,  exhorted  the  people  to  the 
due  performance  of  those  religious  services  of  thankfulness 

*"  Coaches,"  says  Camden,  "  were  not  then  so  much  in   use  among 
princes  as  now  they  are  amongst  private  men." 


LORD   HOWARD   OF   EFFINGHAM          99 

unto  God."*  It  was  manifest,  indeed,  that  over-ruling 
Providence  had  preserved  them.  Well  and  properly  has  it 
been  observed  by  the  ablest  of  our  naval  biographers,  t  that, 
great  as  were  the  exploits  of  the  English  fleet,  they  were  as 
nothing  compared  with  what  the  elements  wrought  for  Eng- 
land ;  and  that  this  our  ancestors  proclaimed  with  one  accord, 
"breathing  the  pure  spirit  of  that  blessed  Reformation  which 
had  been  so  recently  achieved  for  them  ".  The  people  of 
England  have  never,  since  the  Norman  conquest,  been 
chastised  by  the  hand  of  a  foreign  enemy  :  when  their  own 
folly  and  their  own  sins  have  brought  upon  them  God's 
judgments,  the  instructive  punishment  has  been  administered 
by  their  own  hands. 

Lord  Effingham  was  rewarded  with  a  pension.  The  queen 
many  times  commended  him  and  the  captains  of  her  ships, 
as  men  born  for  the  preservation  of  their  country.  A  greater 
service  it  has  never  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  Englishman  to 
perform.  "  True  it  is,"  says  Fuller,  "  he  was  no  deep  sea- 
man (not  to  be  expected  from  one  of  his  extraction)  ;  but  he 
had  skill  enough  to  know  those  who  had  more  skill  than 
himself,  and  to  follow  their  instructions,  and  would  not  starve 
the  queen's  service  by  feeding  his  own  sturdy  wilfulness,  but 
was  ruled  by  the  experienced  in  sea  matters ;  the  queen 
having  a  navy  of  oak,  and  an  admiral  of  osier."  He  did 
good  service  afterwards  at  Cadiz,  being  joint  commander 
with  the  Earl  of  Essex  in  that  famous  expedition,  and,  for 
that  service,  was  advanced  to  the  title  of  Earl  of  Nottingham, 
as  descended  from  the  Mowbrays,  some  of  whom  had  been 

*  Memoirs  of  Celebrated  Naval  Commanders,  illustrated  by  engravings 
from  original  pictures  in  the  Naval  Gallery  of  Greenwich  Hospital,  by 
Edward  Hawke  Locker,  Esq.  I  cannot  refer  to  this  work  without  re- 
gretting that  Mr.  Locker  should  have  been  compelled  by  ill  health  to 
limit  to  a  single  volume  a  work  for  which  he  was  in  every  respect  so 
eminently  qualified. 

f  Speed,  862.     Camden,  418.     Strype,  27. 


100  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

earls  of  that  county.  On  the  apprehension  of  another 
invasion,  at  a  time  when  it  was  known  that  Essex  entertained 
rash  and  dangerous  designs,  Lord  Nottingham  was  entrusted 
with  the  command  of  both  fleet  and  army,  "  with  the  high 
and  very  unusual  title  of  Lord  Lieutenant-General  of  all 
England ;  an  office  scarcely  known  to  former,  never  owned 
of  succeeding  times,  and  which  he  held  with  almost  regal 
authority  for  the  space  of  six  weeks,  being  sometimes  with 
the  fleet  in  the  Downs,  and  sometimes  on  shore  with  the 
forces  ".*  It  was  to  him,  who,  the  queen  said,  was  "born  to 
serve  and  save  his  country,"  that  Essex,  after  his  insane 
insurrection,  yielded  himself  a  prisoner ;  and  to  him  that 
the  queen,  upon  her  death,  made  that  wise  and  constitutional 
declaration  concerning  her  successor :  "  My  throne  has  been 
held  by  princes  in  the  way  of  succession,  and  ought  not  to  go 
to  any  but  my  next  and  immediate  heir  ". 

James  continued  him  in  his  post  of  lord  admiral,  appointed 
him  lord  high  steward  at  his  coronation,  sent  him  ambassador 
to  Spain,  and  chose  him  for  one  of  the  commissioners  to  treat 
of  a  union  between  England  and  Scotland.  The  last  honour 
which  fell  to  his  lot  was  that  of  conveying  the  elector  palatine 
and  his  bride,  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  to  Flushing.  At  the 
age  of  eighty-three  he  resigned  his  post,  retaining,  by  special 
patent,  the  precedence  which  it  had  given  him ;  and,  in  his 
eighty-seventh  year,  dying  in  peace  at  Haling  House,  in 
Surrey,  was  buried  in  the  family  vault  under  the  chancel  of 
Ryegate  Church.  His  office  had  been  "  of  great  profit,  prizes 
being  so  frequent  in  that  age  ;  but  great,"  says  Fuller,  "  his 
necessary,  and  vast  his  voluntary,  expenses ;  keeping  seven 
standing  houses  at  the  same  time  :  so  that  the  wonder  is  not 
great  if  he  died  not  very  wealthy  ". 

*  Campbell,  i.,377- 


THE  EARL  OF  CUMBERLAND 

AMONG  the  naval  adventurers  who  distinguished  them- 
selves during  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign,  there  was  no 
one  who  took  to  the  seas  so  much  in  the  spirit  of  a 
northern  sea  king  as  the  Earl  of  Cumberland.  Some  of  his 
most  noted  contemporaries  were  sailors  by  their  vocation, 
some  became  so  incidentally  when  called  upon  in  the  queen's 
service,  and  others  pursued  that  course  with  the  hope  of 
repairing  a  broken  fortune,  or  of  raising  one ;  but  it  was  this 
nobleman's  mere  choice,  which  he  followed  to  the  great 
injury  of  his  own  ample  estates,  and  to  the  neglect  of  all 
his  private  and  domestic  duties. 

George  Clifford,  in  the  male  line  of  his  family,  fourteenth 
Baron  Clifford  of  Westmoreland,  and  sheriff  of  that  county 
by  inheritance,  and  in  the  same  descent  thirteenth  Lord  of 
the  Honour  of  Skipton  in  Craven,  and  also  Lord  Vipont  and 
Baron  Vesey,  was  born  in  his  father's  castle  at  Brougham,  on 
the  8th  of  August,  1558.  Few  names  are  more  conspicuous 
than  that  of  Clifford  in  the  York  and  Lancaster  wars,  none 
more  distinguished  for  fidelity  to  the  cause  it  had  espoused ; 
and  Shakespeare  has  given  it  a  wider  renown  than  could 
have  been  conferred  by  genealogists  and  chroniclers.  To  this 
family,  also,  Fair  Rosamond  belongs  ;  and  the  Shepherd  Lord, 
whose  memory  is  embalmed  in  everlasting  verse.  Lord 
Clifford  was  yet  a  boy  when  his  father  began  to  treat  concern- 
ing his  marriage  with  a  daughter  of  Francis,  second  Earl  of 
Bedford ;  and  he  was  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his  age  when  his 
father  died.  Upon  the  first  intelligence  that  such  an  event 


102  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

was  likely,  Bedford,  upon  the  alleged  ground  of  this  marriage- 
treaty,  made  suit  to  the  queen  for  the  wardship,  and  it  was 
granted  him.  The  boy  was  at  Battle  Abbey  when  the  earl 
died  at  Brougham :  no  doubt  he  had  been  placed  there  to 
receive  the  first  part  of  his  education  in  the  family  by  whom 
that  venerable  edifice  was  then  possessed.  It  seems  not  to 
have  been  unusual  in  those  days  for  youths  of  rank  to  connect 
themselves  with  both  universities  ;  thus  this  earl  is  said  to 
have  been  educated  at  Peter  House,  Cambridge,  and  also  to. 
have  studied  at  Oxford,  under  the  tuition  of  Whitgift,  after- 
wards archbishop ;  "  and  here  he  obtained  some  knowledge 
in  the  arts,  and  especially  in  the  mathematics,  which  did  not 
only  incline  him  thereto,  but  rendered  him  more  fit  for  mari- 
time employment ".  Before  he  was  nineteen  he  was  married 
in  St.  Mary  Overy's  Church,  Southwark,  to  his  long-engaged 
spouse,  the  Lady  Margaret  Russell,  who  was  some  two  years 
younger. 

The  earl  is  said  to  have  excelled  all  the  nobles  of  his  time 
in  tilting,  so  that  in  such  exhibitions  he  was  always  the 
queen's  champion  ;  and  in  this  and  other  costly  recreations 
he  consumed  much  of  his  ample  patrimony.  Elizabeth  made 
him  Knight  of  the  Garter,  and  appointed  him  to  be  one  of  the 
forty  peers  by  whom  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  tried,  and  one  of 
the  four  earls  who  were  present  at  the  catastrophe  of  that 
tragedy.  His  first  maritime  adventure  was  designed  for  the 
South  Seas :  he  did  not  embark  in  it  himself,  but  fitted  out  at 
his  own  cost  the  Red  Dragon  of  260  tons,  and  the  barque 
Clifford  of  130:  a  pinnace  of  Raleigh's  and  another  ship 
completed  the  force,  and  Master  Robert  Withrington  was  the 
commander.  Instead  of  passing  the  Straits  of  Magellan, 
Withrington  thought  he  might  make  a  more  profitable  venture 
by  plundering  Bahia ;  but  the  Jesuits,  with  their  Indian 
archers,  preserved  that  city ;  and  the  expedition  having 
committed  much  havoc  upon  the  coast  of  Brazil,  with  little 
gain,  he  resolved  upon  returning  home, — a  resolution  which 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  103 

was  "  taken  heavily  of  all  the  company/'  and  heard  by  them 
in  silence,  "  for  very  grief  to  see  my  lord's  hopes  thus 
deceived,  and  his  great  expenses  cast  away  ".* 

In  the  ensuing  year  he  sailed  for  Sluys,  hoping  to  assist 
Sir  Roger  Williams  in  the  defence  of  that  town  against  the 
Duke  of  Parma  ;  but  it  had  surrendered  before  his  arrival. 
He  bore  his  part  in  the  defeat  of  the  Armada,  on  board  the 
Bonadventure,  Captain  George  Raymond,  when,  says  Purchas, 
"  they  won  that  honour  that  no  sea  can  drown,  no  age  wear 
out ".  The  queen  was  so  satisfied  with  his  behaviour,  that 
she  gave  him  a  commission  to  go  the  same  year  to  the  Spanish 
coast  as  general ;  and  for  his  greater  honour  and  ability,  was 
pleased  to  lend  him  the  Golden  Lion,  one  of  the  ships  royal, 
to  be  the  admiral ;  but  he  victualled  and  furnished  it  at 
his  own  cost.  After  some  fight  he  took  a  merchant  ship 
in  the  narrow  seas ;  but  it  was  now  late  in  the  autumn : 
contrary  winds  baffled  his  course :  he  was  compelled  to  cut 
away  his  mainmast  in  a  storm,  and  returned  when  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  prosecute  what  Purchas  calls  his  true 
designs.f 

"  His  spirit  remaining,  nevertheless,  higher  than  the  winds, 
and  more  resolutely  by  storms  compact  and  united  in  itself/' 
he  obtained  of  the  queen  one  of  the  royal  navy  called  the 
Viciory ;  with  which,  two  small  ships,  the  Meg  or  Margaret 
and  a  caravel,  set  forth  at  his  charges,  and  with  400  men  on 
board,  he  sailed  from  Plymouth  in  June,  1 589-  The  Margaret, 
being  not  able  to  endure  the  sea,  was  sent  home  in  a  few  days, 
with  two  French  ships,  which,  belonging  to  the  party  of  the 
League,  were  deemed  fair  prizes.  The  earl  was  not  very 
scrupulous  on  such  occasions.  He  fell  in  with  eleven  ships 
from  Hamburgh  and  the  Baltic :  after  a  few  shot,  they  sent 

*  Sarracoll,  100.  Hakluyt,  iii.,  769-778.  History  of  Brazil,  i.,  377, 
378. 

•f-  Purchas,  part  iv.,  1142. 


104  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

their  masters  on  board,  showing  their  passports ;  these  were 
respected  for  themselves,  but  not  for  some  property  belonging 
to  a  Jew  of  Lisbon,  which  they  confessed  was  on  board,  and 
which  was  valued  at  4500/.  He  then  made  for  the  Azores, 
hoisted  Spanish  colours  when  he  came  in  sight  of  St.  Michael's, 
and  in  a  night  expedition  succeeded  in  cutting  four  ships  out 
of  the  road  ;  one  of  them,  however,  proved  to  be  a  Londoner, 
trading  there  under  the  Scotch  flag,  and  with  a  Scotch  pilot. 
His  great  object  was  to  intercept  the  carracks,  and  so  reim- 
burse himself  for  all  his  costs.  At  Flores  he  manned  his 
boats,  and  obtained  refreshments  as  being  a  friend  to  the 
prior,  Don  Antonio,  whose  pretended  title  to  the  Portuguese 
crown  was  acknowledged  by  England.  "  From  thence  rowing 
a  ship-board,  the  boat  was  pursued  two  miles  by  a  monstrous 
fish,  whose  fins  many  times  appeared  about  the  gills  above 
water  four  or  five  yards  asunder,  and  his  jaws  gaping  a  yard 
and  a  half  wide,  not  without  great  danger  of  overturning  the 
pinnace,  and  devouring  some  of  the  company."  But  from 
this,  which  was  as  formidable  to  the  earl's  boat  as  his  ship 
was  to  a  harmless  trader,  they  at  last  escaped.  Here  he  met 
and  "  accepted  into  consort "  Captain  Davies,  with  his  ship 
and  pinnace,  Captain  Markesbury,  in  a  ship  of  Raleigh's,  and 
the  barque  Lime. 

The  earl  knew  not  at  this  time  how  narrowly  the  home- 
ward-bound fleet  from  the  East  Indies  had  escaped  him. 
Seven  of  its  huge  and  richly  laden  vessels  had  sailed  for 
Europe  early  in  the  year,  separately,  as  they  were  ready,  but 
with  orders  to  rendezvous  at  St.  Helena,  and  from  thence  to 
proceed  in  company,  -no  danger  being  apprehended  from 
cruisers  on  the  first  part  of  the  voyage,  but  much  afterwards. 
The  richest  of  these  vessels  suffered,  on  the  coast  of  Natal, 
one  of  the  most  lamentable  shipwrecks  of  which  the  details 
have  been  recorded ;  the  others  reached  the  Azores  in  the 
middle  of  July  ;  and  some  of  the  smaller  cruisers  fell  in  with 
them  when  they  were  ill  able  to  defend  themselves.  What 


THE   EARL   OF  CUMBERLAND  105 

with  the  length  of  the  voyage  (for  they  had  been  six  months 
on  the  way),  the  scarcity  of  water  and  of  provisions,  and  the 
bad  quality  of  the  stores  that  were  left  (for  every  kind  of 
knavery  was  practised  in  the  equipment  of  the  Portuguese 
ships),  the  scurvy  was  making  great  ravages  on  board  ;  and 
every  day  men  who  had  been  some  days  dead  were  discovered 
in  the  places  whither  they  had  crept  that  they  might  lie 
down  and  die  in  peace.*  If  the  light  vessels  which  played 
about  them  and  harassed  them,  in  the  hope,  as  it  seemed, 
of  delaying  them  till  others  should  come  up,  had  been  aware  of 
their  condition,  they  might  have  carried  some  of  them  almost 
without  resistance  ;  for  there  was  the  utmost  confusion  as  well 
as  misery  on  board.  Those  who  were  in  the  best  plight  showed 
no  disposition  to  assist  their  weaker  comrades,  all  seeking 
to  secure  themselves  with  all  speed  under  some  of  their  own 
fortresses  ;  while  the  English  insulted  them  with  reproaches 
for  their  cowardice,  and  annoyed  them  with  musketry,  and 
with  such  small  pieces  as  vessels  of  thirty  tons  could  carry. 
The  Portuguese,  however,  made  their  way  good  to  Tercera, 
and  anchored  in  the  road  before  the  city  of  Angra  :  there,  to 
their  dismay,  they  found  that  the  island  was  in  arms,  expecting 
to  be  attacked  by  Drake,  and  that  instructions  had  arrived 
from  Portugal,  ordering  them  to  remain  there  till  they  should 
receive  further  directions.  The  alarm  occasioned  by  the 
destruction  of  the  Armada,  the  attempt  upon  Lisbon,  and  the 
activity  of  the  English  privateers,  was  such,  that  it  was  thought 
better  to  expose  these  rich  ships  to  the  danger  of  an  un- 
sheltered road  in  the  worst  season  of  the  year  than  let  them 
run  for  the  Tagus.  Luckily  for  the  Portuguese  officers  they 
were  not  expected  to  render  more  obedience  to  the  Govern- 
ment than  they  could  exact  from  their  men ;  after  a  gale 
from  the  south  had  driven  one  of  the  ships  on  shore,  the 

*  Linschoten,  c.  xcvi. 


106  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

other  captains  ventured  to  act  upon  their  own  judgment,  and 
sail  for  Lisbon,  where  they  happily  arrived.* 

Some  English  prisoners  who  stole  from  Tercera  in  a  small 
boat,  having  no  other  yard  for  their  mainsail  than  two  pipe 
staves,  fell  in  with  the  earl,  and  gave  him  the  unwelcome 
tidings  that  these  carracks  had  sailed  from  that  island  a 
week  before.  This  induced  him  to  return  to  Fayal  (where  he 
had  just  taken  some  small  Guinea  ships  and  sent  them  to 
England)  :  he  now  landed  there,  and  took  possession  of  the 
town,  consisting  of  about  500  well-built  houses.  It  was 
abandoned  at  his  approach.  He  set  a  guard  to  preserve  the 
churches  and  monasteries,  and  stayed  there  four  days,  till  a 
ransom  of  2000  ducats  was  brought  him,  mostly  in  church 
plate.  He  shipped  from  the  platform  fifty-eight  pieces  of 
iron  ordnance;  and  the  Governor  of  Graciosa,  as  if  to  deprecate 
such  a  visit,  sent  him  sixty  butts  of  wine.  Here  a  Weymouth 
privateer,  which  arrived  with  a  Spanish  prize  worth  I6,000l.} 
brought  news  that  ^the  West  India  fleet  was  expected;  and 
after  plying  three  or  four  days  to  and  fro  in  rough  weather, 
he  saw  it,?fifteen  sail  in  number,  enter  Angra  Roads  ;  but  he 
being  "  too  far  to]leeward,  and  they  being  strong  and  fortified 
with  castle  and  fort,"  he  could  make  no  attempt  upon  them  ; 
and  the  pinnace  which  he  left  to  observe  them  returned  with 
information  that  they  had  "  taken  off  their  sails  and  down 
their  topmasts,  with  the  intention  of  longer  stay".  The  earl 
then  made;  for j;St.  Michael's,  and  was  there  repelled  from 
watering  ;  next  he  went  to  St.  Mary's,  where  he  found  two 
Brazilian  ships  laden  with  sugar.  The  islanders  endeavoured 
to  bring  them  ashore;  but  Lister,  the  earl's  captain, 
"hastening  the  attempt  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  and  in 
danger  of  continual  shoreshot,  boarded  the  one,  cut  her  cables 


*  Linschoten,  Schip  vaert  naer  Oost,  ofte  Portugaels  Indien,  c.  xcvi. 
Linschoten  was  .in  the  fleet,  and  he  congratulates  himself  on  having 
escaped  mlllort  Commerlandt,  p.  146. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  107 

and  hawser,  and  rowed  her  away".  Captain  Davies  entered 
the  other,  which  was  aground,  and  had  been  abandoned  ;  but 
he  was  forced  to  forsake  her  by  a  fire  from  the  shore,  with  the 
loss  of  two  slain  and  sixteen  wounded.  In  bringing  out  their 
prize  the  bar  detained  them  in  a  position  exposed  to  an 
enemy  whose  force  had  been  rashly  undervalued  :  eighty 
men  were  killed ;  the  earl  received  three  shot  upon  his 
target,  a  fourth  wounded  him  slightly  in  the  side,  "his  head, 
also,  was  broken  with  stones,  so  that  the  blood  covered  his 
face,"  and  both  his  face  and  legs  were  burnt  with  fire-balls. 
The  prize,  however,  was  brought  off,  and  "the  Meg  being 
leaky  "  was  sent  with  it  to  England. 

The  earl  himself  held  his  course  for  Spain.  On  the  way 
he  fell  in  with  a  Portuguese  ship  laden  with  sugar,  from 
Brazil,  and  afterwards  with  one  of  the  fleet  which  had  taken 
shelter  from  him  in  Angra  Roads.  It  proved  to  be  a  ship  of 
400  tons,  from  St.  Juan  de  Ulloa,  laden  with  hides,  cochineal, 
sugar  and  silver,  and  the  captain  had  with  him  a  venture  to 
the  amount  of  25,000  ducats.  Full  of  joy  at  their  good  speed, 
they  now  resolved  upon  returning  home.  "  But  sea-fortunes," 
says  Purchas,  "are  variable,  having  two  inconstant  parents, 
air  and  water  "  ;  and,  in  the  words  of  one  of  the  adventurers,* 
"  these  summer  services  and  ships  of  sugar  proved  not  so  sweet 
and  pleasant  as  the  winter  was  afterwards  sharp  and  painful ". 
Captain  Lister  was  sent  in  the  Mexican  prize  for  Portsmouth. 
She  was  wrecked  at  Helcliff,  in  Cornwall :  everything  was 
lost  in  her,  and  five  or  six  only  of  the  people  were  saved. 
Contrary  weather  delayed  the  earl  so  long  upon  his  home- 
ward passage  that  drink  began  to  fail,  and  he  endeavoured 
to  make  some  Irish  harbour,  but  there,  too,  was  beaten  off  by 
the  wind  ;  and,  the  beer  and  water  being  by  that  time  all 
spent,  three  spoonfuls  of  vinegar  were  allowed  to  each  man  at  a 
meal,  with  some  small  relief,  squeezed  out  of  the  lees  of  their 

*  Sir  William  Monson,  Churchill's  Coll.,  iii.,  161. 


108  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

wine  vessels.  During  fourteen  days  they  had  no  other  drink 
than  this,  except  what  they  could  collect  in  rain  and  hail 
storms  in  their  sheets  and  napkins.  "  Some  drank  up  the 
soiled  running  water  at  the  scupper  holes ;  others  saved,  by 
device,  the  running  down  the  masts  and  tarred  ropes ;  and 
many  licked  the  moist  boards,  rails  and  masts  with  their 
tongues,  like  dogs.  Yet  was  that  rain  so  intermingled  with 
the  spray  of  the  foaming  sea,  in  that  extreme  storm,  that  it 
could  not  be  healthful ;  yea,  some  in  their  extremity  of  thirst, 
drank  themselves  to  death,  with  their  cans  of  salt  water  in 
their  hands."  "  By  this  time,  the  lamentable  cries  of  the 
sick  and  hurt  men  for  drink  were  heard  in  every  corner  of 
the  ship."  Many  perished  for  want  of  it — "tenor  twelve 
every  night  "  ;  and  in  this]  manner  more  were  lost  "  than 
otherwise  had  miscarried  in  the  whole  voyage  ".  The  mortality, 
indeed,  was  so  great  "  that  the  like  befell  not  any  other  fleet 
during  the  war.*  The  storm  continuing  added  to  their 
misery,  tearing  the  ship  in  such  sort  that  his  lordship's  cabin, 
the  dining-room,  and  the  half-deck  became  all  one,  and  he 
was  forced  to  seek  a  new  lodging  in  the  hold."  Such  circum- 
stances call  forth,  in  such  men,  the  qualities  by  which  alone, 
with  God's  blessing,  they  can  be  overcome  ;  the  earl,  upon 
all  occasions,  encouraged  his  men  by  his  promptitude,  his 
presence  of  mind,  and  his  example  ;  and  the  small  store  of 
provisions  was  distributed  equally  to  the  prisoners  and  to  his 

*  Sir  William  Monson,  Churchill's  Coll.,  iii.,  162.  "  All  these  disasters," 
Monson  says,  "  must  be  imputed  to  Capt.  Lister's  rashness,  upon  whom 
my  Lord  of  Cumberland  chiefly  relied,  wanting  experience  himself.  He 
was  the  man  that  advised  the  sending  the  ships  of  wine  for  England  ; 
otherwise  we  had  not  known  the  want  of  drink.  He  was  as  earnest  in 
persuading  our  landing  in  the  face  of  the  fortifications  of  St.  Mary's, 
against  all  reason  and  sense.  As  he  was  rash,  so  was  he  valiant :  but 
paid  dearly  for  his  unadvised  counsel ;  for  he  was  the  first  man  hurt, 
and  that  cruelly,  in  the  attempt  of  St.  Mary's,  and  afterwards  drowned 
in  the  rich  ship  cast  away  at  Mount's  Bay."  He  values  that  ship  at 

IOO,OOO/. 


THE   EARL  OF   CUMBERLAND  109 

own  people.  On  the  last  of  November  they  spoke  a  vessel, 
which  promised  them  some  barrels  of  wine  the  next  morning; 
but  their  hopes  were  disappointed,  for  the  vessel  went  on 
shore  during  the  night.  The  next  day,  however,  he  fell  in 
with  another,  which  helped  him  with  some  beer,  but  not 
enough  for  him  to  venture  upon  making  for  England  :  so  as 
the  wind  served,  he  put  into  Ventre  haven,  on  the  west  coast 
of  Ireland.  There  their  sufferings  ended,  and  on  the  20th  of 
December  he  sailed  for  England.  On  arriving  in  London, 
he  learned  the  recent  death  of  his  eldest  son  ;  but  was  com- 
forted a  few  weeks  after  by  the  birth  of  a  daughter,  the  Lady 
Anne  Clifford,  afterwards  the  famous  Countess  of  Pembroke. 

In  this  voyage  he  had  taken  thirteen  prizes ;  and  although 
the  one  which  was  lost  was  worth  more  than  all  the  rest,  yet 
the  profit  doubled  the  outlay  of  his  adventure.  Encouraged 
by  this  success,  as  well  as  inflamed  by  former  disappointments, 
and  being  thoroughly  possessed  by  the  spirit  of  the  age,  he 
obtained  a  ship  of  600  tons  from  the  queen,  with  which,  and 
with  four  other  vessels,  he  set  forth  in  1591,  at  his  own  charge, 
for  the  coast  of  Spain.  On  the  way  he  met  with  several 
Dutch  ships,  coming  from  Lisbon,  and  with  spices  on  board, 
which  were  Portuguese  property  :  "  So  greatly,"  says  Monson, 
"  were  we  abused  by  that  nation  of  Holland,  who,  though 
they  were  the  first  that  engaged  us  in  the  war  with  Spain, 
yet  still  maintained  their  own  trade  into  those  ports,  and 
supplied  the  Spaniards  with  ammunition,  victuals,  shipping, 
and  intelligence  against  us".  They  who  regarded  the  conduct 
of  the  Dutch  merchants  in  this  point  of  view,  and  made  it  a 
ground  for  reproaching  the  nation,  did  not  bear  in  mind  that 
the  struggle  in  which  the  Low  Countries  were  engaged  with 
Spain  was,  in  its  origin,  purely  a  religious  war,  and  that  many 
of  these  merchants  might  be  of  the  Romish  religion,  conse- 
quently Spanish  at  heart,  and  acting  as  much  in  conformity 
with  their  own  sense  of  duty,  as  Roman  Catholic  Christians 
and  loyal  subjects,  as  with  their  own  immediate  interest. 


110  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

Still  less  were  Englishmen  likely  to  consider,  what  certainly 
was  the  case,  that  some  of  the  Dutch,  who  thus  endeavoured 
to  save  Portuguese  property  from  the  privateers,  were  Jews 
of  Portuguese  birth  or  blood,  trading  with  their  brethren  who 
secretly  held  the  same  faith,  and  many  of  whom  were  desirous 
of  removing  themselves,  as  well  as  their  property,  from  a  land 
where  they  were  in  perpetual  danger  of  the  Inquisition. 
Least  of  all  did  our  licensed  sea  rovers  make  allowance  for 
the  views  of  commercial  men,  who,  in  continuing  a  long- 
established  trade  with  their  old  connections,  had  fair  intentions, 
though  they  were  compelled  to  use  false  colours,  and  knew 
that  the  commerce  which  they  carried  on  was  beneficial  to 
their  own  Government,  and,  in  fact,  received  from  that  Govern- 
ment all  the  secret  encouragement  that  it  could  give.* 

*  Charnock,  who  hated  the  Dutch,  says  the  rapid  progress  of  their 
naval  power  "was  effected  by  a  steady  and  uniform  perseverance  in  one 
system,  from  which  they  never  suffered  themselves  to  be  diverted  for  a 
single  moment  by  any  supposed  and  imaginary  evil  attendant  on  the 
prosecution  of  it.  This  fundamental  principle  (for  so  it  might  truly  be 
deemed,  being  the  point  or  centre  stone  from  whence  all  their  maxims  of 
government  sprang,  and  on  which  alone,  according  to  the  mode  in  which 
the  fabric  was  constructed,  they  depended  for  support)  consisted  in  an 
unalterable  resolution,  that  public  hostilities  should  never  be  permitted, 
even  for  a  single  moment,  to  interrupt  private  commerce.  So  completely 
bigoted  were  the  people  and  the  Government  to  this  opinion,  that  in  the 
very  height  of  the  war  the  Dutch  vessels  entered  the  Spanish  ports  with 
their  commodities  (the  want  of  which  would  have  distressed  their  enemies 
extremely)  with  as  much  cordiality  and  unconcern  as  though  they  had 
been  in  perfect  amity  with  them.  They  are  even  reported  to  have  carried 
this  idea,  which  by  all  other  nations  has  been  deemed  extravagant  and 
improper,  to  such  an  extent,  as  to  have  supplied  their  antagonists  with 
ammunition  and  stores  of  different  kinds,  which,  had  they  not  obtained 
from  some  quarter  or  other,  it  would  not  have  been  possible  for  them  to 
have  carried  on  the  war  "  (Hist,  of  Marine  Arch.,  ii.,  168). 

Charnock  did  not  perceive  how  much  might  be  alleged  in  defence  of 
the  system  which  he  thus  condemns  ;  and  he  has  altogether  overlooked 
the  other  motives  noticed  in  the  text,  powerfully  as  they  must  have 
influenced  the  Dutch  at  that  time. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  111 

Proceeding  to  the  coast  of  Spain,  the  earl  "  took  good 
purchase,"  but  to  little  profit.  One  prize,  laden  with  sugar 
from  St.  Thomas's,  he  was  forced  to  cast  off  because  of  an 
irremediable  leak  :  another,  which  he  sent  for  England,  was, 
after  long  contrary  winds,  compelled  to  put  into  Corunna  for 
want  of  victuals,  and  his  men  to  render  themselves  to  the 
enemy's  mercy.  He  was  not  more  fortunate  with  the  spices 
which  had  been  taken  from  the  Hollanders.  These  were  put 
on  board  a  ship  for  England,  the  squadron  convoyed  her  to 
the  Berlings,  from  whence  Captain  Monson,  who  was  on 
board,  was  to  see  her  safely  despatched.  But  the  other  ships 
did  not  observe  the  directions  given  them :  the  night  fell 
calm ;  and  in  the  morning  six  galleys  from  Peniche,  seeing 
that  this  vessel  was  at  a  distance  from  her  companions,  and 
that,  by  reason  of  the  calm,  they  could  not  come  up  to  her 
assistance,  attacked  her.  A  brave  resistance  was  made  :  but 
Captain  Bayly  and  the  principal  men  being  slain,  both  ship 
and  spices  were  taken  ;  and  Monson,  with  all  the  others  who 
survived,  made  prisoners.  Luckily  for  himself,  Monson,  but  a 
little  before,  having  surprised  two  vessels,  merely  for  the  sake 
of  obtaining  information,  had  let  them  go  again  without 
offering  any  injury  to  the  people  on  board.  His  reason  for 
dismissing  the  ships  was,  that  they  w,ere  not  worth  taking ; 
but  the  men,  thankful  for  their  deliverance,  made  a  favourable 
report  of  the  usage  which  they  had  received  at  his  hand,* 
and  he  now  found  the  benefit  of  this  good  character. 
"  Whether  it  was,"  he  says,  "  the  respect  they  had  to  the 
queen's  ship,  which  was  admiral  of  that  fleet,  or  honour  to 
my  lord  that  commanded  it,  or  hope  by  good  usage  of  our 
men  to  receive  the  like  again,  I  know  not ;  but  true  it  is,  that 
the  ordinary  men  were  treated  with  more  courtesy  than  they 
had  been  from  the  beginning  of  thewar."t  Some  effect  may 
also  have  been  produced  by  a  letter  which  the  earl  sent  to 

*  Monson,  460.  t  Ibid.,  164. 


112  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

the  Archduke  Albert,  at  that  time  Governor  of  Portugal, 
requesting  that  the  prisoners  might  be  well  used ;  and 
intimating  that  upon  their  treatment  would  depend  that  of 
the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  "of  whom,  he  presumed,  he 
should  take  store  ".*  This  led  to  an  agreement,  by  which 
the  other  prisoners  were  released  upon  terms,  for  the  per- 
formance of  which  Monson  was  detained  as  hostage. 

The  intelligence  which  the  earl  had  obtained  was  of  some 
importance.  The  Spaniards  had,  with  great  exertions,  fitted 
out  a  formidable  fleet.t  As  soon  as  he  learnt  this,  he 
despatched  one  of  his  ships  with  the  advice  to  Lord  Thomas 
Howard,  who  was  then  off  the  Western  Islands,  waiting  to 
intercept  the  West  Indian  fleet  ;  and  it  arrived  just  in  time  to 
put  him  upon  his  guard,  and  enable  him  to  avoid  the  danger.  J 
But  having  sent  off  this  vessel,  and  being  weakened  by  the 
loss  of  another  with  its  crew,  and  especially  finding  the 
queen's  ship  "  but  ill  of  sail,  it  being  the  first  voyage  she  had 
had  to  sea,  he  durst  not  abide  the  coast  of  Spain,  but  thought 
it  more  discretion  to  return  to  England.  Thus  ended  the 
third  of  his  maritime  adventures,  and  nothing  whatever  was 
taken  in  it  toward  defraying  the  great  charges  of  its  outfit." 

The  naval  history  of  England  is  so  much  beholden  to  Sir 
William  Monson  that  it  would  be  treating  him  with  ingratitude, 
as  well  as  disrespect,  if  the  story  of  his  captivity  were  pretermitted. 
For  some  months  he  was  kept  on  board  the  galleys  at  Cascaes 
and  Lisbon,  which  "was  most  grievous  to  him"  ;  and  while 
lying  in  the  Tagus,  he  planned  means  of  escaping,  by  aid  of  a 
good-natured  Dutchman,  the  master  of  a  Dutch  vessel,  which 
had  come  from  Brazil  ;  "  for  at  that  time  the  Portuguese 
freighted  Holland  ships  in  most  of  their  long  voyages,  though 
they  pretended  to  be  in  war  one  with  another ".  The  war, 

*  Purchas,  iv.,  1144. 

t  "  Little  inferior,"  Monson  says,  "  to  that  of  1588." 

\  Monson,  163,  164.     Purchas,  1144. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  113 

however,  was  more  than  a  pretence,  as  both  nations  found  to 
their  cost,  and  nowhere  more  dearly  than  in  Brazil  itself.  But 
the  day  before  this  scheme  was  to  have  been  put  in  execution, 
the  galleys  were  ordered  to  sea.  In  September,  when  the 
galleys  were  commonly  laid  up  for  the  winter,  he  and  eight 
other  Englishmen  were  sent  to  the  castle  at  Lisbon,  "  there 
to  be  imprisoned  till  a  course  was  taken  for  their  redemption  ". 
Each  man  had  for  his  maintenance  a  daily  allowance  of  1\d., — 
"A  proportion,"  he  says,  "that  did  not  equal  three-pence 
according  to  the  rate  of  things  in  England".  The  humanities 
of  war  will  always  be  in  proportion  to  the  established  standard 
of  military  honour,  one  as  it  were  regulating  the  other ;  and 
in  wars  which  are  exasperated  by  religious  hatred  both  are 
disregarded.  Monson  and  his  comrades  in  captivity  were 
closely  confined  all  the  time  of  their  imprisonment ;  only  in 
the  morning  they  resorted  to  the  castle  walls,  with  a  guard 
of  soldiers, — even  decent  privacy  being  refused  them.  "  It 
happened,"  says  this  officer,  "  on  St.  Andrew's  Day,  being 
upon  the  walls  at  our  usual  hour,  we  beheld  a  great  galleon 
of  the  king's  turning  up  the  river  in  her  fighting  sails,  being 
sumptuously  decked  with  ancients,  streamers,  and  pendants, 
with  all  other  ornaments,  to  show  her  bravery.  She  let  fly 
all  her  ordnance  in  a  triumphant  manner  for  the  taking  Sir 
Richard  Grenville  in  the  Revenge,  at  the  Island  of  Flores, 
she  being  one  of  that  fleet,  and  the  first  voyage  she  ever 
made.  I  confess  it  was  one  of  the  greatest  and  sorrowfullest 
sights  that  ever  my  eyes  beheld,  to  see  the  cause  the 
Spaniards  had  to  boast,  and  no  remedy  in  me  to  revenge  it 
but  in  my  tongue."  He  expressed,  however,  to  his  country- 
men a  hope  of  such  future  comfort,  and  offered  to  give  them 
one  on  condition  of  receiving  ten,  should  he  live  to  be  at  the 
taking  of  that  triumphal  galleon :  its  name  was  not  likely  to 
escape  his  memory,  for  it  was  St.  Andrew, — and  some  of  the 
gala  bravery  which  he  attributed  to  the  joy  of  this  victory  was 
no  doubt  intended  in  honour  of  its  patron  saint  upon  his 


114  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

festival.  This  passed  only  as  an  idle  desire  to  see  his  word 
come  to  effect :  to  effect,  however,  it  came,  five  years  after- 
wards, in  the  Cadiz  expedition ;  for  the  St.  Andrew  was  one  of 
the  five  galleons  which  were  run  ashore,  and  one  of  the  two 
that  were  brought  off  by  the  conquerors,  and  Monson  com- 
manded in  the  boat  that  saved  and  took  possession  of  her.* 

A  Portuguese,  by  name  Manoel  Fernandes,  was  at  this 
time  a  prisoner  in  the  castle.  He  had  been  in  the  service  of 
the  prior,  Don  Antonio,  and  having  emigrated  with  him,  had 
returned,  as  his  emissary,  to  encourage  the  hopes  of  his  party, 
and  prepare  them  for  taking  up  arms  in  his  favour  when 
opportunity  might  offer  :  in  this  he  was  discovered,  and  must 
have  suffered  death,  if  influence  and  money,  which  have 
always  been  all  but  all-powerful  in  Portugal,  had  not  been 
employed  with  such  effect  in  his  behalf  that,  after  seven  years' 
imprisonment,  he  was  now  on  the  point  of  being  enlarged. 
Among  the  persons  who  visited  him  in  prison  was  a  pilot,  who 
was  usually  employed  to  meet  the  Indian  fleets,  with  letters 
directing  them  what  course  they  should  hold,  according  as 
information  had  been  obtained  concerning  the  English 
cruisers.  It  occurred  to  Monson  that,  by  means  of  Fernandes, 
it  might  be  possible  to  corrupt  this  man,  and  give  such 
intelligence  to  the  queen's  ships,  as  should  enable  them  to 
fall  in  with  the  treasure  fleet.  He  made  no  scruple  of  pro- 
posing this  design  to  Fernandes,  whose  political  feelings  were 
in  no  degree  mitigated  either  by  time  or  the  mercy  that  had 
been  shown  him  ;  and  the  pilot,  who,  if  he  were  an  Antonian 
at  heart,  would  be  hardly  the  less  villain  for  betraying  his 
trust,  entered  into  the  scheme.  Monson  then  wrote  letters  to 
Lord  Burleigh,  and  to  the  lord  admiral,  informing  them  of 
the  train  which  he  had  thus  laid.  As  he  had  a  page  who 
was  allowed  to  wait  on  him  in  his  confinement  this  boy  was 
to  convey  the  letters,  and  they  were  secreted  in  the  soles  of 

*  Monson,  466. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  115 

his  shoes.  Unfortunately  for  all  parties,  Monson  had  been 
obliged  to  use  an  Englishman  as  an  interpreter.  No  English- 
man could  then  reside  in  Portugal  unless  he  professed  the 
Portuguese  religion  ;  and  this  person  thought  that  he  consulted 
best  for  his  conscience  and  safety,  and  interest  at  the  same  time, 
by  disclosing  the  plot.  The  boy  was  seized,  and  marched  to 
Belem  Castle,  through  one  of  those  violent  rains,  which  can 
hardly  be  imagined  by  those  who  have  never  witnessed 
them  :  to  that  rain  both  he  and  his  master  were  indebted  for 
their  lives  ;  for  it  was  not  till  they  had  lodged  their  prisoner 
at  Belem  that  they  ripped  the  soles  of  his  shoes,  and  the 
letters  had  by  that  time  been  so  thoroughly  soaked  that  they 
were  quite  illegible,  so  that  no  proof  whatever  could  be  drawn 
from  them. 

The  Government,  however,  had  such  good  reason  for 
believing  the  informer's  story,  that  they  proceeded  against 
Fernandes  for  his  old  treason,  and  a  day  was  appointed  for 
executing  his  sentence  of  death.  He  consulted  with  Monson, 
and  was  provided  with  a  cudgel  and  a  rope  :  by  fixing  the 
cudgel  across  two  of  the  battlements  of  the  wall,  he  might 
let  himself  down  by  the  rope,  and  thus,  it  was  hoped,  take 
sanctuary  in  a  church  hard  by  :  but  upon  closer  inquiry  it  was 
found  that  this  could  not  be  done  in  the  day-time.  They 
then  called  to  mind,  that  over  the  room  in  which  he  lay  was 
a  chamber  wherein  soldiers  had  been  lodged,  but  which  had 
been  just  left  unoccupied.  They  cut  a  trap  door  through  the 
ceiling  of  the  one  room,  which  was  the  floor  of  the  other ; 
and  when  night  came,  Fernandes,  who  had  procured  a  scab- 
bard and  a  wooden  sword,  ventured  from  the  upper  apart- 
ment, passed  through  the  guards,  who  seeing  the  sword  by 
his  side  took  him  for  a  soldier,  to  the  wall,  let  himself  down, 
and  reached  a  place  of  concealment.  Ere  long  the  watch, 
or  round  as  it  is  called,  passing  about  the  castle,  espied  the 
rope  by  which  he  had  descended  ;  the  alarm  was  given  ;  the 
prisoners  were  questioned  ;  all  agreed  that  Monson  was  the 


116  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

likeliest  person  to  have  been  privy  to  the  escape,  and  Monson 
accordingly  was  brought  before  a  judge  to  be  examined  on 
the  following  morning.  Every  artifice  was  used  that  could 
either  intimidate  or  tempt  him  to  confess  his  part  of  the  trans- 
action ;  but  he  denied  all  knowledge  of  it ;  pretended  that  it 
was  impossible  for  him  to  plot  with  a  man  with  whom  he 
could  carry  on  no  conversation,  because  each  was  ignorant  of 
the  other's  language  ;  and  argued,  that  if  he  had  done  what 
he  was  accused  of  it  could  not  be  deemed  an  offence,  for  not 
having  come  into  that  land  by  his  own  will  to  carry  on  any 
designs  against  the  state,  but  having  been  brought  there  as  a 
prisoner  of  war,  it  was  lawful  for  him  to  seek  his  own  liberty, 
and  to  neglect  no  occasion  wherein  he  might  do  service  to 
his  own  prince  and  country.  They  could  prove  nothing 
against  him  that  deserved  punishment  by  the  universal  law  of 
honour  and  arms  ;  and  he  bade  them  be  wary  what  violence 
they  offered  him,  for  he  had  friends  in  England,  and  was  of  a 
nation  that  both  could  and  would  revenge  any  cruelty  that 
might  be  used  towards  him.  The  boldest  defence  was  the 
best,  and  Monson  took  the  right  ground  when  he  spoke  of 
the  strength  and  spirit  of  the  English  people  ;  though  the 
plea  would  have  availed  little  if  Fernandes  had  been  taken, 
for  he  had  provided  him  with  a  letter  addressed  to  all  English 
captains  at  sea ;  the  design  being  that  the  fugitive  should  put 
himself  into  a  fishing-boat  and  look  out  for  a  man-of-war  to 
transport  him  to  England.  When  the  judge  found  that 
nothing  could  be  drawn  from  him,  he  was  remanded  to  the 
castle,  with  orders  to  be  more  strictly  watched  :  no  violence 
was  used  towards  him,  but  no  art  left  unattempted  by  which 
he  might  be  entrapped. 

Fernandes  had  faithful  friends :  among  them  he  was  con- 
cealed till  the  eagerness  of  the  search  for  him  had  abated,  and 
means  could  be  taken  for  engaging  a  fishing-boat.  At  length 
he  embarked,  but  with  such  ill  fortune,  that,  having  been  a 
fortnight  at  sea  without  meeting  an  English  ship,  and  wearied 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  117 

with  sea-sickness,  he  was  forced  to  return  to  shore,  where  he 
"lived  some  time  among  poor  shepherds  and  herdsmen/'  till 
he  thought  that,  disfigured  as  he  was  by  fatigue,  and  sufferings, 
and  exposure,  and  disguised  also,  he  might  venture  to  show 
himself,  and  ask  alms.  It  so  happened,  however,  that  he 
begged  at  the  house  of  one  who  had  been  fellow-prisoner 
with  him.  This  person  recognised  him,  and  immediately 
called  a  servant ;  and  Fernandes,  not  waiting  to  ascertain  with 
what  intention  his  old  comrade  had  done  this,  ran  into  the 
church  thereby,  and  took  sanctuary,  thus  betraying  himself 
by  his  own  fears.  Information  was  immediately  despatched 
to  the  cardinal  prince,  and  he,  paying  no  regard  to  the 
sanctuary,  ordered  him  to  be  reconveyed  to  his  old  lodging  in 
the  castle  ;  the  law  then  proceeded  against  him,  and  he  was 
condemned  to  death,  not  without  grief  to  many  of  the 
beholders  ;  for  Monson  says  :  "  He  was  a  man  of  much  good- 
ness and  great  charity  ".  The  day  of  execution  arrived,  the 
last  acts  of  religion  were  perfonned,  and  he  was  brought  out 
of  prison  "with  a  winding-sheet  lapped  bandelier  fashion 
about  him  ".  Many  gathered  around  to  give  him  their  last 
adieu  ;  and  on  taking  leave  of  the  soldiers  he  requested  that 
in  return  for  all  his  former  kindness  to  them,  one  of  them 
would  with  all  speed  hasten  to  the  Misericordia,  and  inform 
the  brethren  of  that  institution  of  the  injury  done  to  God, 
themselves,  and  the  Holy  Church,  by  taking  perforce  a 
penitent  sinner  out  of  sanctuary.  Fernandes  had  made  him- 
self so  well  liked  during  his  long  imprisonment,  that  happy 
was  he  who  could  make  most  speed  upon  this  errand ;  and 
some  of  the  brethren  making  no  delay  hastened  on  horseback 
to  the  place  of  execution,  "  where  they  found  poor  Senhor 
Fernandes  ready  to  commend  his  spirit  to  God,  and  the 
hangman  as  ready  to  perform  his  office  ".  Their  interference 
was  effectual,  under  a  Government  which  implicitly  conformed 
to  whatever  was  required  of  it  in  the  name  of  the  Church  ; 
and  thus  his  life  was  saved.  Before  this  occurred  Monson  had 


118  ENGLISH  fSEAMEN 

been  released  ;  the  conditions,  for  the  performance   of  which 
he  was  detained  in  pledge,  having  been  performed.* 

The  queen  had  given  command  "  not  to  lay  any  Spanish 
vessel  aboard  with  her  ships,  lest  both  might  together  be 
destroyed  by  fire '' ;  and  in  this  injunction  the  earl  found  so 
much  inconvenience,  that  he  chose  rather  "to  seek  out 
amongst  the  merchants  than  to  make  further  use  of  the  ships 
royal ".  So  he  hired  the  Tiger  of  600  tons,  for  300/.  a  month 
wages,  in  which,  and  with  his  own  ship  the  Samson,  the 
Golden  Noble,  and  two  small  vessels,  he  set  forth.  The  winds 
proved  so  adverse,  that  three  months'  victuals  were  spent  in 
harbours  before  they  could  get  to  the  westward  of  Plymouth. 
This  frustrated  his  chief  design,  which  was  to  intercept  the 
outward-bound  carracks,  and  it  consumed  also  the  stores 
that  had  been  provided  for  a  West  India  voyage  :  the  earl 
therefore  transferred  the  command  to  Captain  Norton,  with 
orders  to  go  for  the  Azores,  and  returned  to  London.  The 
voyage  proved  a  most  eventful  one.  They  called  at  Flores, 
where  the  English  cruisers  used  to  take  in  water  and  refresh- 
ments at  will,  because  the  islanders  had  no  means  of  resisting 
them ;  learning  there  that  the  homeward-bound  East  India 
ships  must  be  near,  they  spread  themselves  in  quest,  and  ere 
long  came  in  sight  of  the  Santa  Cruz,  which  was  some  days' 
sail  a-head  of  her  comrades.  The  Portuguese  made  all  sail 
for  Angra ;  and  the  pursuers,  when  within  half  a  league  of 
her,  discovered  an  English  ship  standing  to  cross  her  way,  so 
that  she  was  fain  to  luff  up,  the  wind  being  westerly,  and 
make  for  the  road  of  Lagens  on  the  south  of  the  Isle  of 
Flores.  The  English  vessel  proved  to  be  the  Roebuck  of  200 
tons,  Sir  John  Burroughs,  commander,  the  admiral  of  a 
squadron  which  Raleigh  had  fitted  out.  The  wind  soon  fell, 
so  as  not  to  yield  breath  for  spreading  a  sail ;  and,  as  no  way 
could  then  be  made  on  either  side,  Burroughs  took  his  boat 

*  Monson,  461,  462. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  119 

and  rowed  near  enough  the  enemy  to  ascertain  what  she  was, 
of  what  burden,  force,  and  countenance  ;  having  "  made  her 
exactly/'  he  consulted  with  Norton,  and  they  agreed  to  board 
her  in  the  morning.  A  storm  in  the  night  forced  them  all 
to  weigh  anchor.  "  Yet  their  care  was  such  in  wrestling  with 
the  weather,  not  to  lose  the  carrack,  that  in  the  morning, 
the  tempest  being  qualified,"  they  recovered  the  road  and  saw 
the  carrack  warped  as  near  the  shore  as  she  could  be  brought, 
with  all  her  sails  up  and  flags  flying.  The  Portuguese  had 
carried  all  they  could  on  shore,  and  then,  at  sight  of  the 
English,  set  fire  to  her,  "that  neither  glory  of  victory  nor 
benefit  of  ship  might  remain  to  their  enemies  ".  The  guns 
went  off  as  the  fire  reached  them  ;  and  lest  the  English  should 
endeavour  to  extinguish  the  fire,  some  of  the  Portuguese 
entrenched  themselves  near  enough  for  defending  the 
approach.  Burroughs  ordered  100  men  to  disperse  them  :  the 
surge  was  so  high  that,  for  fear  of  losing  their  boats,  the  men 
were  up  to  the  neck  in  water,  and  some  over  head  and  ears, 
before  they  could  reach  the  shore ;  and  then  they  were 
forced  to  climb  on  hands  and  knees  up  a  steep  hill,  from  the 
top  of  which  the  islanders  rolled  great  stones  upon  them  ;  but 
all  difficulties  were  overcome  by  resolution  and  hope  :  they 
entered  the  town  without  further  opposition,  and  then 
possessed  themselves  of  what  little  had  been  landed,  or  was 
drifted  on  shore  from  the  wreck. 

What  was  of  more  consequence,  they  obtained  from  some 
prisoners,  by  threats  of  torture,  information  that  three  larger 
carracks,  at  little  distance,  were  holding  the  same  course.  By 
this  time  more  of  Raleigh's  vessels  had  come  up,  with  Sir 
Robert  Cross  in  the  Foresight,  a  queen's  ship ;  their  united 
numbers  were  now  sufficient,  by  spreading  from  north  to 
south,  yet  keeping  in  sight  of  one  another,  to  discover  the 
space  of  two  whole  degrees.  On  the  fifth  day  the  Mad  re 
de  Dios  came  in  sight,  one  of  the  largest  carracks  belonging 
to  the  crown  of  Portugal.  Thomson,  who  came  up  with  her 


120  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

first,  in  a  ship  of  Sir  John  Hawkins's,  "again  and  again 
delivered  his  peals  as  fast  as  he  could  fire,  and  fall  astern  to 
load  again,  thus  hindering  her  way,  though  somewhat  to  his 
own  cost,  till  the  others  could  come  up  ".  Burroughs  and  the 
Golden  Dragon  came  up  next,  and  the  former  received  a  shot 
under  water  in  the  bread-room,  which  made  him  bear  up  to 
stop  the  leak.  Sir  Robert  Cross  then  "coming  to  give  his 
broadside,  came  so  near,  that,  becalming  his  sail,  he  un- 
willingly fell  aboard  the  carrack,  which  lashed  his  ship  fast 
by  the  shrouds,  and  sailed  away  with  her  by  her  side  ".  The 
earl's  ships,  being  the  worst  sailers,  came  up  last,  about 
eleven  at  night,  and  Captain  Norton  had  no  intention  to 
board  the  enemy  before  daylight,  if  there  had  not  been  a  cry 
from  the  Foresight,  "  An  you  be  men  save  the  queen's  ship  !  " 
Upon  this  he  laid  the  carrack  aboard  on  one  side,  while  the 
Tiger  boarded  her  on  the  other,  through  the  Foresight.  That 
ship  took  the  opportunity  to  free  herself.  A  desperate 
struggle  ensued  when  the  men  had  entered  into  the  fore- 
chains,  "  the  forecastle  being  so  high,  that  without  any 
resistance  the  getting  up  had  been  difficult ;  but  here  was 
strong  resistance,  some  irrecoverably  falling  by  the  board,  and 
the  assault  continued  an  hour  and  half,  so  brave  a  booty 
making  the  men  fight  like  dragons ".  But  when  the  fore- 
castle was  won,  the  Portuguese  sought  where  to  hide  them- 
selves. The  English  turned  to  pillage,  "and  were  ready  to 
go  to  the  ears  about  it,  each  man  lighting  a  candle  "  ;  and  by 
this  they  had  nearly  lost  their  prize,  for  by  their  carelessness 
they  fired  a  cabin,  in  which  were  some  hundred  cartridges, 
and  they  were  as  eager  then  to  forsake  the  carrack  as  they 
had  been  to  board  her,  if  Norton  and  some  others  had  not 
"adventured  the  quenching  of  that  flame  ". 

When  the  prisoners  were  secured,  the  general  "first  had 
presented  to  his  eyes  the  true  proportion  of  the  vast  body  of 
this  carrack,  which,"  says  the  writer  in  Hakluyt,  "did  then, 
and  may  still,  justly  provoke  the  admiration  of  all  men  not 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  121 

formerly  acquainted  with  such  a  sight.  But  albeit  this  first 
appearance  of  the  hugeness  thereof  yielded  sights  enough  to 
entertain  our  men's  eyes,  yet  the  pitiful  object  of  so  many 
bodies  slain  and  dismembered  could  not  but  draw  each  man's 
eye  to  see,  and  heart  to  lament,  and  hands  to  help,  those 
miserable  people,  whose  limbs  were  torn  with  the  violence  of 
shot.  No  man  could  almost  step  but  upon  a  dead  carcass  or 
a  bloody  floor,  but  especially  about  the  helm ;  for  the  great- 
ness of  the  steerage  requiring  the  labour  of  twelve  or  fourteen 
men  at  once,  and  some  of  our  ships  beating  her  in  at  the 
stern  with  her  ordnance,  oftentimes  with  one  shot  slew  four  or 
five  labouring  on  either  side  of  the  helm  ;  whose  room  being 
still  furnished  with  fresh  supplies,  and  our  artillery  still 
playing  upon  them  with  continual  volleys,  it  could  not  be  but 
that  much  blood  should  be  shed  in  that  place.  Whereupon 
our  general,  moved  with  singular  commiseration  of  their 
misery,  sent  them  his  own  chirurgeons,  denying  them  no 
possible  help  or  relief  that  he  or  any  of  his  company  could 
afford  them."  It  may  be  feared  that  such  humanity,  at  that 
time,  deserved  this  special  commendation ;  but  Sir  John 
Burroughs  acted  towards  his  prisoners  with  a  generosity  which 
was  not  less  rare  ;  for,  "  moved  with  compassion  of  human 
misery,  and  not  to  add  too  much  affliction  to  the  afflicted,  he 
dismissed  the  captain  and  most  of  his  followers  freely  to 
their  own  country,  and  for  that  purpose  bestowed  them  in 
one  of  the  earl's  vessels,  furnished  with  all  things  necessary  ". 
The  captain,  Don  Fernando  de  Mendoza,  was  "  a  gentleman 
of  noble  birth,  well  stricken  in  years,  well  spoken,  of  comely 
personage,  of  good  stature,  but  of  hard  fortune.  Twice  he 
had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  Moors  and  ransomed  by  the 
king  ;  and  he  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Sofala,  in  a 
carrack  which  he  commanded,  and,  having  escaped  the  sea 
danger,  fell  into  the  hands  of  infidels  on  shore,  who  kept  him 
under  long  and  grievous  servitude."  The  prisoners  who  were 
thus  released  were  not  searched  :  so  rich  a  prize,  indeed, 


122  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

might  well  content  the  captors  ;  and  they  who  had  lost  so 
much  might  be  permitted  to  carry  with  them  such  of  their 
own  valuables  as  they  could.  They  had,  however,  the  ill  hap 
to  fall  in  with  other  English  cruisers,  who  took  from  them, 
"  thus  negligently  dismissed,"  says  our  narrator,  "  900  diamonds, 
besides  other  odd  ends  ". 

About  800  black  men  (if  that  number  be  not  overstated) 
were  landed  on  the  Island  of  Corvo.  ^Having  thus  disposed 
of  their  prisoners,  contention  about  the  prize  was  "  well-nigh 
kindling  in  the  commanders,  being  so  many  and  so  diversely 
employed  ".  But  Burroughs,  "  to  fcut  foff  the  unprofitable 
spoil  and  pillage,"  to  which  he  saw  that  many  were  inclined, 
promptly  and  prudently  took  charge  of  the  whole  in  the 
queen's  name,  the  others  consenting  ;  for,  indeed,  it  appeared, 
upon  "  a  slender  rummaging  of  such  things  as  first  came  to 
hand,  that  the  wealth  would  arise  nothing  disanswerable 
to  expectation,  but  that  the  variety  and  grandeur  of  all 
rich  commodities  would  be  more  than  sufficient  to  content 
both  the  adventurer's  desire  and  the  soldier's  travail.  And 
here,"  says  our  narrator,  "  I  cannot  but  enter  into  the  con- 
sideration and  acknowledgment  of  God's  great  favour  towards 
our  nation,  who,  by  putting  this  purchase  into  our  hands, 
hath  manifestly  discovered  those  secret  trades  and  Indian 
riches,  which  hitherto  lay  strangely  hidden  and  cunningly 
concealed  from  us ;  whereof  there  was  among  some  few  of  us 
some  small  and  imperfect  glimpse  only  which  now  is  turned 
into  the  broad  light  of  full  and  perfect  knowledge.  Whereby 
it  should  seem  that  the  will  of  God  for  our  good  is  (if  our 
weakness  could  apprehend  it)  to  have  us  communicate  with 
them  in  those  East  Indian  treasures,  and,  by  the  erection 
of  a  lawful  traffic,  to  better  our  means  to  advance  true  religion 
and  His  holy  service.  The  carrack  being  in  burden,  by  the 
estimation  of  the  wise  and  experienced,  no  less  than 
1600  tons,  had  full  900  of  those  stowed  with  the  gross  bulk 
of  merchandise  ;  the  rest  of  the  tonnage  being  allowed,  partly 


THE   EARL   OF  CUMBERLAND  123 

to  the  ordnance,  which  were  thirty-two  pieces  of  brass  of  all 
sorts,  partly  to  the  passengers  and  the  victuals,  which  could 
not  be  any  small  quantity,  considering  the  number  of  persons, 
— between  600  and  700, — and  the  length  of  the  navigation. 
To  give  you  a  taste,  as  it  were,  of  the  commodities,  it  shall 
suffice  to  deliver  you  a  general  particularity  of  them,  according 
to  the  catalogue  taken  at  Leadenhall,  the  15th  of  September, 
1592.  (It  is  remarkable  that  this  should  have  been  the  place 
where  an  account  was  taken  of  the  first  East  Indian  cargo 
that  was  ever  brought  to  England.)  Upon  good  view  it  was 
found  that  the  principal  wares,  after  the  jewels  (which  were 
no  doubt  of  great  value,  though  they  never  came  to  light), 
consisted  of  spices,  drugs,  silks,  calicoes,  quilts,  carpets,  and 
colours,  etc.  The  spices  were  pepper,  cloves,  maces,  nutmegs, 
cinnamon,  green  ginger.  The  drugs  were  benjamin,  frank- 
incense, galingale,  mirabolans,  aloes,  socotrina,  camphire. 
The  silks,  damasks,  taffatas,  sarcenets,  altobassos,  that  is, 
counterfeit  cloth  of  gold,  unwrought  China  silk,  sleaved  silk, 
white  twisted  silk,  curled  cypress.  The  calicoes  were  book 
calicoes,  calico-lawns,  broad  white  calicoes,  fine  starched 
calicoes,  coarse  white  calicoes,  brown  broad  calicoes,  brown 
coarse  calicoes.  There  were  also  canopies  and  coarse  diaper 
towels,  quilts  of  coarse  sarcenet  and  of  calico,  carpets  like 
those  of  Turkey ;  whereunto  are  to  be  added  the  pearl,  musk, 
civet,  and  ambergris.  The  rest  of  the  wares  were  many  in 
number,  but  less  in  value,  as  elephants'  teeth,  porcelain  vessels 
of  China,  cocoa-nuts,  hides,  ebon  wood  as  black  as  jet,  bed- 
steads of  the  same,  cloth  of  the  rinds  of  trees,  very  strange 
for  the  matter,  and  artificial  in  workmanship.  All  which  piles 
of  commodities,  being  by  men  of  approved  judgment  rated  but 
in  reasonable  sort,  amounted  to  no  less  than  150,000/.,  which 
being  divided  among  the  adventurers,  whereof  her  Majesty 
was  the  chief,  was  sufficient  to  yield  contentment  to  all 
parties."  * 

*  Hakluyt,  ii.,  198. 


124  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

But,  in  truth,  the  parties  were  not  contented :  they  had 
expected  far  too  much,  and  they  received  somewhat  too 
little.  The  Earl  of  Cumberland's  share  had  been  estimated 
by  his  friends,  "according  to  his  employment  of  ships  and 
men,"  to  two  or  three  millions,  so  extravagant  were  their 
notions  !  "  But  because  his  commission,  large  enough  other- 
wise, had  not  provided  for  the  case  of  his  return,  and  substi- 
tuting another  in  his  place,  some  adjudged  it  to  depend  on 
the  queen's  mercy  and  bounty."  *  The  queen's  adventure  in 
this  voyage  was  only  two  ships,  one  only  of  which,  and  that 
the  least,  was  at  the  capture,  and  would  have  been  carried 
off  by  the  carrack,  like  a  lark  in  a  hawk's  talons,  if  the  earl's 
ships  had  not  come  to  the  rescue  ;  yet  of  this  title,  "joined 
with  her  royal  authority,"  she  made  such  use,  that  the 
adventurers  were  fain  to  submit  themselves  to  her  pleasure, 
and  "  she  dealt  but  indifferently  with  them,"  says  Morison  ;  f 
— rather,  indeed,  anything  but  indifferently.  The  lioness 
took  her  share  ;  and  the  jackals  also  helped  themselves  well, 
as  well  at  her  cost  as  that  of  the  other  claimants.  The  queen 
had  not  "  the  account  of  the  fifth  part  of  her  value,  by  reason 
of  some  men's  embezzling,  and  the  earl  was  fain  to  accept 
of  36,000/.,  for  him  and  his,  as  out  of  gift  ".$ 

The  size  of  the  carrack  excited  great  admiration.  She  had 
nearly  been  wrecked  on  the  Scilly  rocks,  and  having  put 
into  Dartmouth,  was  unladen  there,  and  the  goods  sent  to 
London  in  ten  vessels.  "  But  to  the  end  that  the  bigness, 
height,  length,  breadth,  and  other  dimensions,  of  so  huge  a 
vessel  might  by  the  exact  rules  of  geometrical  observations  be 
truly  taken,  both  for  present  knowledge  and  derivation  also 
of  the  same  unto  posterity,  one  M.  Robert  Adams,  a  man,  in 
his  faculty,  of  excellent  skill,  omitted  nothing  in  the  descrip- 
tion which  either  his  art  could  demonstrate,  or  any  man's 
judgment  think  worthy  the  memory.  After  an  exquisite 

*  Purchas,  1145.  f  P.  165.  J  Purchas. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  125 

survey  of  the  whole  frame,  he  found  the  length  from  the 
beak-head  to  the  stern  (whereupon  was  erected  a  lantern)  to 
contain  1 65  foot.  The  breadth  in  the  second  close  deck  (whereof 
she  had  three),  this  being  the  place  where  there  was  most 
extension  of  breadth,  was  forty-six  foot  ten  inches.  She 
drew  in  water  thirty-one  foot  at  her  departure  from  Cochim 
in  India,  but  not  above  twenty-six  at  her  arrival  in  Dartmouth, 
being  lightened  in  her  voyage  by  divers  means  some  five  foot. 
She  carried  in  height  seven  several  stories,  one  main  orlop, 
three  close  decks,  one  fore-castle,  and  a  spar-deck  of  two 
floors  apiece.  The  length  of  the  keel  was  100  foot,  of  the 
main  mast  121,  and  the  circuit  about  at  the  partners  ten 
foot  seven ;  the  main  yard  was  106  foot  long.  By  which 
perfect  commensuration  of  the  parts  appeareth  the  hugeness 
of  the  whole,  far  beyond  the  mould  of  the  biggest  shipping 
used  among  us  either  for  war  or  receit."*  "  Being  so 
huge  and  unwieldy  a  ship,"  says  another  writer,  "  she  was 
never  removed  from  Dartmouth,  but  there  laid  up  her 
bones."t 

The  success  of  this  last  voyage  encouraged  the  earl  to  more 
adventures ;  and  he  imputed  his  former  failures  more  to  the 
negligence  or  unfaithfulness  of  those  whom  he  had  employed 
to  lay  in  his  stores,  than  to  any  other  cause.  His  objections 
to  the  queen's  ships  seem  to  have  been  removed  by  the 
bravery  with  which  the  Foresight  had  run  aboard  the  great 
Madre  dc  Dios ;  and  planning  now  two  expeditions  at  the 
same  time,  he  obtained  two  ships  royal,  which  he  victualled 
himself,  and  with  seven  others  in  company  sailed  for  the  coast 
of  Spain,  from  whence  he  despatched  three  of  these  to  the 
West  Indies.  On  the  Spanish  coast  he  had  the  good  fortune 
to  fall  in  with  two  French  vessels  from  St.  Maloes  :  that  port 
held  for  the  League ;  the  ships  therefore  were  accounted 
Spaniards,  and  they  were  rich  enough  to  repay  the  costs  of 

*  Hakluyt,  199.  t  Purchas,  1145. 


126  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

his  voyage  more  than  threefold.  One  day,  being  separated 
from  the  rest  of  his  fleet,  off  Peniche,  he  met  with  twelve 
hulks  in  the  same  place  where  Monson  had  been  captured 
by  the  galleys  exactly  two  years  before  on  the  same  day. 
He  required  from  them  that  respect  which  was  due  to  her 
Majesty's  ship  ;  and  they,  presuming  upon  the  strength  of 
twelve  against  one,  not  considering  how  much  better  that 
one  was  prepared  for  war,  refused  to  render  it.  After  two 
hours'  fight  he  brought  them  to  his  mercy ;  and  they  to 
obtain  it  delivered  up  a  great  quantity  of  ammunition  which 
they  carried  for  the  King  of  Spain's  service.  And  here  the 
earl  committed  an  error  that  might  have  cost  him  dear ;  for, 
standing  out  to  sea  with  some  of  these  hulks,  he  left  Monson 
in  his  long  boat  with  fifty  men  to  rummage  the  others. 
Towards  evening,  those  which  he  had  under  his  custody  gave 
him  the  slip,  and  returned  to  their  comrades  ;  and  Monson 
would  again  have  been  made  prisoner  in  his  turn  if  he  had 
not  leaped  out  of  the  vessel  into  his  boat  on  one  side  as  they 
boarded  him  on  the  other ;  and  in  so  doing  he  received  a  hurt 
in  the  leg,  which  annoyed  him  during  the  remainder  of  his 
life. 

The  earl,  upon  the  intelligence  which  he  obtained  here, 
made  for  the  Western  Islands,  hoping  to  fall  in  with  the 
carracks  before  they  should  meet  the  Portuguese  fleet  which 
had  been  ordered  thither  to  convoy  them.  One  of  that  fleet 
he  captured  off  the  Isle  of  Flores  ;  but  being  far  too  weak  to 
encounter  their  whole  force,  of  which  he  obtained  sight  the 
next  day,  he  stood  off  to  avoid  them,  and  hovered  about  for 
three  weeks,  till  he  learned  that  the  carracks  had  passed 
safely.  By  this  time  he  had  been  taken  ill  ;  and  life  is  said 
to  have  been  saved  by  cow's  milk,  Monson  having  ventured 
ashore  in  Corvo,  and  there  obtained  a  milch  cow,  what  with 
threats  and  what  with  promises  of  reward.  They  then  made 
homeward  ;  and  the  whole  fleet  were  so  parted  during  a 
calm,  which  lasted  several  days,  that  they  never  saw  each 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  127 

other  again  till  they  met  in  England  some  four  or  five  weeks 
afterwards.  This  was  the  most  gainful  voyage  that  the  earl 
made  "before  or  after".* 

Meantime  the  three  ships  which  had  been  despatched 
to  the  West  Indies  reached  St.  Lucia,  refreshed  themselves 
there,  and  made  for  the  pearl  fishery  at  Margarita.  That 
fishery  was  carried  on  in  four  rancheries,  or  assemblages  of 
huts  :  six  or  seven  such  villages  were  erected  on  different 
parts  of  the  coast,  though  only  one  at  a  time  was  occupied  ; 
and  when  the  fishery  failed  in  one  place,  the  persons  engaged 
in  it  removed  to  another,  the  empty  huts  being  always  ready 
for  them.  The  pearls,  for  safety,  were  carried  monthly  to 
Margarita,  which  stood  about  three  leagues  from  the  shore. 
Langton,  who  commanded  the  privateers,  having  taken  a 
Spaniard,  and  learned  from  him  the  situation  of  the  inhabited 
rancheria,  surprised  it  by  a  night  march  with  twenty-eight 
men,  and  carried  off  about  2000/.  worth  of  pearls.  After- 
wards, he  brought  the  ships  there,  and  compelled  the  inhabit- 
ants to  ransom  their  huts  and  canoes  for  as  many  pearls  as 
were  valued  at  2000  ducats.  The  alarm  had  now  been  given, 
and  when  they  tried  a  landing  at  Cumana  they  were  fain  to 
retire,  not  without  loss.  They  had  no  better  fortune  on  any 
part  of  the  Spanish  main.  Making  then  for  Hispaniola,  they 
were  glad  to  provide  themselves  with  water  upon  the  little 
Island  of  Savona,  procured  by  digging  a  hole  not  twenty  paces 
from  the  wash  of  the  sea,  and  setting  a  hogshead  therein 
with  the  head  knocked  out,  by  which  means,  water,  "losing 
its  saltness  in  that  passage,"  was  plentifully  taken.  They 
now  coasted  along,  exacting  contributions  from  the  different 
estancias  and  ingenios,  that  is  to  say,  breeding  farms  and  sugar 
works,  as  they  went.  After  eight  months  spent  to  little 
profit  in  hovering  about  Hispaniola,  Jamaica,  and  Cuba,  they 
made  for  the  Bay  of  Honduras,  and  within  four  leagues  of 

*  Monson,  166.     Purchas,  1146. 


128  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

Porto  Cavallo  descried  seven  ships  in  the  road.  Though  they 
were  then  only  two  in  company  they  anchored  within  caliver 
shot,  moored  their  ships  head  and  stern,  and  bent  their 
broadsides  unto  them,  and  there  fought  all  that  day  with 
those  seven  ships,  and  all  night  now  and  then  a  shot.  The 
next  day  they  brought  a  vessel  of  twenty  tons  from  the  shore, 
set  her  on  fire,  and  endeavoured  with  their  boats  to  bring 
her  across  the  Admiral ;  but  when  the  Spaniards  saw  their 
intent  they  got  into  their  boats  and  made  for  the  land,  carry- 
ing the  rudders  with  them,  that  none  should  sail  away  with 
the  ships.  The  English  laded  the  Admiral  with  the  best  out 
of  the  other  vessels,  and  sent  ashore  to  ask  if  the  Spaniards 
would  ransom  the  rest ;  and  as  the  answer  was  delayed,  they 
first  fired  one  which  was  laden  with  hides  and  logwood,  and 
then  another  with  a  cargo  of  sarsaparilla  ;  but  all  such  ransom- 
ing had  been  forbidden  by  the  king,  and  the  privateers  were 
left  to  take  their  own  course.  Nothing  more  is  related  of 
their  proceedings,  except  that  they  heaved  the  ordnance 
overboard,  saving  two  or  three  brass  pieces,  in  hope  some 
Englishmen  might  be  the  better  for  them  afterwards,  brought 
away  the  Admiral  of  250  tons,  and  carried  this  prize  safely 
to  Plymouth.* 

In  the  ensuing  year,  the  earl  set  forth  on  his  eighth  voyage, 
at  his  own  charge,  with  the  help  of  some  adventurers.  The 
force  consisted  of  the  Royal  Exchange,  250,  Captain  George 
Cave  ;  the  May  Flower,  of  the  same  burden,  Vice-Admiral 
Captain  William  Antony  ;  the  Samson,  Rear- Admiral  Captain 
Nicholas  Downton ;  a  caravel,  and  a  small  pinnace.  Early 
in  April  they  sailed  from  Plymouth,  came  in  sight  of  St. 
Michael's  at  the  beginning  of  June,  and  ten  days  afterwards 
they  descried  a  great  Indian  ship,  whose  burden  they  estimated 
at  2000  tons ;  and  which,  indeed,  was  one  of  the  largest  ships 
ever  employed  in  the  Indian  trade.f  The  fate  of  this 

*  Purchas,  1147.  t  Ibid. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  129 

unhappy  ship  has  been  fully  recorded  by  the   Portuguese  as 
well  as  by  the  English. 

The  name  of  this  carrack  was  the  Cinco  Chagas,  or  Five 
Wounds,  in  reverential  honour  of  which  it  had,  with  the  usual 
Romish  ceremonies  on  such  occasions,  been  named.  The 
Capitam  Mor  Francisco  de  Mello  embarked  in  her  from  Goa, 
in  1593,  at  the  same  time  that  the  other  ships  of  the  fleet 
sailed  from  Cochim  ;  all,  according  to  the  customary  and  fatal 
improvidence  of  the  Portuguese,  deeply  overladen.  After 
vainly  endeavouring  to  make  the  Cape,  the  Chagas,  with  much 
difficulty,  put  back  to  Mozambique,  and  wintered  there. 
Thither  also  the  Nazareth  put  back,  arriving  in  such  a  state 
that  it  was  found  impossible  to  repair  her.  She  had  been 
built  of  ill-seasoned  timber,  and,  in  consequence  of  over-freight, 
had  suffered  so  much  in  bad  weather  that  her  reaching  the 
island  was  considered  little  less  than  miraculous ;  and  there 
also  arrived  117  Portuguese  and  65  slaves,  being  the  remainder 
of  the  crew  of  the  ship  St.  Alberto:  that  ship  had  been 
wrecked  upon  the  Penedo  dos  Fontes ;  and  Nuno  Velho, 
formerly  commandant  at  Sofala,  taking  command  of  the 
people,  directed  their  course  so  well,  that,  by  an  inland 
journey  of  300  leagues,  he  brought  them  in  three  months  to 
the  Isle  of  Inhaca,  and  from  thence  found  means  of  em- 
barking them  for  Mozambique.  Of  all  the  other  Portuguese 
ships,  many  as  they  were,  which  had  been  wrecked  upon  that 
fatal  coast,  the  people,  though  in  very  many  cases  they  got 
to  shore,  had  always  perished ;  and  there  are  no  tales  of 
shipwreck  more  deeply  distressful  than  the  faithful  relations 
which  have  been  preserved  respecting  their  sufferings. 
Many  of  these  people  deemed  it  better  to  return  to  India 
than  pursue  a  voyage  which  had  so  miserably  begun.  For 
others  who  persevered  room  was  made  in  the  Chagas;  and 
that  ship,  taking  on  board  the  jewels  of  the  other  two 
vessels  (for  this  part  of  the  St.  Alberto's  treasures  had 
been  saved),  and  the  whole  lading  of  the  Nazareth,  sailed 

9 


130  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

once   more  for  Europe,  her   crew  consisting  of  about    1400 
persons,  of  whom  270  were  slaves.* 

Before  this  ill-fated  vessel  passed  the  Cape  it  encountered 
long  and  frequent  storms,  which  compelled  it  to  throw  over- 
board much  of  its  cargo,  and  some  of  its  provisions  also.  All 
on  board  expected  that  they  should  have  made  for  St.  Helena, 
when  the  captain  produced  his  instructions,  whereby,  upon  a 
report  that  the  English  would  be  there,  he  was  forbidden  to 
touch  at  that  place ;  and  ordered,  in  case  his  food  or  water 
ran  low,  to  put  into  St.  Paulo  de  Loanda.  These  orders, 
though  against  his  own  judgment,  he  thought  it  his  duty  to 
obey  :  to  Loanda  therefore  he  went,  remained  there  a  few 
days,  took  many  slaves  on  board,  and  meeting  soon  afterwards 
with  the  usual  calms  in  that  pestilential  region,  the  fatal 
disease  known  by  the  name  of  the  mal  de  Loanda  carried  off 
about  half  the  crew,  and  left  the  survivors  in  a  state  of 
miserable  weakness.  His  further  instructions  were  to  make 
for  the  Isle  of  Corvo,  where  there  would  be  a  fleet  to  protect 
him :  but  at  Mozambique  he  had  learnt  the  destruction  of 
the  Santa  Cruz,  and  the  capture  of  the  Madre  de  Dios ;  and 
having  held  a  council  when  they  came  in  the  latitude  of  the 
Azores,  it  was  resolved  that  they  should  avoid  those  islands 
altogether.  Before,  however,  three  days  had  elapsed,  a 
mutinous  representation  against  this  determination  was  got 
up  among  the  soldiers ;  and  upon  inquiring  into  the  state  of 
the  stores  the  report  was,  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
to  touch  at  the  islands,  and  there  take  in  provisions  and 
water.  Accordingly  they  steered  for  Corvo ;  and  being  fully 
aware  that  privateers  would  be  cruising  in  that  direction,  they 
prepared,  as  well  as  their  debilitated  state  would  permit,  for 

*  Historia  Tragico-Maritima,  ii.,  507-511.  In  the  same  volume  (pp.  217- 
313)  there  is  a  full  and  most  interesting  relation  of  the  shipwreck  of 
the  Santo  Alberto,  and  the  subsequent  march  of  the  crew,  till  they 
embarked  for  Mozambique  :  the  account  was  drawn  up  by  Joam  Baptista 
Lavanha,  the  king's  chief  cosmographer. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  131 

battle.  A  little  while  fortune  favoured  them.  They  came 
in  sight  of  Corvo ;  but  the  wind  prevented  them  from  coming 
to  anchor  there  :  they  stood  therefore  for  Fayal,  and  off  that 
island  fell  in  with  the  Earl  of  Cumberland's  squadron.* 

"  The  Mai/  Flower  first  got  up  to  her,  and  received  an  un- 
welcome salutation.  In  the  night,  the  Samson  came  in,  and 
continued  the  fight,  and  at  last  the  admiral.  They  agreed 
that  the  admiral  should  lay  the  carrack  aboard  on  the  prow, 
the  vice-admiral  on  the  waist,  and  the  rear-admiral  on  the 
quarter ;  but  it  fell  out  that  the  admiral,  laying  her  aboard  at 
the  loof,  recoiled  astern,  the  vice-admiral  being  so  near  that 
she  was  fain  to  run  with  her  bolt-sprit  between  the  two 
quarters,  which  forced  the  rear-admiral  to  lay  her  aboard  on 
the  bow."  The  Portuguese  had  pledged  themselves  to  each 
other  that  they  would  defend  the  ship  to  the  last,  and  rather 
perish  with  her  in  the  sea  or  in  the  flames,  than  surrender  so 
rich  a  prize  to  the  heretics.  There  were  many  brave  and 
honourable  men  on  board  of  the  old  Portuguese  stamp,  capable 
of  adhering  to  such  a  resolution  ;  but  those  who  had  no  honour 
to  lose,  and  lives  at  stake,  were  so  greatly  the  majority  that 
if  there  had  been  an  alternative  they  would  not  have  been 
allowed  to  choose.  One  of  the  most  distinguished  persons, 
Don  Rodrigo  de  Cordoba,  had  both  his  legs  shattered ;  and, 
as  he  was  carried  below  in  a  dying  state,  he  exclaimed  :  "  Sirs.» 
I  have  got  this  in  the  discharge  of  my  duty.  Be  of  good 
heart :  let  no  one  forsake  his  post ;  and  let  us  be  consumed 
rather  than  taken."  According  to  the  Portuguese,  the 
privateers  twice  boarded  the  carrack,  and  were  twice  driven 
out :  a  third  time  they  boarded,  one  of  them  bearing  a  white 
flag,  as  expecting  that  the  Portuguese  would  gladly  accept 
the  proposal  of  surrendering :  in  fact  they  had  begun  to 
waver ;  but  the  Englishman  who  carried  this  flag,  was  the 
first  of  that  party  who  was  killed ;  and  when  a  second  pilot 

*  Historia  Tragico-Maritima,  ii.,  511-514. 


132  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

hoisted  another  flag  at  the  poop,  Nuno  Velho  threw  it  over- 
board, and  would  have  killed  the  man  if  he  had  not  escaped 
by  speedy  flight.  The  English,  indeed,  suffered  considerable 
loss :  they  had  one  and  twenty  slain.  Antony,  their  vice- 
admiral,  was  killed  ;  Downton,  the  rear-admiral,  crippled  for 
life ;  and  Cave,  who  commanded  the  earl's  ship,  mortally 
wounded  by  a  shot  through  both  legs.  But  the  privateers, 
in  the  heat  of  action,  seem  to  have  forgotten  that  booty  was 
their  object,  and,  instead  of  endeavouring  to  take  possession 
of  the  carrack,  aimed  at  destroying  her.  "  After  many 
bickerings,"  says  the  writer  in  Purchas,  "  fire-works  flew  about 
interchangeably.  At  last,  the  vice-admiral,  with  a  culverin 
shot  at  hand,  fired  the  carrack  in  her  stern,  and  the  rear- 
admiral  her  fore-castle,  by  a  shot  that  gave  fire  to  the  mat 
on  the  beak-head,  from  thence  turning  to  the  mat  on  the 
bolt-sprit,  and  so  ran  up  to  the  topsail-yard  ;  they  plying  and 
maintaining  their  fires  so  well  with  their  small  shot  that 
many  of  those  which  came  to  quench  them  were  slain.  These 
fires  increased  so  sore,  that  the  vice-admiral's  fore-sail  and 
fore-topsail  were  both  burnt ;  the  rear-admiral  being  in  like 
predicament ;  while  the  admiral,  with  much  danger  and 
difficulty,  quenched  the  fires  thrown  into  her  from  the  carrack. 
To  save  themselves  in  this  heat  and  fury,  the  admiral  and 
vice-admiral  fell  off,  leaving  the  rear-admiral  foul  of  the 
carrack's  spritsail-yard,  in  great  danger  to  have  been  consumed 
with  her,  had  they  not  helped  her  off  with  their  boats."  * 

A  scene  more  dreadful  than  the  action  itself  ensued.  P. 
Frey  Antonio,  a  Franciscan,  was  seen,  with  a  crucifix  in  his 
hand,  encouraging  the  poor  wretches  to  commit  themselves 
to  the  waves  and  to  God's  mercy,  rather  than  perish  in  the 
flames.  The  greater  part  threw  themselves  overboard,  clinging 
to  such  things  as  were  cast  into  the  sea  for  them  to  float  by. 
The  English  boats,  it  is  said,  made  no  endeavour  to  save  any 

*  Historia  Tragico-Maritima,  ii.,  515-519.     Purchas,  1147. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  133 

of  them  :  it  is  even  affirmed  that  they  butchered  in  the  water 
those  who  came  near  and  entreated  to  be  taken  on  board. 
The  rear-admiral's  boat  must,  however,  be  exempted  from  this 
atrocious  charge  ;  for  by  that  boat  Nuno  Velho  was  picked  up, 
Braz  Correa,  the  captain  of  the  Nazareth,  and  three  other 
persons  :  ten  more,  it  appears  by  the  Portuguese  account, 
were  in  like  manner  saved.  Among  the  passengers  in  this 
unfortunate  ship  were  two  Portuguese  ladies  of  high  birth, 
Dona  Isabel  Pereira,  a  widow,  whose  father  had  been  chief 
captain  of  the  Island  of  Goa,  and  whose  husband,  Diogo  de 
Mello  Coutinho,  had  held  the  command  hi  Ceylon :  her 
daughter,  Dona  Luiza  de  Mello,  a  young  and  beautiful  damsel, 
was  with  her.  They  had  been  wrecked  in  the  Santo  Alberto, 
and  had  performed  a  journey  of  nearly  1000  miles  after  that 
wreck,  through  Caffraria,  on  foot ;  and  when  many  of  their 
fellow-sufferers  returned  from  Mozambique  to  India,  they 
had  resolved  on  resuming  their  voyage,  because  the  young 
lady  was  going  to  take  possession  of  her  entailed  property  at 
Evora.  Mother  and  daughter,  when  they  saw  that  no  help 
was  to  be  hoped  for  from  the  privateers,  and  that  they 
had  to  choose  between  the  fire  and  the  water,  fastened  them- 
selves together  with  a  Franciscan  cord  ;  and  their  bodies, 
thus  fastened,  were  cast  ashore  upon  the  Island  of  Fayal. 
According  to  the  Portuguese  statement,  about  500  persons 
perished  in  the  ship ;  according  to  the  English,  there  were 
more  than  1100  on  board  when  she  left  Loanda,  of  whom 
only  fifteen  were  saved  !  Nuno  Velho  and  Braz  Correa  were 
brought  prisoners  to  England,  where  the  earl  is  said  to  have 
treated  them  well,  and  to  have  entertained  them  a  whole  year 
as  his  guests :  they  were  then  ransomed  for  3000  cruzados, 
which  Nuno  Velho  paid  for  both.* 

It   was    not,   however,    immediately  after   this    deplorable 
action  that  the  earl  sailed  homeward  :  he  continued  cruising 

*  Historia  Tragico-Maritimn,  ii.,  520-526.     Purchas,  1148. 


134  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

among  the  islands  about  a  month  longer,  when  they  came  in 
sight  of  another  carrack  of  1500  tons,  homeward  bound  from 
India.  They  took  her  for  a  Spanish  ship  of  war,  and  under 
that  mistake  began  a  more  cautious  action.  After  a  while  a 
boat  was  sent  to  summon  her  to  surrender  to  the  Queen  of 
England's  ships  under  the  Earl  of  Cumberland's  command,, 
unless  she  would  undergo  the  same  fate  as  the  Chagas  ;  to 
bear  testimony  of  which  two  prisoners  were  put  in  the  boat, 
and,  the  Portuguese  say,  bound.  The  Portuguese  captain 
returned  a  brave  answer  :  he  acknowledged  Don  Philip,  King 
of  Spain,  he  said,  not  the  Queen  of  England  ;  and  if  the  Earl 
of  Cumberland  had  been  at  the  burning  of  the  C'mco  Chagas, 
so  had  he,  D.  Luis  Coutinho,  been  at  the  defeat  and  capture 
of  Sir  Richard  Grenville  in  the  Queen  of  England's  ship  the 
Revenge.  Let  the  earl  do  what  he  dared  for  his  queen,  and 
he,  D.  Luis,  would  do  what  he  was  able  for  his  king :  his 
ship  was  homeward  bound  from  India,  laden  with  riches,  and 
with  many  jewels  on  board  ;  let  the  English  take  her  if  they 
could  !  The  fight  was  then  renewed,*  but  intermitted  by 
the  calm,  and  remitted  (as  the  English  relater  allows)  by  the 
remisser  company,  their  captains  being  slain  and  wounded  ; 
"  whereupon  they  gave  over,"  and  sailed  for  England,  "  having 
done  much  harm  to  the  enemy,  and  little  good  to  them- 
selves ".t 

' '  The  earl,  not  liking  his  ill  partage  in  the  Madre  de  Dios, 

*  The  Portuguese  account  states,  that  the  English  attempted  to  destroy 
this  ship,  by  converting  the  earl's  vessel,  which  was  an  old  one,  into  a 
fire-ship  ;  but  that  they  were  prevented  from  grappling  the  carrack,  first, 
by  a  shot  that  carried  away  the  earl's  foremast,  and  then  by  a  thunder- 
storm, during  which  Coutinho  got  so  much  ahead  of  the  disabled  ship, 
that  the  other  two  dared  not  pursue  them  farther  (p.  527).  This  is  less 
probable  than  the  English  account.  It  is  unlikely  that  the  earl  would 
have  sacrificed  his  own  ship  ;  and  still  more  so,  after  the  recent  fate 
of  the  Chagas,  that  he  should  have  sought  to  destroy  the  carrack,  instead 
of  attempting  to  capture  it. 

f  Purchas,  1148.     Historia  Tragico-Maritima,  ii. ,  526-528, 


THE   EARL   OF    CUMBERLAND  135 

nor  this  unhappier  loss  of  two  carracks  for  want  of  sufficient 
strength  to  take  them,  built  a  ship  of  his  own  of  800  tons  *  at 
Deptford,  which  the  queen,  at  her  launching,  named  the 
Scourge  of  Malice, ,f  the  best  ship  that  had  ever  before  been 
built  by  any  subject."  In  this,  with  three  other  vessels  in 
company,  he  would  have  made  what  is  called  his  ninth 
voyage  ;  but  when  he  had  reached  Plymouth,  the  queen  recalled 
him ;  and  the  ships  took  only  three  Baltic  vessels  laden  with 
Spanish  property  of  little  value.  He  set  forth  again  in  the 
ensuing  year,  but  sprung  his  mainmast,  and  was  forced  to 
return.  His  next  enterprise  was  upon  a  smaller  scale ;  for 
Essex  and  the  lord  admiral  going  to  the  coast  of  Spain  with 
a  large  fleet  of  the  queen's,  together  with  a  squadron  of 
Flemish  men  of  war,  "  his  lordship  thought  good  to  await  some 
gleanings  in  so  great  a  vintage  ".  So  he  sent  out  Captain 
Francis  Slingsby,  in  the  Ascension  of  300  tons,  carrying  thirty- 
four  guns  and  1 20  men,  "  chiefly  to  look  for  such  ships  as 
should  come  from  Lisbon".  The  captain  got  sore  wounded 

*  Purchas  says  900  ;  but  Monson  is  better  authority  ;  she  was  "  pro- 
portioned in  all  degrees  to  equal  any  of  her  Majesty's  ships  of  that  rank, 
and  no  way  inferior  to  them  in  sailing,  or  other  property  or  condition 
of  ships  ".  Monson  states  the  earl's  motives  for  building  her.  "  At 
last  my  lord,"  he  says,  "  began  discreetly  to  consider  the  obligation 
he  had  to  the  queen  for  the  loan  of  her  ships  from  time  to  time  ;  and 
withal  weighed  what  fear  of  danger  he  brought  himself  into,  if  unluckily 
any  of  those  ships  should  miscarry  ;  for  he  valued  the  reputation  of  the 
least  of  them  at  the  rate  of  his  life.  Upon  these  considerations,  no 
persuasions  being  of  force  to  divert  him  from  attempting  some  great 
action  on  the  sea,  where  he  had  spent  much  time  and  money  ;  and 
thinking  thereby,  as  well  to  enrich  himself,  as  to  show  his  forwardness 
to  do  his  prince  and  country  service,  he  resolved  to  build  a  ship  from 
the  stocks,  that  should  equal  the  middle  rank  of  her  Majesty's  :  an  act 
so  noble  and  so  rare,  it  being  a  thing  never  undertaken  before  by  a 
subject,  that  it  deserved  immortal  fame  "  (p.  189). 

t  The  Malice-Scourge,  Monson  calls  it  ;  "  for  by  that  name,  it  seems 
he  tasted  the  envy  of  some  that  repined  at  his  honourable  achievement  " 
(P-  189). 


136  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

in  a  vain  attempt  made  with  his  boats  against  a  caravel :  after 
which  the  Spanish  admiral  set  forth  six  ships  against  him  ; 
and  himself  and  another  ship,  falling  in  with  the  Ascension,  laid 
aboard,  one  on  the  bow  and  the  other  on  the  quarter  ;  "  and 
now  the  mouths  of  the  great  ordnance,  being  near  in  place  to 
whisper,  roared  out  their  thunders,  and  pierced  thorow  and 
thorow  on  all  hands  ;  which  ended,  the  Spaniards  leaped  into 
the  fore-chains  and  main-chains,  thinking  to  have  entered 
the  ship,  but  were  bravely  repelled.  And  the  English,  seeing 
many  together  under  the  admiral's  half-deck,  discharged 
among  them  a  fowler  laden  with  case  shot,  to  their  no  small 
harm,  so  that  the  Spaniards  were  content  to  fall  off.  Of  ours, 
two  and  twenty  were  slain  and  hurt ;  which  loss  lighted  as 
much  on  them  which  hid  themselves,  as  those  which  stood  to 
the  fight.  To  prevent  the  like  afterwards,  they  put  safe  in 
hold  the  chirurgeon,  carpenter,  and  cooper,  for  the  public 
dependence  on  them ;  and  made  fast  the  hatches,  that  others 
should  not  seek  refuge.  But  the  Spanish  admiral  tacked 
about  and  went  in  for  Lisbon  ;  arid  the  Ascension,  continuing 
till  they  had  but  a  fortnight's  provision  left,  returned,  with 
hurt  to  themselves  and  loss  also  to  his  lordship." 

From  the  conduct  of  the  men  in  this  action,  and  from  other 
instances,  it  appears  that  an  English  sea  captain  could  not,  in 
those  days,  rely  with  that  perfect  confidence  upon  his  crew, 
which  has  uniformly  been  felt  within  our  remembrance.  The 
national  character  was  always  brave ;  but  that  national  spirit 
had  not  yet  been  formed  among  our  sailors,  which  renders 
courage  as  much  a  moral  principle  as  an  animal  impulse. 

The  earl's  success  in  so  many  adventures  had  not  been  such 
as  would  have  encouraged  a  prudent  man  to  repeat  them ; 
but  a  prudent  man  would  not  have  engaged  in  them  at  first. 
He  now  obtained  letters  patent  authorising  him  to  levy  sea 
and  land  forces,  and  prepared  for  the  greatest  expedition  that 
had  ever  been  undertaken  by  a  subject  without  the  assistance 
of  the  sovereign,  both  in  number  of  ships  and  land  forces. 


THE   EARL  OF  CUMBERLAND  137 

The  force  consisted  of  eighteen  sail ;  and  the  earl  "  having 
by  several  voyages  before  attained  to  a  perfect  knowledge  in 
sea  affairs,"  took  the  command  in  person.  "  Besides  his 
general  design  to  take,  destroy,  or  any  way  else  to  impoverish 
and  impeach  the  King  of  Spain  or  his  subjects,  he  grounded 
his  voyage  upon  two  hopes."  The  first  was  that  of  intercept- 
ing the  outward-bound  East  Indiamen  as  soon  as  they  should 
sail  from  the  Tagus.  The  time  of  their  departure  was  certain; 
it  could  not  be  later  than  April ;  and  as  in  burden  they 
exceeded  all  other  European  ships,  and  went  out  full  freighted 
with  commodities  for  the  East  Indies,  and  much  money  also 
was  sent  out  in  them,  they  would  have  abundantly  enriched 
him  and  the  other  adventurers.  This  was  his  first  hope.  His 
other  was,  if  this  should  fail,  to  make  an  attempt  with  his 
land  forces  upon  some  island  or  town  "  that  would  yield  him 
wealth  and  riches,  being  the  chief  end  of  his  undertaking," 
— a  most  unworthy  one  for  one  born  of  such  a  line,  in  such  a 
station,  and  to  such  an  inheritance  !  The  success  of  his  first 
object  depended  greatly  upon  the  secrecy  of  the  expedition ; 
and  if  he  had  done  well  and  providently,  "  his  fleet,"  says 
Monson,  "  should  have  been  furnished,  without  rumour,  noise, 
or  notice,  in  several  harbours ;  and  the  men  should  not  have 
known  the  design  of  their  voyage,  nor  that  they  were  to  meet 
and  compose  a  main  fleet".  The  whole  fleet,  however, 
assembled  at  Plymouth,  and  sailed  from  thence  on  the  6th  of 
March. 

The  wind  being  prosperous,  though  there  was  much  of  it, 
their  passage  was  so  fair  as  to  put  him  in  hope  that  God  had 
prepared  them  an  unlooked-for  fortune,  if  it  were  well  handled, 
and  that  he  might  get  sure  intelligence  concerning  the  de- 
parture of  the  carracks  ;  "  the  doing  of  which  undiscovered," 
says  he,  "  though  hard,  yet  I  knew  was  not  impossible  for  him 
that  could  well  work  "  ;  and  considering  the  mighty  importance, 
he  resolved  to  do  it  himself,  taking  with  him  two  other  ships ; 
which  two  only  he  meant  should  be  seen  on  the  coasts ;  and 


138  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

accordingly  he  left  the  rest  of  the  fleet,  appointing  them  whereto 
lie  till  he  should  rejoin  them.  "  But  God,"  says  he,  "  whose 
will  is  beyond  man's  resolutions,  forced  me  to  alter  this  ;  for 
my  masts,  not  made  so  sufficiently  as  I  expected,  both  now 
began  to  show  their  weakness,  especially  my  mainmast,  which 
I  continually  looked  would  have  gone  overboard.  My  mariners 
were  at  their  wits'  end ;  and  I  protest  I  would  have  given 
5000/.  for  a  new  one ;  the  greatest  part  of  my  strength  both 
by  sea  and  land  having  been  lost,  if  that  ship  had  returned 
in  this  extremity.  Hearing  all  that  would,  I  heard  many 
opinions  to  little  purpose."  So  he  resolved  for  himself  (though 
many  thought  it  dangerous,  lest  the  wind  should  with  a  storm 
come  up  at  W.N.W.)  to  go  to  the  Berlings,  and  there  ride 
till  his  masts  were  fished.  He  knew  the  road,  which  no  one 
else  in  the  ship  did ;  and  his  fear  was  not  of  the  wind,  but 
lest  he  should  be  discovered,  being  within  three  leagues  of 
Peniche,  from  whence  caravels  came  off  to  fish.  "  Go  thither," 
says  he,  "  I  must,  hopeless  otherwise  to  repair  those  desperate 
ruins.  My  ship  was  black,  which  well  furthered  my  device  ; 
and  though  she  were  great,  yet  showed  not  so  afar  off. 
Wherefore  I  came  in  about  eight  of  the  clock  at  night  upon 
Thursday,  when  I  was  sure  all  the  fishermen  were  gone  to 
sell  their  fish  at  Lisbon,  and  from  the  main  they  could  not 
make  me.  Before  the  morning  I  had  down  my  topmasts, 
my  main  yard  unrigged,  and  all  things  ready  for  my  car- 
penters to  work.  The  small  ships  with  me  I  made  stand  off 
to  sea  all  day,  that,  not  having  any  in  my  company,  I  should 
be  the  less  suspected  ;  and  thus  with  a  strange  flag  dancing 
upon  my  poop,  I  rid,  without  giving  chase  to  any,  as  though  I 
had  been  some  merchant,  every  day  divers  ships  coming  by 
me  that  were  both  good  prize,  and  had  been  worth  the 
taking."  By  working  night  and  day,  he  was  ready  to  sail  on 
Saturday  night.  The  fishermen  would  return  to  their  fishing 
ground  on  the  night  following ;  and  his  hope  was  to  get 
away  undiscovered  by  them,  and  rejoin  his  fleet,  which  he 


THE   EARL  OF   CUMBERLAND  139 

had  appointed  to  wait  for  him  in  the  same  latitude,  between 
twenty  and  thirty  leagues  off.* 

At  night,  however,  he  heard  firing  between  him  and  the 
shore,  and  rightly  guessed  that  it  was  his  own  small  ship  and 
little  pinnace  in  action  with  a  vessel  which  they  had  seen 
them  chasing  to  windward  before  the  night  closed ;  and 
judging,  also,  that  she  was  above  their  strength,  he  slipped  his 
anchor,  and  "soon  came  to  help  the  poor  little  ones,  much 
over-matched".  He  took  her  fora  Biscayan,  and  therefore 
concluded  that  she  would  fight  well ;  and,  in  fact,  she  returned 
such  an  answer  to  his  broadside,  that  he  had  three  men 
killed,  six  or  seven  hurt,  and  his  ship  shot  in  six  or  seven 
places,  some  of  them  very  dangerous.  But,  upon  boarding 
and  taking  her,  she  proved  to  be  a  Hamburgher  laden  with 
prohibited  commodities.  Much  as  this  action  exposed  him 
to  discovery,  he  got  out  of  sight  of  land  by  daybreak ; 
succeeded,  by  stratagem,  in  capturing  a  fishing-boat  from  the 
Tagus ;  and  learned  from  the  men,  that,  with  the  next  fair 
wind,  five  carracks  would  sail,  "  with  more  treasure  on  board 
than  ever  went  in  one  year  for  the  Indies,  and  also  twenty- 
five  ships  for  Brazil.  This  welcome  news,"  says  the  earl, 
"  was  accompanied  with  the  meeting  again  of  my  whole  fleet, 
which  at  that  very  instant  I  descried  :  so  now  being  joined, 
I  wished  for  nothing  but  a  happy  hour  to  see  those  long- 
looked-after  monsters,  whose  wealth  exceeds  their  greatness, 
yet  be  they  the  greatest  ships  in  the  world."  Not  doubting 
to  meet  them  now,  and  well  knowing  the  way  they  would 
come,  and  being  made  restless  by  the  joy  of  such  hope,  the 
earl  and  his  fleet  "  continued  gazing  for  that  which  came 
not,"  till  disappointment  stared  them  in  the  face ;  then  the 
commander  stood  for  the  Tagus  in  one  of  his  smaller  vessels, 
captured  a  boat,  and  learned,  that  at  the  time  he  took  the 
first  fishing-boat,  a  ship,  with  Spaniards  on  board,  from 

*  Purchas,  1150. 


140  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

England,  had  arrived  at  Lisbon,  which  ship  was  in  Plymouth  * 
when  he  sailed  from  the  sound,  and  had  given  intelligence 
that  he  was  at  sea,  and  that  his  object  certainly  was  to 
intercept  the  Indian  fleet.  He  learned,  also,  that  caravels 
had  been  sent  out  to  search  everywhere  for  him ;  one  of 
which,  when  he  returned  to  his  fleet,  he  understood  had 
come  by  them  to  windward,  and  discovered  them  all.  t 

It  was  now  evident,  that  the  carracks  would  alter  their 
course,  if  they  put  to  sea  at  all ;  and,  in  despair  of  winning 
them  by  any  other  means,  the  earl  went  again  to  the  Tagus, 
to  see  whether  tjiey  were  come  so  low  down  the  river  that 
it  might  be  possible  to  board  them  in  the  night.  The  wind 
favoured  him ;  he  got  in  between  the  Cachopos,  J  and  saw 
them  riding  in  the  Bay  of  Oeyras.  "  Here,"  says  he,  "  had  I 
too  much  of  my  desire,  seeing  what  I  desired  to  see,  but 
hopeless  of  the  good  I  expected  by  seeing  them ;  for  they 
were  where  no  good  could  be  done  upon  them,  riding  within 
the  Castle  of  St.  Julian,  which  hath  in  it  above  100  pieces  of 
great  ordnance  ;  so  as  though  I  could  have  got  in  (which  I  verily 
believe  I  could),  it  had  not  been  possible  to  have  returned,  the 
wind  being  ever  very  scant  to  come  forth  withal,  and  hanging,  for 
the  most  part,  so  far  northerly,  as  that,  for  fear  of  the  Cachopos, 
I  must  of  force  have  run  close  by  their  platforms.  With  this 

*  Monson  might  justly  censure  the  earl  for  want  of  secrecy  in  his 
preparations  ;  but  the  earl's  own  narrative  shows  that  another  part  of 
his  censure  was  undeserved.  "  He  worthily  deserved  blame,"  says 
Monson,  "  to  present  himself  and  fleet  in  the  eye  of  Lisbon,  to  be  there 
discovered,  knowing  that  the  secret  carriage  thereof  gave  life  and  hope 
to  the  action.  By  a  familiar  example  of  a  man  that  being  safely  seated 
in  a  house,  and  in  danger  of  an  arrest,  knows  that  catchpoles  lie  to 
attack  him,  so  fared  it  with  the  carracks  at  that  time,  who  rather  chose 
to  keep  themselves  in  harbour,  than  venture  upon  an  unavoidable 
danger  "  (p.  190). 

t  Purchas,  1151. 

I  The  Cat-ships  they  are  called  in  Purchas,  and  Oeyras  is  called 
Weirs. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  141 

unpleasant  sight  I  returned  for  my  fleet."  *  Here  ended  his 
hope  of  enriching  himself  by  this  enterprise.  To  the 
Spaniards,,  however,  or  rather  to  the  Portuguese,  the  injury 
was  very  great ;  for  rather  than  put  themselves  in  hazard  of 
him  and  his  fleet,  "  they  chose  to  give  over  their  voyage,  and 
lose  the  excessive  charge  they  had  been  put  unto  in  furnishing 
their  ships ;  and  these  carracks  lay  at  home  without  employ- 
ment the  whole  year  after ".  Sanguine  adventurers  had 
carried  their  hopes  at  this  time  very  far :  they  thought  that 
the  Indians,  or  rather  the  Portuguese  in  India,  could  not 
subsist  without  those  commodities  which  they  received  from 
Portugal  ;  and  that,  if  the  outward-bound  fleet  were  inter- 
cepted, or  prevented  from  sailing  for  three  or  four  years,  the 
Portuguese  Indians  must  have  been  compelled  to  trade  with 
England,  rather  than  endure  the  want  of  European  goods ; 
and  that  in  time  the  Indies  might  have  been  divided  from 
Portugal,  especially  if  a  younger  son  of  the  Prior  D.  Antonio 
had  been  carried  out,  "  whom,  no  doubt,"  says  Monson,  "  they 
might  have  been  forced  to  accept  as  king". 

The  earl  sailed  now  for  the  Canaries  ;  and  having  been 
informed  by  some  Spaniards,  and  by  some  of  our  own  people 
who  had  been  prisoners  there,  that  there  dwelt  a  marquis 
on  the  Island  of  Lancerota,  whose  ransom  would  be  worth 
100,000/.,  he  determined  upon  attempting  to  surprise  him. 
But  these  persons,  who  undertook  to  pilot  him  into  the  road, 
and  then  guide  him  to  the  castle,  even  in  the  darkness,  had 
nearly  carried  him  upon  a  ledge  of  rocks  in  the  road  ;  so  he 
was  fain  to  cast  anchor  till  the  morning ;  and  then,  though 
he  had  "  no  hope  left  to  catch  the  marquis,"  unless  he  were 
to  shut  himself  up  in  the  castle,  yet  the  earl  thought  it  meet 
to  set  all  his  soldiers  on  shore,  seeing  that  he  had  never  till 
then  given  them  any  training,  and  "  well  knew  many  of  them 
to  be  very  raw,  and  unpractised  to  service  at  land".  The 

*  Purchas,  1151. 


142  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

day  selected  for  the  service  was  Good  Friday.  The  earl,  in 
fear  of  an  ague  from  the  cold  which  he  had  taken  in  the  last 
night's  watching,  confined  himself  to  his  cabin,  "took  some 
strong  physic,  and  was  let  blood"  ;  and  Sir  John  Berkeley 
was  sent  in  command  of  the  men,  it  being  certain  that  the 
place  could  make  no  resistance  against  such  a  force.  They 
landed  near  Porto  de  Naos.  The  guide  said  the  chief  town 
upon  the  island,  Cayas,  or  Rubicon  (from  whence  the  bishops 
of  the  Canary  Islands  were  styled  Bishops  of  Rubicon,  till  the 
Island  of  Gran  Canaria  was  conquered),  was  but  three  miles 
from  the  landing-place ;  it  proved  more  than  three  leagues, 
and  of  "the  most  wicked  marching  for  loose  stones  and 
sand ".  The  town  was  abandoned  before  they  reached  it ; 
only,  as  they  marched,  "  the  mountaineers  would  watch  if  any 
straggled,  and  desperately  assault  them  with  their  lances,* 
being  so  swift  of  foot  that  none  could  come  near  them  ".  The 
castle  was  about  half  a  mile  from  the  town,  within  and  about 
which  were  now  some  four  or  five  score  men ;  but  they  retired 
without  fighting,  and  the  privateers  took  possession  of  it. 
They  found  within  it  twelve  or  more  brazen  guns,  ..."  the 
least  bases,  the  most  culverins  and  demi-culverins,  and  an 
innumerable  company  of  stones  laid  in  places  of  greatest 
advantage.  The  house  itself,  built  of  squared  stones,  flanked 
very  strongly  and  cunningly  both  for  offence  and  defence  ; 
the  entrance  thereunto  not,  as  in  our  forts,  of  equal  height 
with  the  foundation  ground,  but  raised  about  a  pike's  length 
in  height,  so  that,  without  the  use  of  a  ladder,  there  could  be 
no  entering.  Some  of  our  wisest  commanders  said,  that  if 

*  "  When  a  piece  is  presented  to  them,  so  soon  as  they  perceive  the 
cock  or  match  to  fall,  they  cast  themselves  flat  to  the  ground,  and  the 
report  is  no  sooner  heard,  but  they  are  upon  their  feet,  their  stones  out 
of  their  hands,  and  withal  they  charged  with  their  pikes ;  and  this  in 
scattered  encounters,  or  single  fight  (for  either  they  knew  not,  or  neglect 
orderly  battalion),  oftener  giveth  than  receiveth  hurt"  (Layfield  in 
Purchas,  1156). 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  143 

they    had  drawn  in  their  ladders,  and   only   shut   the  door, 
twenty  men  might  have  kept  it  against  500."  * 

Lancerota  was  the  first  of  the  Canary  Islands  upon  which 
the  Europeans  established  themselves.  A  party  of  Norman 
adventurers,  under  Jehan  de  Betancour,  landed  there  in 
1400  ;  and  their  history  is  the  exact  prototype  of  Columbus's. 
They  were  hospitably  received  ;  they  took  advantage  of  that 
hospitality  to  construct  a  fort ;  they  left  a  garrison  there ; 
and  that  garrison  behaved  "in  such  a  licentious  and  cruel 
manner  towards  the  king  and  the  nation,"  that  their  com- 
mander and  many  others  were  deservedly  cut  off,  and  the 
survivors  reduced  to  the  last  extremity  when  the  conquerors 
returned  there. t  We  know  not  enough  of  the  Canarians,  to 
perceive  how  far  they  deserved  the  misery  which  the  Spaniards 
brought  upon  them ;  but  for  the  Spaniards  here,  as  in  the 
West  Indies,  and  along  the  coast  of  America,  the  sins  of  the 
fathers  were  visited  upon  the  children ;  and  the  English,  the 
buccaneers,  and  the  Algerines,J  were  to  them  what  they  had 
been  to  the  indigenous  inhabitants.  The  Earl  of  Cumberland's 
object  in  touching  at  these  islands  was  no  better  than  that  of 
the  Algerines ;  but  it  was  not  worse  than  what  the  warfare 
of  the  age,  by  common  consent,  allowed  of ;  and  nothing 
occurred  here  to  fill  him  with  compunction  in  his  latter  days. 
"  No  further  harm  was  done  to  the  town  or  castle,  than  that 
of  borrowing  some  necessaries," — for  which  no  payment  was 
intended.  The  town  is  described  as  consisting  at  that  time 
of  somewhat  more  than  100  houses,  rudely  built,  and  com- 
monly of  one  story ;  the  roofs  with  just  sufficient  sloping  to 
cast  off  the  rain,  "  covered  only  with  canes  or  straw  laid  upon 

*  Purchas,  1151,  1155,  1156.     Glas.,  219,  220. 

t  Glas.,  iv.,  ii,  12. 

I  In  1618,  the  Algerines  carried  off  above  1600  persons,  being  nearly 
the  whole  population  of  the  island.  They  were  ransomed  by  the  King 
of  Spain,  and  sent  back  (Glas.,  218,  219). 


144  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

a  few  rafters,  and  very  dirt  cast  upon  them,  which,  being 
hardened  by  the  sun,  becometh  shower-proof".  There  was 
an  old  church, — which  was,  indeed,  the  mother  church  of 
those  islands, — a  poor  structure,  having  "no  windows,  nor 
admitting  light  otherwise  than  by  the  door ;  it  had  no 
chancel,  but  was  one  undivided  room,  with  stone  seats  along 
the  side,  and  at  the  one  end  an  altar,  with  the  appurtenants". 
There  was  also  an  unfinished  convent,  which  was  a  neat 
quadrangular  building,  "  with  more  commodities  of  fresh 
water  and  garden  than  any  other  place  in  the  town,  even 
the  marquis's  house".  "Nothing,  in  a  manner,"  says  the 
chaplain,  "was  left  in  the  town,  saving  bulls,  and  pardons, 
and  divers  houses,  and  good  store  of  very  excellent  wine  and 
cheese."  Of  the  quality  of  the  wine,  Dr.  Layfield  was 
probably  a  more  competent  judge  than  the  earl,  who  upon 
that  Good  Friday  kept  an  involuntary  fast :  his  lordship  says, 
that  "some  little  wine  only  was  found,  which  little  was  too 
much  ;  for  it  distempered  so  many,  that  if  there  had  been  a 
strong  enemy  to  have  attempted,  they  should  have  found 
drunken  resistance ;  the  meaner  sort  being  most  overthrown 
already ;  and  the  commanders,  some  distempered  with  wine, 
some  with  pride  of  themselves,  or  scorn  of  others ;  so  as 
there  were  very  few  of  them  but  that  fell  to  most  disorderly 
outrage  one  with  another.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  mutinous 
disorder  of  drunkenness  "  ;  *  and  Sir  John  Berkeley,  "  with 
much  grief,  told  the  earl  that  if  he  took  not  some  severe 
course  to  remedy  these  things,  it  would  be  the  ruin  of  their 
voyage  ".  The  earl,  therefore,  went  out  here  the  next  day  to 
see  the  men  trained,  the  greater  part  of  whom  he  found 
"  both  rude  and  raw " ;  and  calling  all  the  commanders 
before  him,  he  rebuked  them  for  their  yesterday's  conduct, 
and  gave  articles  both  for  their  courses  at  land  and  sea, 
reading  to  them  his  commission,  that  they  might  know  he 

*  Monson,  192. 


THE   EARL   OF  CUMBERLAND  145 

had  full  power  to  execute  the  punishment  which  he  had  set 
down  for  every  offence,  and  assuring  them  he  would  not  be 
slow  in  so  doing  if  they  offended. 

One  of  the  fleet,  which  had  not  been  ready  to  sail  with 
them  from  England,  joined  company  between  Gran  Canaria 
and  Teneriffe,  and  brought  some  English  prisoners  who  had 
escaped  in  a  fishing-boat  from  Lisbon.  These  men  reported 
that  the  carracks,  in  consequence  of  his  departure  from  the 
coast,  were  to  sail  in  a  few  days  ;  and  some  days  accordingly 
were  spent  in  waiting  for  them,  till  it  became  certain  either 
that  they  had  gone  by,  or  (as  was  afterwards  ascertained)  had 
given  up  the  voyage  for  that  year.  The  captains  and  masters 
then  having  agreed  that  it  was  not  fit  to  tarry  any  longer 
upon  that  hope,  counsel  was  held  concerning  their  further 
proceedings,  and  some  were  for  an  attempt  upon  Pernambuco, 
which  had  been  so  far  contemplated  from  the  beginning, 
that  the  earl  had  brought  with  him  his  old  Portuguese  pilots, 
well  acquainted  with  the  Brazilian  ports.  These  pilots  thought 
the  season  too  far  spent,  for  they  had  often  at  that  season 
been  obliged  to  put  back  to  Lisbon,  and,  "on  their  last 
passage,  had  been  six  or  seven  weeks  in  getting  one  degree  "  : 
some  of  the  adventurers,  however,  replied,  "that  it  might 
fall  out  otherwise,  and  that  though  they  might  be  long  in 
getting  thither,  yet  they  were  sure  of  winning  the  place 
easily,  and  gaining  wealth  enough  by  the  conquest ".  The  earl 
felt  it  was  now  time  to  disclose  his  own  intentions,  being  "  so 
far  shot  to  the  southward,  that  he  was  sure  not  to  meet  with 
any  going  to  the  northward,  so  that  no  news  of  him  could 
reach  Spain  till  it  came  from  the  Indies ".  "  Then  laid  I 
before  them,"  said  he,  "  how  our  men  were  already  many  of 
them  sick,  and  that  undoubtedly  the  crossing  the  line  would 
keep  them  from  recovering,  although  the  passage  were  as 
good  as  man  could  wish.  Besides,  I  remembered  them  of 
intelligence  given  us,  both  upon  the  coast  of  Spain  and  the 
island,  that  the  king  had  sent  thither,  to  defend  the  place 

10 


146  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

against  me,  600  soldiers ;  and  also  it  was  likely  he  had  given 
order,  that  if  they  saw  themselves  not  strong  enough  to  resist, 
they  should  flee  with  their  portable  goods  into  the  mountains, 
and  set  their  sugar  and  Brazil  wood  on  fire  ;  then  were  we 
sure  to  have  nothing.  And  lastly,  if  we  beat  long  under  the 
line,  undoubtedly  most  of  our  men  would  fall  sick,  and  then 
should  we  be  forced  to  return  without  doing  anything ;  for 
to  no  other  place  could  we  go,  once  bearing  up  upon  that 
occasion."  Perceiving  by  their  silence  that  what  he  said  had 
produced  the  desired  effect,  he  proceeded  to  say,  that,  not  to 
conceal  longer  what  hitherto  had  been  kept  secret  for  the 
good  of  all,  the  truth  was,  he  had  "never  any  intention  to 
go  for  Brazil,  after  he  found  that  they  could  not  leave 
England  before  Christmas ;  but  that  the  West  Indies  was 
his  object,"  where  there  were  many  probabilities  to  make  a 
voyage  by, — as,  first,  the  sacking  of  Margarita,  which  they 
knew  was  rich ;  then  Puerto  Rico  ;  after  that  St.  Domingo  ; 
then,  in  July,  the  outward-bound  fleet  would  be  in  the  Acoa, 
where  we  could  not  miss  them ;  and  if  these  gave  us  not 
content,  in  the  end  of  July  or  August  we  should  meet  the 
fleet  at  Cape  S.  Antonio.  Some  of  these  projects,  he 
mentioned,  "more,"  he  says,  "to  carry  the  men  with  good 
liking  thither,  than  for  any  thought  he  had  of  them  himself". 
All  entering  unto  his  views  "with  greedy  desire  and  hope- 
ful expectation,  he  directed  them  each  to  make  the  best  of 
his  way  for  Dominica,  thinking  it  better  to  go  straggling 
thither,  there  being  possibility  to  meet  some  purchase  by  the 
way,  which  they  were  most  in  likelihood  of  when  they  spread 
furthest".  There  they  had  all  arrived  on  23rd  of  May,  and 
then  they  carried  their  sick  on  shore.  The  island  was 
inhabited  only  by  Indians,  who  hated  the  Spaniards,  and 
liked  the  French  no  better,  but  were  well  pleased  with 
English  visitors.  They  brought  great  store  of  potatoes, 
plantains,  pines,  pepper,  and  tobacco,  for  which  they  most 
desired  to  have  swords,  hatchets  and  knives  in  exchange ; 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  147 

clothes,  also,  were  very  much  in  request  with  them  ;  but  if 
they  could  get  none,  beads  or  any  gaudy  baubles  were 
accepted.  They  spoke  some  Spanish  words,  .  .  .  probably 
enough  for  all  the  intercourse  that  was  required.  They 
showed  a  great  desire  to  obtain  the  same  sort  of  acquaintance 
with  the  language  of  their  new  friends  :  "  some  of  them,"  says 
the  chaplain,  "Avould  point  to  most  parts  of  his  body,  and 
having  told  the  name  of  it  in  the  language  of  Dominica,  he 
would  not  rest  till  he  were  told  it  in  English ;  which  having 
once  heard,  he  would  repeat,  till  he  could  either  name  it  right, 
or  at  least  till  he  thought  it  was  right ;  and  so  commonly  it 
would  be,  saving  that  to  all  words  ending  in  a  consonant  they 
always  set  the  second  vowel ;  as,  for  chin  they  say  chin-ne,  so 
making  the  monosyllables  dissyllables".  The  chaplain 
thought  their  "wits  were  able  to  direct  them  to  things 
bodily  profitable "  ;  he  describes  them  as  using  either  a 
broad  sheet  of  basket-work,  or  a  very  broad  leaf  in  its  stead, 
to  shelter  them  against  the  rain,  because  it  washed  off  their 
red  paint,  which  was  so  laid  on,  he  said,  that  if  you  touched  it, 
you  found  it  on  your  fingers.  They  made  a  drink  of  the 
cassava  or  mandioc  root ;  "  better  of  their  pines  (and  it  should 
seem,  says  Layfield,  that  might  be  made  an  excellent  liquor)  ; 
but  the  best,  and  reserved  for  the  king's  cup  only,  was  of 
potatoes".  The  earl  brought  the  squadron  into  a  goodly 
bay,  able  to  receive  a  greater  navy  than  had  been  together 
in  the  memory  of  that  age  :  it  was  at  the  north-west  end  of 
the  island ;  and  his  information  directed  him  to  seek  for  a  hot 
spring  there,  which  he  found  fast  by  the  side  of  a  very  fine 
river.  "  The  bath,"  says  Layfield,  "  is  as  hot  as  either  the 
Cross  Bath  or  the  King's  Bath  in  the  city  of  Bath  in  England  ; 
and  within  three  or  four  yards  runneth  into  the  river,  which, 
within  a  stone's  cast,  disburdeneth  itself  into  the  sea.  Here 
the  sick  men  specially  found  good  refreshing ; "  and  here 
they  remained  till  the  1st  of  June.  It  was  thought  con- 
venient to  take  a  muster  of  their  companies  here,  "and 


148  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

something  better  to  acquaint  every  one  with  his  own  colours"  ; 
but  the  weather  proved  so  unfavourable  that  this  could  not 
be  done. 

But  notwithstanding  the  ill  weather,  the  beauty  of  the 
country  made  a  strong  impression  upon  those  whose  hearts 
were  not  wholly  set  upon  schemes  of  plunder.  It  is  "so 
mountainous/'  says  Layfield,  "  that  the  valleys  may  better  be 
called  pits  than  plains  ;  and  withal  so  unpassably  woody, 
that  it  is  marvellous  how  those  naked  souls  can  pull  themselves 
through  them,  without  renting  their  natural  clothes.  Some 
speak  of  more  easy  passages  in  the  inland  of  the  island,  which 
makes  it  probable  that  they  leave  those  skirts  and  edges  of 
their  country  thus  of  purpose  for  a  wall  of  defence.  Their 
hills  are  apparelled  with  very  goodly  green  trees,  of  many 
sorts.  The  tallness  of  these  unrequested  trees  makes  the 
hills  seem  more  hilly  than  of  themselves  happily  they  are ; 
for  they  grow  so  like  good  children  of  some  happy  civil  body, 
without  envy  or  oppression,  as  that  they  look  like  a  proud 
meadow  about  Oxford,  when,  after  some  irruption,  Thames  is 
again  couched  low  within  his  own  banks,  leaving  the  earth's 
mantle  more  ruggy  and  flakey  than  otherwise  it  would  have 
been ;  yea,  so  much  seem  these  natural  children  delighted 
with  equality,  and  withal  with  multiplication,  that,  having 
grown  to  a  definite  stature,  without  desire  of  overtopping 
others,  they  willingly  let  down  their  boughs,  which,  being 
come  to  the  earth  again,  take  root,  as  it  were  to  continue  the 
succession  of  their  decaying  progenitors ;  and  yet  they  do 
continually  maintain  themselves  in  a  green  good-liking, 
through  the  liberality,  partly  of  the  sun's  neighbourhood, 
which  provideth  them,  in  that  nearness  to  the  sea,  of  exceed- 
ing showers ;  partly  of  many  fine  rivers,  which,  to  requite  the 
shadow  and  coolness  they  receive  from  the  trees,  give  them 
back  again  a  continual  refreshing  of  very  sweet  and  tasty 
water."  * 

*  Purchas,  1158. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  149 

The  weather,  and  the  difficulty  of  finding  an  open  piece  of 
ground  of  sufficient  extent,  having  rendered  it  impossible  for 
the  earl  to  muster  his  people  here,  he  sailed,  on  the  1st  of 
June,  for  the  Virgin  Islands,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
3rd,  came  to  an  anchor.  A  fit  place  having  been  discovered 
on  one  of  these  uninhabited  islands  that  evening,  the  land 
forces  went  ashore  betimes  on  the  following  morning,  being 
Whitsunday.  There  he  took  a  perfect  muster  of  them. 
The  companies,  indeed  (though  after  much  sickness),  were 
"goodly  in  number,  one  might  well  say,  not  so  few  as  a 
thousand".  When  they  had  been  trained  "into  all  sorts  and 
faces  of  fights,"  the  earl,  who  found  it,  he  says,  "  for  many 
respects  meet  to  speak  to  them,  commanded  the  drums  to 
beat  a  call ;  and  the  troops  being  drawn  in  the  nearest 
closeness  that  conveniently  they  might  be,  that  he  might  be 
heard  of  all,  his  lordship,  standing  under  a  great  cliff  of  a 
rock,  his  prospect  to  the  seaward,  stepped  upon  one  of  the 
greater  stones,  which,  added  to  his  natural  stature,  gave  him  a 
pretty  height  above  the  other  company  ;  and  so  commanding 
audience,  made  a  speech  to  them".  We  have  the  harangue 
preserved,  as  nearly  as  he  could  remember  it,  in  his  own 
unfinished  relation.  "  Kind  countrymen  and  fellow-soldiers," 
said  he,  "  I  am  sure  there  is  none  here  but  have  marked, 
and  the  wisest  wonder  at  my  light  regarding  the  many  gross 
faults  committed  among  you,  suffering  eveiy  man  to  do  what 
be  would,  and  urging  no  man  further  than  he  listed.  Many 
courses  drew  me  to  this  patience  ;  only  one  I  will  now  utter, 
the  rest  being  fitter  to  conceal  to  myself  than  to  make  so 
many  acquainted  with.  The  great  hope  of  meeting  the 
carracks  made  me  hope  for  a  short  journey ;  which,  if  it  had 
happened,  I  thought  it  better  to  return  with  every  man's 
good  word,  than  by  punishing  of  any  to  have  their  ill  word 
at  my  return.  But  that  hope  is  altogether  past ;  and  now 
we  are  settled  to  another  course,  which,  though  it  may  be 
will  not  prove  altogether  so  rich,  and  must  of  force  keep  us 


150  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

longer  abroad,  yet  I  assure  you,  upon  my  honour  and  con- 
science, I  do  constantly  believe  there  will  spring  out  of  it 
more  glory  to  God,  more  service  to  our  prince  and  country, 
and  more  honour  to  ourselves,  than  could  have  been  done 
by  the  carracks  if  we  had  taken  them  all.  For  the  better 
performance  we  must  fall  to  another  course  ;  I  in  governing, 
you  in  obeying ;  I  in  directing  you  what  to  do,  you  in  follow- 
ing my  directions ;  to  which  end  I  have  already  delivered 
you  certain  articles.  And  though  these  twenty  days  at  the 
least  you  have  had  them  amongst  you,  yet  fear  I  there  are 
some  which  wish  they  could  but  light  upon  so  much  as  they 
would  conceal  from  me.  Base  conditions  be  hateful  things 
in  men  professing  arms ;  there  is  none  baser  than  theft,  and 
110  theft  so  base  as  for  a  man  to  steal  from  his  own  com- 
panion :  and  he  that  concealeth  anything  gotten  in  this 
journey,  stealeth  from  every  man  in  it,  ...  all  going  to  have 
their  part  of  whatsoever  is  gotten.  This  I  thought  not  unfit 
particularly  to  touch,  because  the  speech  hath  given  great 
offence  to  the  whole  army,  and  no  doubt  may  encourage  some 
of  lewd  and  base  humours  among  us  to  do  the  like.  But  let 
the  warning  I  now  give  you  drive  these  thoughts  out  of  their 
thoughts  that  hold  them  ;  and  be  also  a  warning  that  they 
heedfully  observe  the  rest  of  the  articles.  For,  I  assure  you, 
my  over-patient  and  forced  sluggish  humour  is  shaken  off; 
and  I  will  neither  oversee,  nor  suffer  to  pass  unpunished,  ill 
deservers."  * 

As  they  were  now  within  a  day's  sail  of  Puerto  Rico,  he 
appointed  officers  for  the  field.  Twelve  companies  were 
made  up,  whereof  if  any  "  wanted  the  full  number  of  eighty, 
they  were  plentifully  supplied  by  a  large  overplus  of  gallant 
gentlemen  that  followed  his  lordship's  colours,  borne  by  Cap- 
tain Bromley;  and  Sir  John  Berkeley  also  had  another  eighty; 
so  that  the  whole  army  appointed  to  land  was  near  upon  a 

*  Purchas,  1158,  1159. 


THE   EARL   OF  CUMBERLAND  151 

thousand,  especially  seeing  that  the  officers  of  several  com- 
panies were  not  reckoned  in  these  numbers".  It  was  now 
debated  whether  to  pass  through  the  Virgins,  which  many  of 
the  masters  and  sea  captains  would  have  preferred  as  the 
nearer  way,  and  there  were  divers  on  board,  both  soldiers  and 
mariners,  who  had  gone  this  way  with  Drake  ;  or  to  hold  the 
old  course  through  the  Passages.  The  first  was  the  nearer 
but  more  dangerous  way,  being,  says  Layfield,  very  narrow, 
about  the  breadth  of  the  Thames  near  London,  and  they 
durst  not  pi'omise  themselves  the  continuance  of  a  leading 
wind.  The  earl,  however,  determined  upon  the  farther  and 
safer  course ;  more  desiring,  he  said,  to  be  the  first  that 
took  Puerto  Rico,  than  the  second  that  passed  through  the 
Virgins.  On  the  morning  of  the  5th,  two  small  pinnaces 
were  sent  forward  to  explore  the  landing,  Captain  Knotsford, 
who  was  in  one  of  them,  having  been  Sir  John  Hawkins's 
pilot,  and  esteemed  to  be  very  expert  in  those  countries. 
The  fleet  lingered  till  it  was  dark,  and  then  putting  out  all 
sails,  came  to  them  undiscovered  a  little  after  midnight.  But 
the  pinnaces  had  found  the  distance  more  than  had  been 
supposed  ;  it  was  dark  before  they  reached  the  place  which 
they  went  to  discover,  and  for  fear  of  carrying  the  earl  to 
leeward,  they  had  tarried  for  him  and  done  nothing.  He 
stood  off  and  on  till  morning,  and  then  descried  what  ap- 
peared to  him  a  smooth  landing-place ;  but  all  who  had 
been  with  Drake  insisted  that  it  was  impossible  to  get  there, 
"the  wind  over-blowing  all  day  out  of  the  sea".  The  earl, 
however,  and  Sir  John  Berkeley  rowed  thither,  and  found  it 
not  only  smooth  but  a  most  goodly  sandy  bay,  and  that  they 
might  march  all  along  by  the  sea-side  till  they  came  to  the 
town.  Well  pleased  with  this,  he  gave  orders  that  every 
captain  and  ship  should  put  their  men  in  boats,  and  follow 
his  bloody  colours,  which  he  would  have  presently  landed. 
But  some  of  the  commanders  objected  that  the  march  seemed 
to  be  great,  that  none  knew  the  way,  and  that  if  the  town, 


152  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

as  they  had  often  heard,  stood  on  an  island,  they  should  be 
forced  to  return  to  their  ships,  not  having  means  to  get  unto 
it.  "  Gentlemen,"  said  the  earl,  "  a  willing  mind  makes  long 
steps  with  great  ease.  I  have  been  sick,  and  am  not  now 
strong ;  you  shall  go  no  farther  nor  faster  than  I  will  do 
before  you.  For  guides,  we  need  no  better  than  our  eyes  ; 
the  town  standing  by  the  sea-side,  and  we  landing  from  the 
sea,  see  no  other  but  fair  sandy  bays  all  the  way  thither. 
We  might  land  much  nearer,  if  we  were  sure  there  were 
anywhere  to  leeward  such  a  headland  as  this,  that  maketh 
smooth  landing  within  it ;  but  that  being  uncertain,  I  mean 
to  take  this,  which  I  do  assuredly  believe  God  hath  directed 
us  unto ;  for  I  am  sure  it  is  better  than  any  ever  told  me  of. 
And  for  your  last  argument,  that  if  it  be  an  island  we  shall 
not  get  into  it,  that  reason  is  nothing  ;  for  you  see  our  boats 
may  row  by  us  ;  and  when  we  shall  come  to  any  water,  they 
may  set  us  over  if  it  be  deep ;  in  shallow  places  we  shall  pass 
ourselves.  So  all  you  have  said  or  can  say  being  thoroughly 
answered,  let  me  have  no  more  speaking,  but  get  your  men 
all  into  your  boats  and  follow  in  order  as  I  have  directed 
you."  Further,  he  told  them,  that  in  taking  Puerto  Rico, 
they  should  possess  the  keys  of  all  the  Indies,  and  that 
though  there  were  not  so  many  millions  in  the  town  as  when 
a  greater  force  failed  to  take  it,  it  was  nevertheless  rich,  and 
there  were  gold  mines  in  the  island.  And  if  men  of  judg- 
ment thought  it  was  too  strong  for  their  strength  to  carry, 
because  it  had  already  resisted  a  much  stronger  force,  that 
consideration  ought  to  encourage  them,  seeing  the  more 
cause  would  they  have  to  be  proud  of  taking  it ;  "  and  believe 
me,"  he  pursued,  "assured  we  are  to  take  it,  now  we  see 
where  to  land  quietly  ;  the  Indian  soldiers  live  too  pleasantly 
to  venture  their  lives  ;  they  will  make  a  great  show,  and 
perhaps  endure  one  brunt,  but  if  they  do  any  more,  tear  me 
to  pieces  I"  * 

*  Purchas,  1153,  1154. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  153 

By  eight  in  the  morning  the  whole  force  was  landed, 
about  a  1000  men,  "in  a  most  fine  place/'  says  the  earl, 
"  where  not  any  wet  his  furniture  nor  saw  an  enemy ;  by 
which  means  all  our  troops  were  put  in  good  order,  and 
were  made  much  stronger  than  a  small  resistance  before 
we  were  marshalled  would  have  made  us ".  The  landing 
was  about  four  leagues  from  the  town,  toward  which  they 
marched  in  the  extreme  heat  of  the  day  ;  this,  and  the  way 
being  sandy,  would,  he  says,  "no  doubt  have  tired  many,  but 
that  going  all  along  by  the  sea,  they  marched  at  pleasure 
in  it  when  they  listed  ;  and  besides,  had  the  place  whither 
they  were  going  still  in  sight,  which,  standing  upon  the  top 
of  a  hill,  showed  much  nearer  than  it  was".  Commonly  on 
firm,  sometimes  on  loose  sand,  yet  it  was  a  fair  march  for 
three  leagues,  when  a  few  horsemen  who  had  been  sent  to 
view  their  strength,  came  near  enough  to  reconnoitre  them, 
then  turned  their  horses  and  galloped  away.  They  soon 
fell  in  with  a  negro  who  was  willing  enough  to  be  their 
guide,  but  he  neither  spoke  good  English  nor  good  Spanish  ; 
and  moreover  was  in  great  fear,  as  well  he  might  be,  at 
finding  himself  exposed  to  imminent  danger  on  one  side  or 
the  other,  whether  he  led  them  right  or  not.  "  Through 
most  unpassable  rocks  and  cliffs,"  he  brought  them  to  the 
entrance  of  an  arm  of  the  sea,  by  which  the  little  island  on 
which  the  capital  stands  is  separated  from  the  main  one. 
The  earl  had  expected  to  get  over  in  his  boats,  but  this  he 
saw  was  hindered  by  a  bulwark  on  the  island  side,  close  at 
the  mouth  of  the  entrance,  with  five  pieces  of  great  brass 
ordnance.  The  entrance  was  not  above  sixty  yards  over,  and 
a  little  within  stopped  quite  across  with  piles  ;  so  that  while 
the  Spaniards  occupied  this  fort  it  was  not  possible  to  get 
in  there.  There  were  some  who  proposed  to  plant  musque- 
teers  among  the  rocks,  that  they  might  beat  those  in  the 
fort  from  their  guns ;  but  though  this  was  thought  feasible, 
it  was  not  determined  on,  because,  if  the  fort  had  been 


154.  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

silenced,  they  were  ignorant  of  the  depth  ;  and  the  boats 
had  not  yet  found  any  landing-place.  "And  here,"  the 
chaplain  says,  "we  were  at  a  flat  bay,  even  at  our  wits'  end." 
The  earl,  however,  was  sure  there  must  be  some  good  passage 
by  which  the  horsemen  had  come  ;  "  and  with  much  ado  the 
negro,  being  something  comforted,  and  partly  with  threaten- 
ing, partly  with  promises,  brought  to  the  little  wits  he  had," 
was  made  to  understand  whither  they  wanted  to  be  guided. 
"  When,"  says  the  earl,  "  I  perceived  he  understood  me,  I 
followed  him  through  the  most  wickedest  wood  that  ever  I 
was  in  in  all  my  life."  The  troops  went  on  "  with  as  nimble 
minds  as  weary  bodies,  for  they  had  marched  from  morning 
till  it  was  even  on  the  edge  of  the  evening,  but  they  would 
not  be  weary  ;  and,  at  length,  through  such  untrodden  paths, 
or  rather  no  paths,  as  would  have  taught,"  the  chaplain 
observes,  "the  most  proud  body  to  stoop  humbly,"  they  came 
upon  the  footing  of  the  horsemen,  and  following  their  beaten 
track,  came  just  at  sunset  to  a  long  and  narrow  causeway, 
leading  to  a  bridge,  which  connected  the  great  island  with 
the  lesser  one.  The  causeway  was  wide  enough  for  three 
persons  abreast,  and  the  bridge  was  drawn  up :  on  the  op- 
posite bank  was  a  strong  barricade,  and  a  little  beyond  it  a 
fort  with  ordnance.  They  learnt  from  another  negro,  that 
at  low  water  the  passage  was  fordable  beside  the  causeway ; 
"  but  their  own  sailors  could  say  little  to  the  ebbing  and 
flowing  here  ; "  and  the  only  way  to  know  the  fit  time  of 
assault  Avas  to  set  a  continual  watch,  to  give  present  informa- 
tion of  the  ebb.  Two  in  the  morning  was  the  time  which 
the  negro  stated.  The  troops,  therefore,  were  ordered  to 
rest  and  refresh  themselves,  for  the  better  enabling  them  to 
fight  in  the  morning.* 

*  Purchas,  1154,  1160.  Thus  far  the  earl's  own  narrative  of  the 
voyage  extends.  "The  same  honourable  hand,"  says  Purchas,  "hath 
been  our  actor  and  author  ;  but  here,  when  he  comes  to  doing,  he  breaks 
off  speaking,  and  (tarn  Martc  quam  Mercuric)  exchangeth  words  for 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  155 

They  retired  to  a  piece  of  open  ground  over  which  they 
had  passed.  The  negro  guided  them  to  some  fresh  water ; 
some  had  brought  bread  with  them,  and  the  earl  "was  no 
niggard  of  what  he  had  ".  His  lodging  that  night  was  his 
target.  "  I,"  says  the  chaplain,  "  lay  at  his  head,  and  to  my 
remembrance  never  slept  better.  Two  hours  before  day  the 
alarum  was  given  very  quietly,  and  was  readily  taken,  for  we 
needed  not  but  to  shake  our  ears."  There  grew  a  question 
concerning  the  command  that  day,  between  Berkeley  and 
the  earl,  arising  from  an  honourable  desire  on  both  sides 
to  have  the  post  of  danger.  The  earl  yielded  to  a  fair  plea, 
becomingly  urged,  and  to  the  representation  that,  being  the 
general,  it  behoved  him,  for  the  sake  of  the  army,  to  consider 
his  own  preservation  ;  nevertheless  he  persisted  in  being  at 
the  service  in  person,  though  he  left  Sir  John  with  the  com- 
mand ;  and  he  put  himself  in  armour,  as  did  all  the  corn- 
swords,  and  mercurial  arts  into  martial  acts."  He  then  often  declares 
the  reason  which  induced  him  to  leave  out  apolitical  discourse,  and  state- 
moral  mystery  of  this  history,  written  by  the  same  noble  commander. 
"  The  times,"  he  says,  "  are  altered,  and  howsoever  planets  have  their 
peculiar  course,  fixed  stars  must  move  with  their  orb,  and  follow  the 
first  movable.  The  men  of  Bethshemesh  bought  dearly  their  prying 
into  the  ark ;  and  I  know  not  how  I  may  be  tolerated  to  utter  now  in 
public  those  state  mysteries  which  he  then  in  private  counselled  for  his 
country's  good.  I  could  also  be  willing,  as  I  know  the  world  would  be 
greedy  of  such  morsels  ;  but  ^Esop's  dog,  snatching  at  the  shadow  of  a 
morsel  in  the  water,  lost  that  which  he  had  in  his  mouth  ;  and  his  crow, 
gaping  to  sing  to  please  the  fox,  displeased  herself  with  loss  of  all  her 
other  wealth  and  purchase.  Everywhere  in  this  vast  work  we  have  been 
wary,  and  yet  scarce  wary  enough  of  this  danger  in  our  wariest  wariness  ; 
wherein  yet  (if  any  such  fault  be)  it  is  not  an  itching  finger,  busy  in 
things  above  us,  but  store  of  business  in  so  multiform  a  task,  perhaps, 
hath  occasioned  oversight  to  eyes,  otherwise  dim  enough.  Once  whatso- 
ever the  king  and  state  disclaim,  I  disclaim  also  as  not  mine,  because  I 
and  mine  are  theirs,  and  no  further  desire  to  be,  or  see  mine  own  than  in 
the  public;  of  which,  and  for  which  (under  God)  I  am,  have,  can,  write, 
do,  speak,  acknowledge  all  things.  I  will  pry  in  the  East  and  West 
Indies,  rather  than  state  it  at  home"  (p.  1154). 


156  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

manders,  and  who  else  had  armour,  for  they  looked  that  the 
service  should  be  hot.  So,  indeed,  it  proved  ;  the  enemy's 
sentinels  discovered  them  as  they  approached  ;  the  Spaniards 
were  perfectly  prepared ;  and  the  member  of  the  Church 
militant,  when  he  declares  it  may  be  well  said  that  it  was 
well  fought  by  his  comrades,  says  also,  that  if  it  had  been 
day,  and  every  one  could  have  seen  what  he  did,  so  many 
would  probably  not  have  deserved  so  much  commendation. 
The  assault  continued  about  two  hours  ;  and  "  though  the 
assailants  left  no  way  in  the  world  unattempted,  yet  no  way 
could  they  find  to  enter  the  gate  ".  The  causeway,  he  says, 
had  been  purposely  made  so  rugged,  that  the  adventurers,  in 
order  to  keep  their  feet,  chose  to  wade  in  the  water  beside 
it.  The  earl's  shield-bearer  stumbled,  and  falling  against  the 
earl  overthrew  him  into  the  water,  where,  being  by  reason  of 
his  armour  unable  to  rise,  he  was  in  great  danger  of  drowning. 
It  was  not  till  a  second  attempt,  that  the  sergeant-major, 
who  was  next  him,  succeeded  in  getting  him  out,  and  not 
till  he  had  swallowed  so  much  salt  water  as  to  cause  such 
extremity  of  sickness,  that  he  was  forced  to  lie  down  in  the 
very  place  upon  the  causeway,  till,  being  somewhat  recovered, 
he  was  able  to  be  led  to  a  spot  of  more  ease,  where  the 
bullets  made  him  threatening  music  on  every  side  ;  and  there 
he  remained  till  the  end  of  the  action,  lying  upon  the  ground, 
"very  exceeding  sick,"  in  a  place  so  perilous  that  it  would 
have  been  as  safe  to  be  at  the  entry  of  a  breach  by  assault.* 

The  assailants  had  the  advantage  of  numbers,  but  they 
were  in  a  position  where  that  advantage  could  not  avail  them. 
"  Not  less  than  3000  English  bullets  were  sent  among  the 
Spaniards,  who,  on  their  part,  were  not  much  behind  the 
invaders  in  sending  these  heavy  leaden  messengers  of  death  ; 
for  besides  six  pieces  of  great  ordnance  which  played  just 
upon  the  causeway,  and  some  pretty  store  of  musqueteers, 

*  Purchas,  1161. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  157 

at  a  port  fast  by  the  gate  there  lay  a  fowler,  or  cast  piece, 
that  did  more  scathe  than  all  the  rest,  for  this  shot  at  once 
many  murdering  shot,  wherefore  the  piece  is  also  called  a 
murderer."  Yet  the  English  came  to  the  gate,  and  some 
two  or  three  began  to  hew  at  it  with  bills,  for  want  of  fitter 
instruments  ;  others  meantime  were  at  the  push  of  the  pike 
at  the  ports  and  loop-holes,  and  having  broken  their  own 
pikes  seized  those  of  their  enemies  with  their  naked  hands 
and  broke  them.  With  all  these  exertions  they  could  not 
force  an  entrance,  and  Berkeley,  attempting  to  discover  if  a 
passage  could  be  found  on  either  side  of  the  gate,  twice 
waded  so  far  that  he  got  into  deep  water,  and  must  have 
perished  if  he  could  not  have  swam.  The  end  was  that  the 
tide  came  in ;  and  when  day  began  to  break,  the  water, 
which  had  been  knee-deep,  was  up  to  the  waist ;  daylight 
would  have  enabled  the  Spaniards  to  sweep  the  causeway 
with  their  guns,  and  the  English  were  brought  off  in  good 
time  to  the  place  where  they  had  passed  the  night.  "  God," 
the  chaplain  says,  "  would  not  have  more  bloodshed,  nor 
our  troops  as  yet  to  have  their  wills."  The  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  was  something  less  than  fifty.  As  soon  as  the 
surgeons  had  looked  to  the  wounded,  the  men  were  marched 
to  the  sea-side,  where  the  boats  had  been  ordered  to  meet 
them  with  food/'" 

While  they  refreshed  themselves  there,  the  earl  went  on 
board,  being  still  so  sick  that  some  danger  was  apprehended. 
His  intention  had  been  to  rest  on  board  that  night,  but  his 
thoughts  were  so  busied  and  restless  that  in  a  few  hours  he 
had  digested  another  plan  of  operations,  and  came  on  shore 
again  to  put  it  in  execution.  The  resolution  was  to  attack 
the  fort  at  the  entrance  of  the  channel ;  and  believing  it 
necessary  to  carry  this,  at  whatever  cost,  he  ordered  one  of 
the  ships  to  bear  in  close  to  the  shore,  though  the  danger  of 

*  Purchas,  1161. 


158  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

her  driving  upon  the  rocks  was  apparent.  Some  fifty  mus- 
queteers  were  stationed  upon  the  broken  ground  opposite  ; 
from  whence  it  had  before  been  noted  that  they  might  beat 
the  enemy  from  their  guns.  At  the  same  time  200  men 
were  embarked  in  boats,  that  they  might  effect  a  landing 
between  the  forts  and  the  town.  In  the  course  of  an  hour, 
the  ship  and  the  musqueteers  had  so  beaten  the  fort  that 
the  boats  landed  at  leisure,  and  this  advantage  was  gained 
with  the  loss  of  only  one  man  killed  and  three  wounded  ; 
but  as  it  had  been  apprehended,  the  ship  went  upon  the 
rocks,  and  finally  was  cast  away.  The  Spaniards  met  them 
after  they  were  landed,  and  skirmished  awhile  gallantly,  till, 
finding  themselves  the  weaker  party,  they  effected  an  honour- 
able retreat  into  a  wood,  on  the  skirt  whereof  they  had  made 
their  stand  :  the  invaders  then  advanced  to  the  fort,  which 
had  been  forsaken,  and  there  they  established  themselves 
for  the  night.  By  the  time  the  boats  returned  for  a  second 
embarkation  it  was  late  at  night,  and  the  water  so  low  that 
there  could  be  no  passage  till  the  next  flood ;  so  the  com- 
panies were  again  marched  to  the  safe  ground  on  which  they 
had  taken  up  their  lodging  before  ;  there  they  rested  and 
refreshed  themselves,  waiting  for  the  tide,  crossed  there  as 
soon  as  it  served,  and  being  thus  in  the  smaller  island,  they 
now  made  little  doubt  of  complete  success.  The  distance 
was  about  a  mile  and  half  from  the  town,  the  way  woody  on 
either  side,  and  so  narrow  that  not  more  than  three  men 
could  march  abreast ;  yet  though  the  ground  was  so  fit  for 
ambuscades,  "  or,"  says  Layfield,  "  for  the  Irish  manner  of 
charging,  by  sudden  coming  on  and  off/'  no  attempt  was 
made  to  oppose  or  annoy  their  march.  By  day-break  they 
reached  the  town,  and  found  none  but  women  there,  and  men 
whom  either  age  or  infirmity  or  wounds  had  disabled  ;  the 
rest  had  betaken  them  to  one  of  their  forts  to  the  seaward, 
called  Mora.* 

*  Purchas,  1161,  1162, 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  159 

The  city  of  San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico  is  described  at  that 
time  as  less  in  circuit  than  Oxford,  "but  very  much  bigger 
than  all  Portsmouth  within  the  fortifications,  and  in  sight 
much  fairer".  There  was  not  much  lost  ground  within  that 
space,  the  buildings  having  increased  one-fourth  within  the 
three  preceding  years.  The  streets  were  large,  the  houses 
built  after  the  Spanish  manner,  of  two  stories  height  only,  but 
very  strongly,  and  the  rooms  "  goodly  and  large,  with  great 
doors,  instead  of  windows,  for  receipt  of  air  ".  "  The  cathedral 
was  inferior  to  the  poorest  of  our  cathedral  churches  ;  and 
yet,"  says  the  chaplain,  "  it  is  fair  and  handsome ;  two  rows 
of  proportionable  pillars  make  two  aisles,  besides  the  middle 
walk,  and  thus  all  along  up  to  the  high  altar.  It  is  darker  than 
commonly  country  churches  in  England,  for  the  windows  are 
few  and  little,  and  those  indeed  without  glass  (whereof  there 
is  none  to  be  found  in  the  town)  but  covered  with  canvas,  so 
that  the  most  of  the  light  is  received  by  the  doors."  The 
earl,  as  soon  as  he  had  taken  full  possession  of  the  town,  set 
sufficient  guard,  and  quartered  his  companies,  summoned  the 
fort,  requiring  the  governor  to  deliver  it  up  to  him  for  the 
Queen  of  England,  who  had  sent  him  thither  to  take  it ;  the 
governor  returned  for  answer  that  the  King  of  Spain  had  sent 
him  thither  to  keep  it,  and  keep  it  he  would  as  long  as  he 
was  able.  It  was  now  a  great  object  with  the  earl  to  reduce 
it  with  the  least  possible  loss,  for  he  considered  that  he  was 
to  leave  a  strong  garrison,  and  yet  must  himself  go  home  well 
guarded.  His  first  care  was  to  cut  off  all  their  means  of 
supply ;  and  for  this  purpose  boats  were  stationed  between 
the  fort  and  the  main  ;  two  batteries  also  were  provided,  in 
case  the  enemies'  food  should  last  longer  than  he  wished. 
They  were  ready  on  the  ninth  day  after  the  capture  of  the 
town  too  late  to  be  then  opened  ;  and  the  morrow  being  Sun- 
day, he  would  not  begin  on  that  day  ;  so  it  was  deferred  till  the 
next  morning.* 

*  Purchas,  1162,  1164. 


160  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

"The  noise  of  war  meantime  was  not  so  great,  but  that 
the  still  voice  of  justice  was  well  heard."  "It  is  no  news," 
says  Layfield,  "  that  in  such  companies  there  will  be  outrages 
committed."  One  very  good  soldier  the  earl  publicly  dis- 
graced for  "  over-violent  spoiling  a  gentlewoman  of  her 
jewels  ".  But  as  this  example  did  not  prove  terrible  enough 
to  the  rest,  he  called  a  court-martial,  that  justice  might  be 
armed  with  the  authority  of  all  the  commanders ;  and  two 
were  condemned  to  death  upon  the  article  of  defacing 
churches  and  offering  force  to  women.  "  He  that  did 
violence  to  a  Spaniard's  wife,  was  a  soldier,  and  had  given 
very  good  proof  of  his  valour  ;  so  far,  that  his  lordship  had 
taken  special  notice  of  him  ;  but,  being  convicted  of  this 
crime,  there  was  no  place  left  for  mercy ;  but  hanged  he 
was  in  the  market-place,  the  Spaniards,  as  many  as  would 
come,  being  suffered  to  be  present  at  the  execution.  The 
other,  who  had  defaced  a  church,  was  a  sailor  ;  great  inter- 
cession was  made  for  him  by  the  importunity  of  the  sailors."  * 
According  to  Monson,  "  there  was  occasion  at  that  time  to 
please  them  above  the  soldiers :  twice  he  was  taken  from  the 
gallows,  while  endeavours  were  used  in  vain  to  obtain  his 
pardon,  but  when  he  was  brought  out  the  third  time  the  earl 
allowed  himself  to  be  entreated  ".  It  was,  indeed,  a  case  in 
which  the  feelings  of  his  people  went  with  the  offender,  for 
the  soldiers  "  could  not  be  held  from  defacing  unorderly  the 
images  of  the  saints.  They  were,  however,  brought  by  these 
examples  to  much  better  terms  of  rule  and  obedience."  f 

On  Monday  "  the  batteries  began  to  speak  very  loud  ;  and 
whereas  till  then  four  or  five  soldiers  could  not  appear  within 
reach  of  the  fort,  but  that  a  shot  of  great  ordnance  would  be 
sent  to  scatter  them,  scarce  a  Spaniard  was  now  to  be  seen 
upon  any  part  of  their  wall ".  In  the  course  of  one  day  it 
was  perceived  that  the  cavalier  was  sufficiently  beaten,  and 

*  Purchas,  1165.     Monson,  193.  f  Purchas,  1164,  1167. 


THE   EARL  OF  CUMBERLAND  161 

that  with  the  next  rain  (which  at  that  season  was  neither 
seldom  nor  little)  it  would  fall ;  being  of  a  sandy  earth,  it  did 
but  crumble  into  dust.  The  cannoneers  were  directed  there- 
fore to  "beat  the  other  point  nearer  the  sea,  for  that  so 
flanked  the  gate  and  the  breach  already  made,  that  without 
great  danger  there  could  not  any  approach  be  made,  and  his 
lordship  was  grown  exceedingly  niggardly  of  the  expense  of 
any  one  man's  life  ".  By  the  middle  of  the  ensuing  day  the 
Spaniard  demanded  a  parley,  and  proposed  to  give  up  the 
fort,  on  condition  that  "  with  colours  flying,  match  in  their 
cocks  and  bullets  in  their  mouths,  they  should  be  set  without 
the  point  of  the  bridge,  and  go  whither  they  would  ;  that  all 
prisoners  should  be  delivered  without  ransom,  and  no  man's 
negroes  or  slaves  be  detained  ".  The  earl  utterly  refused  any 
such  composition ;  but  told  him  that  because  he  took  no 
pleasure  in  shedding  Christian  blood,  he  would  deliver  them 
terms,  which  if  they  liked,  he  would  receive  them  to  mercy. 
These  articles  were  sent  to  the  governor  in  the  earl's  own 
hand,  and  in  these  characteristic  words : — 

"  A  resolution  which  you  may  trust  to. 

"  I  am  content  to  give  yourself  and  all  your  people  their 
lives :  yourself  with  your  captains  and  officers  to  pass  with 
your  arms  ;  all  the  rest  of  your  soldiers  with  their  rapiers  and 
daggers  only. 

"  You  shall  all  stay  here  with  me,  till  I  give  you  passage  from 
the  island,  which  shall  be  within  thirty  days. 

"  Any  one  of  you  which  I  shall  choose  shall  go  with  me  into 
England,  but  shall  not  stay  longer  there  than  one  month,  but 
being  well  fitted  for  the  purpose,  shall  be  safely  sent  home 
into  Spain  without  ransom." 

It  was  doubted  whether  there  were  any  in  the  fort  who 
understood  English,  and  therefore  some  advised  that  the 
articles  should  be  translated  into  Spanish  :  "  but  his  lordship 
peremptorily  refused  to  seek  their  language,  but  would  have 
them  to  find  out  his  ".  He  gave  them  respite  for  deliberation 

11 


162  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

till  eight  the  next  morning,  and  at  that  time  the  conditions 
were  accepted,  the  Spaniards  only  desiring  further,  that  they 
might  have  two  colours  left  them,  in  lieu  of  which  they 
promised  that  nothing  should  be  spoiled  in  the  fort.  The 
governor  and  his  company  dined  with  the  earl  :  after  dinner 
he  returned  to  the  fort,  brought  out  the  men,  nearly  400,  and 
delivered  the  keys  to  the  earl,  who  immediately  brought  in 
his  own  colours  and  Sir  John  Berkeley's,  and  placed  them 
upon  the  two  points  of  the  fort.  Everything  hitherto  had 
been  conducted  not  only  honourably  but  courteously  on 
either  side  :  the  Spaniards  took  all  their  property  with  them, 
and  were  secured  in  Portal  eza,  a  strong  castle  in  the  city, 
which  they  had  not  attempted  to  defend.  On  the  following 
day  the  fleet  entered  the  harbour,  the  fort  Mora  "being  to 
the  sea  very  strong,  and  fitted  with  goodly  ordnance,  and 
bestowed  for  the  most  advantage  to  annoy  an  enemy  that 
possibly  could  be  devised,  insomuch  that  it  was  thought  im- 
possible for  any  vessel  to  pass  that  point  if  its  passage  were 
opposed  by  her  guns.  Yet  was  it  very  dangerous  to  ride 
without,  as  the  invaders  found  by  the  loss  of  many  anchors 
and  cables,  and  one  of  their  ships.'' 

The  prisoners  were  sent  to  Carthagena,  as  a  place  so  far 
to  the  leeward  that  they  neither,  in  haste,  could  make  any 
preparation  for  the  recovery  of  Puerto  Rico,  nor  send  news  to 
Spain.  The  governor  and  some  few  others  who  deserved 
some  respect,  were  put  on  board  the  ships  that  convoyed 
them,  and  were  permitted  to  proceed  in  those  ships  to 
England.  The  earl's  "honourable  resolution  and  intend- 
ment,"  as  the  chaplain  called  it,  "  was  not  to  come  so  far  for 
the  sake  of  taking  and  spoiling  some  place  in  the  new  world, 
and  then  run  home  again,  but  to  keep  Puerto  Rico,  by  God's 
leave,  if  it  pleased  God  to  give  it  into  his  hands.  That  was 
the  place  he  meant  to  carry,  whatsoever  it  might  cost  him, 
being  the  very  key  of  the  West  Indies,  which  locketh  and 
shutteth  all  the  gold  and  silver  on  the  continent,  and  America, 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  163 

and  Brazil : "  such  was  his  *  opinion  of  its  importance.  He 
knew,  says  Layfield,  that  St.  Domingo  might,  with  much  less 
loss,  be  taken,  and  would  bring  much  greater  profit  for  the 
present ;  in  regard  thereof,  and  of  the  desire  he  had  his  ad- 
venturers should  become  gainers,  his  thoughts  sometimes 
took  that  way,  but  finally  they  stayed  at  Puerto  Rico,  and 
there  settled  themselves.  As  this  was  his  resolution  before 
he  had  it,  so  was  it  also  after  he  had  it,  and  then  not  only 
his,  but  every  man  of  worth  or  spirit  saw  such  reason  in  his 
lordship's  designment,  that  some  thought  themselves  not 
graciously  dealt  with  in  being  passed  over,  while  others  were 
named  to  stay.  He  was  indeed  persuaded  that  though  the 
"  eminent  and  known  profits  "  of  the  place  were  ginger,  sugar 
and  hides,  +  yet  the  island  was  rich  in  gold  mines,  and  that  the 

*  Sir  William  Monson  had  formed  a  very  different  opinion. 
"  Whereas,"  he  says,  "  all  men's  actions  have  a  reasonable  show  of 
likelihood  of  good  to  redound  to  them  in  their  intended  enterprises,  yet 
cannot  I  conceive  how  a  land  attempt  upon  towns  could  yield  my  lord 
any  profit,  or  the  merchants  that  adventured  with  him.  For  my  lord 
by  experience  well  knew,  having  been  himself  at  the  taking  of  some 
towns,  that  they  afforded  little  wealth  to  the  taker,  because  riches  of 
value  will  be  either  burned  or  secretly  conveyed  away.  And  for  mer- 
chandises of  great  bulk  which  that  poor  island  yielded,  it  was  only  some 
few  hides,  black  sugar  and  ginger,  which  would  not  amount  to  any 
great  matter,  to  countervail  the  charge  of  so  costly  a  journey.  Com- 
monly that  island  sends  out  two  or  three  ships  of  a  reasonable  burden 
to  transport  the  yearly  commodities  it  yieldeth  ;  for  though  it  bears  the 
name  of  being  in  the  Indies,  yet  it  is  a  place  remote  and  unfrequented 
with  traffic,  either  from  the  Indies  or  any  other  place ;  or  though  the 
island  should  be  surprised  at  such  a  season  of  the  year  as  their  com- 
modities were  ripe  and  ready  for  transportation,  yet  the  value  is  not  to 
be  esteemed,  where  so  many  people  that  adventured  with  my  lord  were 
to  look  up  for  a  dividend  according  to  their  adventure  "  (p.  191). 

t "  There  is  so  incredible  abundance  of  horses,"  says  the  chaplain, 
"  that  it  is  lawful  for  any  man  to  kill  what  he  needeth  for  his  use,  if  only 
he  be  so  honest  as  to  bring  the  skins  to  the  proper  owners.  Now  these 
hides  must  rise  to  a  huge  sum  of  riches,  considering  that  their  cattle  are 
Jar  larger  than  any  country  that  I  know  in  England  doth  yield ;  for 


164  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

King  of  Spain,  in  his  policy,  had  ceased  to  work  them,  because 
of  their  very  productiveness  ;  "  the  sweetness  he  found  made 
him  unwilling  to  have  any  co-partners ; "  and  seeing  that 
this  island  lay  nearest  the  Indies  to  those  people  of  whose 
interloping  he  stood  most  in  fear,  "  he  would  not  lay  such  a 
bait "  to  attract  them,  lest  having  once  set  foot  there,  "  they 
should  not  only  gild  their  fingers,  and  pay  their  soldiers  for 
the  present  with  his  treasure,"  but  "make  it  their  halting- 
place  on  the  longer  journey  to  the  other  islands  and  con- 
tinent, which  were  the  coffers  from  whence  his  wars  were 
fed  ".  Another  view  of  recondite  policy  was  imputed  to  the 
Spanish  king,  who  was  supposed  to  reason  thus, — that  if  in 
a  shorter  voyage  and  less  time  his  subjects  were  sure  to  make 
themselves  masters  of  as  much  gold  as  if  they  went  farther, 
few  would  fetch  it  from  Peru,  or  the  other  more  inland  parts 
of  the  Indies.  Moreover,  it  was  reported  to  the  conquerors 
as  a  certain  truth,  that  Joachin  de  Luyando,*  formerly  a 

their  kine  that  I  have  seen  here  are  for  goodliness,  both  of  heads  and 
bodies,  comparable  with  our  English  oxen.  And  I  wot  not  how  that 
kind  of  beast  hath  specially  a  liking  to  these  southerly  parts  of  the 
world  above  their  horses,  none  of  which  I  have  seen  by  much  so  tall  and 
goodly  as  ordinarily  they  are  in  England.  They  are  well  made  and 
well  mettled,  and  good  store  there  are  of  them  ;  but  methinks  there  are 
many  things  wanting  in  them  which  are  ordinary  in  our  English  light 
horses.  They  are  all  trotters ;  nor  do  I  remember  that  I  have  seen 
above  one  ambler,  and  that  a  very  little  fiddling  nag"  (p.  1171). 

*  This  man,  says  Layfield,  may  be  judged  to  have  been  of  no  great 
either  wit  or  care  ;  for  it  is  certainly  reported,  that  oftentimes  meeting 
his  own  slaves  coming  out  of  the  country  to  his  house  in  Puerto  Rico 
with  store  of  gold,  he  did  not  know  them  to  be  his  own,  till  themselves 
told  him  so ;  and  yet  this  man  died  so  very  rich,  that  he  left  every  of 
his  three  sons  100,000  ducats.  Insomuch,  that  the  youngest  of  them 
being  in  Spain  upon  the  despatch  of  some  business  which  his  father  had 
left  unsettled,  was  there  thought  of  state  so  good  that  a  marquis  thought 
his  daughter  well  bestowed  upon  him  in  marriage.  But  see  how 
nothing  will  last  where  God,  with  His  preserving  blessing,  doth  not 
keep  things  together.  For  at  this  day  scarce  is  there  any  remainder  left 


THE   EARL   OF  CUMBERLAND  165 

mint  master  in  the  island,  had  sent  the  king  a  mass  of  pure 
gold,  which  was  found  to  be  worth  3500  ducats ;  and  "  divers 
times  he  had  found  such  pieces  of  pure  ore,'- "that  only  by 
splitting  them  he  made  himself  trenchers  of  gold  to  eat  his 
meat  on  ".*  Perhaps  the  military  chaplain  was  as  little  likely 
as  any  of  those  who  were  under  his  spiritual  care  to  consider 
how  much  happier  this  rich  Joachin  might  have  been  if  he 
had  remained  in  his  own  country,  where  he  might  have  eaten 
from  a  wooden  trencher  with  as  good  an  appetite,  and  a 
better  conscience. 

The  English  apprehended  no  ill  from  the  climate.  From 
three  in  the  morning  till  six  was  the  coolest  part  of  the  day ; 
"a  man  might  then  well  endure  some  light  clothes  upon 
him;  from  six  till  about  eight  it  was  very  'sweltering';" 
then  a  fresh  breeze  usually  sprung  up  and  continued  to  blow 
till  four  or  five  in  the  aftenioon,  during  which  time  the 
houses  were  comfortably  cool :  the  hottest  hours  were  from 
thence  till  midnight ;  and  it  was  thought  dangerous  to  be 
abroad  then  because  of  the  sereno,  which  Layfield  translates, 
"the  rainy  dew"  :  the  soldiers  who  lay  abroad  in  the  fields 
awoke  wet  with  it.  "  Books  had  their  glued  backs  melted 
and  loosened  by  the  heat  :  flowers  or  fruits  candied  in 
England  lost  their  crust  there,  and  English  comfits  grew 
liquid ; "  but  after  some  little  acquaintance  he  thought  it 
likely  to  prove  a  very  healthful  place,  for  they  found  hale 
people  there  who  were  eighty  or  ninety  years  old.  The 
report  of  some  mortality  that  had  lately  prevailed  there 
seems  not  to  have  disquieted  them.  "  What  place,"  said  the 
chaplain,  "  is  always  free  from  that  scourge  of  God  ?  "  But 

of  all  his  riches ;  and  this  now  most  poor  though  great  lady,  not  being 
able  to  proportion  herself  to  the  lowness  of  her  fortune,  and  besides 
vexed  with  her  husband's  ill  condition,  hath,  by  authority,  left  him ;  and 
having  entered  religious  profession,  is  at  this  present  in  a  nunnery  in 
St.  Domingo  (p.  1170). 
*  Purchas,  1165,  1170. 


166  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

he  soon  discovered  that  the  great  rains  in  July  and  August 
"  must  needs  be  very  dangerous  to  bodies  already  rarefied  by 
the  heat  of  the  sun  then  over  them,  and  yet  rather  where 
vehement  exercise  hath  more  opened  the  pores  whereby 
inward  heat  is  exhaled ".  Early  in  July  more  than  200  had 
died,  there  were  twice  as  many  sick,  and  "no  great  hope 
to  recover  the  most  of  them ".  The  disease  was  a  flux, 
"  sometimes  in  the  beginning  accompanied  with  a  hot  ague, 
but  always  in  the  end  attended  by  an  extreme  debility  and 
waste  of  spirits,  so  that  for  some  two  days  before  death  the 
arms  and  legs  would  be  wonderful  cold,  and  this  was  held  for 
a  certain  sign  of  near  departure  ".  From  this  mortality  the 
earl  "saw  it  was  not  God's  pleasure  that  this  island  as  yet 
should  be  inhabited  by  the  English "  ;  and  as  soon  as  he 
became  conscious  that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  keep  the 
city  which  he  had  taken,  he  made  overtures  to  the  Spaniards 
for  ransoming  it.  They  entertained  these  overtures  without 
any  intention  of  coming  to  an  agreement,  but  in  hope  of  pro- 
longing the  time,  till  the  prevailing  distemper  should  have 
so  far  weakened  the  invaders,  that  they  should  be  unable  to 
destroy  the  place  before  they  abandoned  it.  This,  the  chap- 
lain affirms,  had  never  been  his  lordship's  purpose  ;  and  it 
appears  that  on  his  part  he  had  not  much  expectation  of 
obtaining  the  ransom  :  but  he  thought  such  a  negotiation  the 
likeliest  way  of  deluding  the  islanders,  "  whom  he  could  not 
so  well  rule  with  any  other  bit,  his  own  strength  being  now 
grown  weak  ".* 

Meantime  all  the  hides,  ginger  and  sugar  which  could  be 
collected  were  forthwith  shipped,  and  so  was  all  the  ammuni- 
tion in  the  city  and  all  the  ordnance  which  had  been  taken ; 
"which  amounted,"  says  Layfield,  "in  all  and  of  all  sorts 
very  near  the  full  number  of  fourscore  cast  pieces,  some  of 
them  the  goodliest  that  I  ever  saw  ".  He  also  put  on  board 

*  Purchas,  1167,  1168. 


167 

some  specimens  of  the  sensitive  plant  in  pots,  hoping  that  he 
might  succeed  in  conveying  to  England  what  appeared  to 
him  and  his  people  the  most  extraordinary  production  of  the 
island.*  This  done,  he  left  the  strength  of  the  navy  with 
Sir  John  Berkeley,  to  follow  him  as  soon  as  they  were  ready, 
and  sailed  himself  with  two  of  the  larger  ships  and  seven 
smaller  ones.  "The  true  reason  of  his  desire  to  be  gone 
from  Puerto  Rico  quickly  was  a  desire  he  had  to  be  at  the 
Azores,  for  he  had  so  plotted  the  voyage,  that  still  he  would 
have  a  string  left  in  store  for  his  bow,  and  he  hoped  to  be 
there  before  the  Mexican  fleet.  The  instructions  which  he 
left  with  every  ship,  under  his  own  hand,  were  in  these 
words  :  'You  shall  steer  in  with  the  southward  part  of 
Flores.  If  you  find  me  not  in  that  course,  then  seek  me 
between  ten  and  fourteen  leagues  of  Fayal,  west-south-west. 
If  there  you  find  me  not,  then  come  through  betwixt  Fayal 
and  the  Pike,  and  seek  me  in  the  road  at  Graciosa.  If  you 
find  me  at  none  of  these  places,  you  may  be  assured  I  am 
gone  from  the  islands  to  England.'  He  left  order  with 

*  "  This  herb,"  the  chaplain  says,  "  is  a  little  contemptible  weed  to 
look  upon,  with  a  long  wooden  stalk  creeping  upon  the  ground,  and 
seldom  lifting  itself  above  a  handful  high  from  the  ground.  But  it  hath 
a  property  which  confoundeth  my  understanding,  and  perhaps  will  seem 
strange  in  the  way  of  philosophers  who  have  denied  every  part  of  sense 
to  any  plant ;  yet  this  certainly  seemeth  to  have  feeling.  For  if  you  lay 
your  finger  or  a  stick  upon  the  leaves  of  it,  not  only  that  very  piece 
which  you  touched,  but  that  that  is  near  to  it,  will  contract  itself,  and 
run  together  as  if  it  were  presently  dead  and  withered ;  not  only  the 
leaves,  but  the  very  sprigs  being  touched,  will  so  disdainfully  withdraw 
themselves  as  if  they  would  slip  themselves  rather  than  be  touched ;  in 
which  state  both  leaf  and  sprig  will  continue  a  good  while  before  it 
return  to  the  former  green  and  flourishing  form.  And  they  say  that  so 
long  as  the  party  which  touched  it  standeth  by  it,  it  will  not  open,  but 
after  his  departure  it  will ;  this  last  I  did  not  myself  observe,  and  if  it  be 
so,  it  must  be  more  than  sense  whence  such  a  sullenness  can  proceed ; 
but  for  the  former,  I  have  myself  been  often  an  eye-witness,  to  my  great 
wonder,  for  it  groweth  in  very  many  places  in  the  little  island  "  (p.  1174). 


168  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

Berkeley  to  leave  the  city  undefaced,  saving  only  that  Fort 
Mora  should  be  rased  to  the  landward."  Both  the  earl's 
division  and  Berkeley's  were  scattered  in  a  storm  ;  the  earl, 
however,  when  he  came  off  Flores,  met  with  enough  of  his 
ships  to  form  a  respectable  force  ;  but  he  learnt  that  the 
homeward-bound  carracks  were  passed  by,  and  that  the 
Mexican  fleet  was  not  expected  :  and  upon  this  disappoint- 
ment a  council  was  held,  and  it  was  determined  to  return  to 
England  without  delay.  They  would  probably  have  all  been 
wrecked  upon  Ushant  and  the  rocks,  if  the  earl  had  not,  in 
opposition  to  his  master,  judged  from  the  soundings  that 
they  were  near  the  coast  of  France,  and  given  orders  there- 
fore to  take  a  more  northerly  course  ;  for  the  next  morning 
that  coast  was  seen.* 

This  was  his  last  expedition.  No  other  subject  ever  under- 
took so  many  at  his  own  cost ;  and  Fuller  gives  him  the  dis- 
tinction of  being  "the  best  born  Englishman  that  ever 
hazarded  himself  in  that  kind  "  ;  adding,  that  his  fleets  were 
"bound  for  no  other  harbour  than  the  port  of  Honour, 
though  touching  at  the  port  of  Profit  in  passage  thereunto  ; 
I  say  touching  (says  the  old  worthy),  for  his  design  was  not 
to  enrich  himself,  but  impoverish  the  enemy.  He  was  as 
merciful  as  valiant  (the  best  metal  bows  best),  and  left  im- 
pressions of  both  in  all  places  where  he  came."  Fuller 
eulogises  him  as  "  a  person  wholly  composed  of  true  honour 
and  valour ".  There  were  some  other  ingredients  in  his 
character ;  and  when  the  Earl  of  Cumberland  bore  "  next  to 
his  paternal  coats  three  murdering  chain  shots,'7  such  an 
addition  to  his  armorial  bearings  was  more  significant  than  he 
intended  it.  The  desire  of  gain  must  have  influenced  him  in 
his  privateering  speculations  as  much  as  the  desire  of  honour  ; 
for  a  prodigal  expenditure,  and  losses  in  horse-racing  (which 
species  of  gaming  had  in  his  days  begun  to  be  one  of  the 

*  Purchas,  1168,  1176. 


THE   EARL   OF   CUMBERLAND  169 

follies  of  the  great)  had  embarrassed  his  affairs.  Next  to  his 
voyages,  this  passion,  and  the  display  which  he  made  at  tilts, 
and  in  all  other  expensive  sports,  "  were  the  great  occasion  of 
his  selling  land  "  ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  "  consumed  more 
than  any  one  of  his  ancestors  ".*  The  large  expenditure 
which  his  station  required  his  own  ample  means  could  amply 
have  supported  ;  but  no  means  are  adequate  to  the  demands 
of  prodigality. 

When  James  came  to  take  possession  of  his  new  kingdom, 
this  nobleman  "attended  him  with  such  an  equipage  of 
followers,  for  number  and  habit,  that  he  seemed  rather  a 
king  than  Earl  of  Cumberland.  Here  happened  a  contest 
between  the  earl  and  the  lord  president  of  the  north,  about 
carrying  the  sword  before  the  king  in  York :  the  office,  upon 
due  inquiry,  was  adjudged  to  him ;  and  whilst  Clifford's 
Tower,"  says  Fuller,  "  is  standing  in  York,  that  family  will 
never  be  therein  forgotten."  He  died  in  the  forty-eighth  year 
of  his  age,  and  was  buried  at  Skipton.  His  armour  may  still 
be  seen  in  Appleby  Castle.  His  two  sons  died  in  infancy ; 
and  the  only  daughter  whom  he  left  experienced  little 
of  his  love,  for  bequeathing  to  her  15,000/.  he  cut  off  the 
entail  of  his  estates  and  settled  them  upon  his  brother. 
She  contested  the  settlement  without  success ;  but  on  the 
death  of  that  brother  without  issue  the  estates  reverted  to  her. 
This  daughter,  by  her  second  marriage  Countess  of  Pembroke, 
was  one  of  the  most  high-minded  and  remarkable  women  of 
her  age  ;  and  seems  to  have  been  the  last  person  in  England 
by  whom  the  old  baronial  dignity  of  feudal  times  was  supported. 
All  the  good  connected  with  it  was  manifested  in  this  instance 
without  any  of  the  evil.  Daniel  was  her  tutor, — and  she  had 
the  honour  of  erecting  Spenser's  monument. 

*  Hist,  of  Westmoreland,  290. 


HAWKINS  AND  DRAKE 

SIR  JOHN  HAWKINS,  the  second  son  of  Master  William 
Hawkins  and  Joan  Trelawny  his  wife,  was  born  at 
Plymouth.  His  father  is  said  to  have  been  much 
esteemed  by  Henry  VIII.  as  a  principal  sea-captain,  and  is 
the  first  Englishman  who  is  known  to  have  traded  to  Brazil, 
having  made  two  voyages  thither  in  his  own  ship,  the  Paul 
of  Plymouth,  in  the  years  1530  and  1532.*  Plymouth  was 
already  a  port  so  famous  that  the  biographer  of  Devonshire 
extols  it  as  presenting  "a  kind  of  invitation  from  the  com- 
modiousness  thereof  to  maritime  noble  actions  "  ;  f  and  the 
youth  was  brought  up  to  his  father's  calling,  and  gained 
much  experience  by  making  early  in  life  several  voyages 
to  Spain,  Portugal,  and  the  Canaries,  "  which  were,  in  those 
days,  extraordinary  adventures  ".  Being  "  grown  in  love  and 
favour"  with  the  Canarians  by  his  good  and  upright  dealing, 
and  inquiring  from  them  concerning  the  state  of  the  West 
Indies,  he  was  assured  that,  "negroes  were  very  good 
merchandise  in  Hispaniola  ;  and  that  store  of  them  might 
easily  be  had  upon  the  coast  of  Guinea".  He  resolved 
upon  trying  his  fortune  in  this  trade ;  and  having  communi- 
cated that  desire  with  his  worshipful  friends  in  London,  Sir 
Lionel  Ducket,  Sir  Thomas  Lodge,  his  father-in-law,  Master 
Gunson,  Sir  William  Winter,  and  some  others,  they  liked  so 
well  of  his  intention  that  they  became  liberal  contributors 
and  adventurers  in  the  action. 

Three  good  ships  were  accordingly  provided,  the  Solomon 

*  Hakluyt,  iii.,  700.  f  Prince's  Worthies. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  171 

of  120  tons,  the  Swallow  of  100,  and  the  Jonas  of  40,  "in 
which  small  fleet  Hawkins  took  with  him  not  above  a  hundred 
men,*  for  fear  of  sickness  and  other  inconveniences,  whereunto 
men  in  long  voyages  are  commonly  subject".  He  sailed  in 
October,  1562,  touched  at  Teneriffe,  where  he  received  friendly 
entertainment,  and  proceeded  to  Sierra  Leone ;  which  place  is 
said  to  have  been  called  Taggarin  by  the  natives.  There  he 
stayed  some  time,  "  and  got  into  his  possession,  partly  by  the 
sword,  and  partly  by  other  means,  to  the  number  of  300 
negroes  at  the  least,  besides  other  merchandise  which  that 
country  yieldeth  ".  With  this  prey  (so  it  is  properly  denomi- 
nated) he  sailed  for  Hispaniola,  and  arrived  first  at  the  port  of 
Isabella,  "  where  he  had  reasonable  utterance  of  his  English 
commodities,  and  of  some  part  of  his  negroes,  trusting  the 
Spaniards  no  further  than  that  by  his  own  strength  he  was 
able  to  master  them ".  At  Puerto  de  Plata  he  made  "  like 
sales,  standing  always  upon  his  guard  " ;  and  at  Monte  Christo, 
on  the  north  side  of  the  island,  "  made  vent "  of  the  remainder 
of  his  negroes,  receiving  for  them,  at  these  places,  by  way  of 
exchange,  some  quantity  of  pearls,  and  hides,  ginger,  sugar, 
and  "other  like  commodities,"  enough  not  only  to  load  his 
own  vessels,  but  for  freighting  two  other  hulks ;  f  and  so 
"with  prosperous  success,  and  much  gain  to  himself  and  the 
aforesaid  adventurers,  he  came  home,  and  arrived  in  September, 
1563". 

It  is  now  no  honour  to  have  been  the  first  Englishman  who 
engaged  in  the  slave  trade.  J  But  it  is  not  generally  known 

*  "Such,"  says  Campbell,  "were  the  beginnings  of  Britain's  naval 
power !  "  With  how  little  reflection  must  that  inapt  observation  have 
been  written ! 

t  Hakluyt,  iii.,  500. 

J  This  is  ascribed  to  Hawkins  ;  but  a  sentence  in  Camden's  history 
(honourable  to  the  historian)  seems  to  throw  some  doubt  upon  it.  "  Black- 
moor  slaves,"  he  says  (108),  "were  now  commonly  bought  in  Africa  by 
the  Spaniards,  and,  from  their  example,  by  the  English,  and  sold  again 
in  America ;  how  honestly  I  know  not." 


172  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

how  so  iniquitous  a  trade  grew  up  without  being  regarded  as 
in  the  slightest  degree  repugnant  either  to  natural  justice,  or 
to  the  principles  of  Christianity.  At  a  time  when  European 
warfare  had  been  mitigated  by  the  courtesies  of  chivalry,  and 
by  the  frequent  changes  of  political  relations,  more  than  by 
any  growing  sense  of  humanity,  the  wars  between  Mahomme- 
dan  and  Christian  were  carried  on  with  as  much  ferocity  as 
in  the  days  of  Coeur  de  Lion :  only  where  the  contending 
parties,  as  in  Spain,  were  continually  opposed  to  each  other, 
such  unrelenting  butchery  was  disused  by  mutual  though  tacit 
consent,  because  it  would  have  reduced  the  land  to  a  desert ; 
and  there  those  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies 
were  made  slaves.  The  Portuguese,  having  cleared  their  own 
territory,  invaded  the  Moors  in  Barbary  ;  the  same  system 
was  there  pursued  with  the  same  people.  Their  first  dis- 
coveries were  made  as  much  in  the  spirit  of  conquest  as 
of  adventure ;  and  the  same  treatment  which  usage  had 
allotted  to  the  captured  Moors  was  extended,  as  of  course,  to 
the  negroes  who  were  taken  along  the  same  line  of  coast. 
To  so  great  an  extent  did  this  prevail,  that  negro  slavery  was 
almost  as  common  in  Portugal  in  the  early  part  of  the  six- 
teenth century  as  it  afterwards  became  in  the  sugar  islands. 
And  so  entirely  were  all  persons  possessed  with  the  opinion 
that  slavery  was  the  condition  to  which  this  unhappy  race 
was  destined,  that  Las  Casas,  when  he  proposed  the  substitu- 
tion of  negro  for  Indian  slavery,  as  a  measure  of  humanity, 
never  suspected  himself  of  acting  inconsistently,  nor  dreamed 
that  the  injustice  and  cruelty  were  as  great  to  the  one  race 
as  to  the  other. 

Hawkins,  then,  is  not  individually  to  be  condemned  if  he 
looked  upon  dealing  in  negroes  to  be  as  lawful  as  any  other 
trade,  and  thought  that  force  or  artifice  might  be  employed 
for  taking  them  with  as  little  compunction  as  in  hunting, 
fishing,  or  fowling :  this  was  the  common  opinion  of  his  age, 
and  not  a  solitary  voice  had  been  raised  against  it.  In  the 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  173 

ensuing  year  he  sailed  upon  a  second  trading  voyage,  with 
the  Jesus  of  Lubeck,  which  was  a  queen's  ship  of  700  tons, 
the  Solomon  of  140,  and  two  barques,  the  one  of  50,  and  the 
other  of  30,  well  stored,  and  manned  with  170  men.  They 
fell  in  and  joined  company  with  another  queen's  ship,  the 
Minion,  Captain  David  Carlet,  and  the  St.  John  Baptist,  of 
London,  bound  for  Guinea.  Their  consort,  the  Minion,  was 
blown  up  by  the  carelessness  of  a  gunner  ;  but  most  of  the 
people  were  saved.  Hawkins'  instructions  were  thought 
worthy  of  being  recorded  as  "  good  orders  for  a  fleet  on  a  long 
voyage  ".  They  were  in  these  words  :  "  The  small  ships  to 
be  always  a-head  and  a-weather  of  the  Jesus,  and  to  speak 
twice  a  day  with  the  Jesus  at  least.  If  in  the  day  the  ensign 
be  over  the  poop  of  the  Jesus,  or  in  the  night  two  lights, 
then  shall  all  the  ships  speak  with  her.  If  there  be  three 
lights  aboard  the  Jesus,  then  doth  she  cast  about.  If  the 
weather  be  extreme,  that  the  small  ships  cannot  keep  company 
with  the  Jesus,  then  all  to  keep  company  with  the  Solomon, 
and  forthwith  repair  to  Teneriffe,  to  the  northward  of  the 
road  of  Sirroes.  If  any  happen  to  any  misfortune,  then  to 
show  two  lights,  and  to  shoot  off  a  piece  of  ordnance.  If  any 
loose  company,  and  come  in  sight  again,  to  make  three  yawes, 
and  strike  the  mizen  three  times.  Serve  God  daily  ;  love  one 
another ;  preserve  your  victuals ;  beware  of  fire,  and  keep 
good  company."  * 

They  touched  at  the  Canaries,!  "the  fruitfulness  of  which 
island,"  says  the  historian  of  this  voyage,]:  "doth  surely  exceed 
far  all  other  that  I  have  heard  of.  For  they  make  wine 
better  than  any  in  Spain  :  they  have  grapes  of  such  bigness 


*  Hakluyt,  iii.,  501. 

t "  Here  we  took  fishes  with  heads  like  conies,  and  teeth  nothing 
varying  ;  of  a  jolly  thickness,  but  not  past  a  foot  long ;  and  is  not  to  be 
eaten  without  flaying,  or  cutting  off  his  head  "  (Hakluyt,  503). 

J  John  Sparke, 


174  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

that  they  may  be  compared  to  damsons,  and  in  taste  inferior 
to  none  :  for  sugar,  suckets,  raisins  of  the  sun,  and  many  other 
fruits,  abundance  ;  for  rosine  and  raw  silk  there  is  great  store : 
they  want  neither  corn,  pullets,  cattle,  nor  yet  wild  fowl. 
They  have  many  camels,  also,  which,  being  young,  are  eaten 
of  the  people  for  victuals,  and  being  old  they  are  used  for 
carriage.  About  this  island  are  certain  flitting  islands,  which 
have  been  oftentimes  seen,  and  when  men  approached  near 
them  they  vanished  ;  as  the  like  hath  been  of  these  islands 
now  known,  by  the  report  of  the  inhabitants,  which  were  not 
found  of  long  time  one  after  the  other  ;  and  therefore  it  should 
seem  he  is  not  yet  born  to  whom  God  hath  appointed  the 
finding  of  them."  From  thence  they  made  Cape  de  Verd, 
where  the  natives  are  described  as  "more  civil  than  any 
other,  because  of  their  daily  traffic  with  the  Frenchmen,"  and 
as  being  "of  nature  very  gentle  and  loving".  This  they 
had  shown  by  their  treatment  of  some  shipwrecked  French- 
men a  little  before.  Yet,  though  Hawkins  knew  the  dis- 
position of  these  people,  and  had  taken  on  board  one  of  the 
men  who  had  been  so  kindly  used,  that  he  was  not,  without 
difficulty,  persuaded  to  leave  them,  he  endeavoured  to  kidnap 
some  for  slaves,  and  laid  snares  for  them  accordingly. 
But  the  crew  of  the  ship  which  had  been  blown  up  revealed 
the  intended  treachery,  and  thereby  frustrated  it :  perhaps, 
having  lost  their  ship,  they  were  not  entitled  to  share  with 
the  rest ;  for  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  they  had  any 
better  sense  of  right  and  wrong  than  their  comrades.* 

Hawkins  could  not  enter  the  Rio  Grande,  as  he  wished, 
for  want  of  a  pilot ;  he  proceeded,  therefore,  to  "  one  of  the 
islands  called  Sambula,"  and  staying  there  certain  days,  went 
"every  day  on  shore  to  take  the  inhabitants,  with  burning 
and  spoiling  their  towns ".  It  is  no  extenuation  of  this 
conduct  that  it  appeared  to  the  natives  as  legitimate  a  con- 

*  Hakluyt,  502,  503. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  175 

sequence  of  the  law  of  the  strongest  as  it  did  to  themselves : 
nevertheless,  when  we  contemplate  the  course  of  history,  it 
is  a  consolatory  consideration,  that  the  evil  produced  by 
invasions  and  conquest  is  not  all  additional  evil ;  but  that, 
as  in  this  case,  barbarous  tribes  or  nations  have  endured  from 
strangers  such  miseries  as  they  would  otherwise  have  inflicted 
upon  each  other.  A  people  whom  the  relater  of  this  voyage 
calls  Samboses,  and  whose  own  country  was  beyond  Sierra 
Leone,  had  conquered  these  islands  three  years  before  from 
the  Sapies,  a  tribe  who  inhabited  about  Rio  Grande.  "  These 
Sapies,"  he  says,  "  be  more  cruel  than  the  Samboses ;  for 
whereas  the  Samboses  live  most  by  the  spoil  of  their  enemies, 
both  in  taking  their  victuals,  and  eating  them  also,  the  Sapies 
do  not  eat  man's  flesh,  unless  in  the  war  they  be  driven  by 
necessity  thereunto  ;  which  they  have  not  used  but  by  the 
example  of  the  Samboses,  but  live  only  upon  fruits  and  cattle, 
of  which  they  have  great  store.  This  plenty  is  the  occasion 
that  the  Sapies  desire  not  war,  except  they  be  thereunto 
provoked  :  whereas  the  Samboses,  for  want  of  food,  are  en- 
forced thereunto,  and  are  not  wont  only  to  eat  them  that 
they  kill,  but  also  keep  those  that  they  take  until  such  time  as 
they  want  meat,  and  then  they  kill  them."  The  desire  of 
gold  was  another  motive  ;  for  the  Sapies  buried  the  dead 
with  their  golden  ornaments,  and  the  fiercer  tribe  plundered 
the  graves,  the  use  of  gold,  as  a  medium  of  exchange,  being 
almost  the  sole  practice  of  civilised  society  "  in  which  the 
Portuguese  had  instructed  the  natives  of  the  coast  ".* 

The  Sapies  were  in  appearance  the  more  barbarous  people 
of  the  two  :  they  filed  their  teeth,  "  for  a  bravery  to  set  out 
themselves "  (a  fashion,  however,  which  is  likely  to  have 
originated  in  manners  as  ferocious  as  those  of  their  neighbours) ; 
and  "  they  do  jagg  their  flesh,"  says  the  writer,  "  both  legs, 
arms,  and  bodies,  as  workmanlike  as  a  jerkin-maker  with  us 

*  Hakluyt,  504. 


17G  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

pinketh  a  jerkin  ".  These  people  were  kept  by  their  conquerors 
to  till  the  ground  ;  and  by  their  labour  it  had  been  brought 
into  a  more  productive  state  than  any  other  part  of  the 
country.  Poor  wretches,  the  arrival  of  the  English  brought 
with  it  nothing  but  evil  to  them,  for  upon  them  it  was  that 
the  whole  evil  fell  :  their  habitations  were  burnt,  their  planta- 
tions wasted ;  and,  while  the  Samboses  escaped  in  their 
canoes  to  the  main,  they  fell  into  the  invaders'  hands,  and 
exchanged  the  easiest  of  all  states  of  slavery  for  the  worst. 
"  We  took  many  in  that  place,"  is  the  statement  of  one  of 
these  freebooters,  "  and  as  much  of  their  fruits  as  we  could 
well  carry  away."  This  booty  was  obtained  at  the  cost  of  a 
single  life  :  a  man,  at  their  departure,  having  tarried  rashly 
to  gather  pompions,  was  watched  by  the  negroes,  who  came 
behind  him,  overthrew  him,  and  cut  his  throat ;  thus  taking 
no  undue  vengeance  upon  the  only  white  man  that  fell  into 
their  hands.* 

Flushed  with  this  "  prosperous  success,"  Hawkins  was  easily 
persuaded  by  some  Portuguese  whom  he  fell  in  with  after 
leaving  the  island,  to  attack  a  negro  town  called  Bymeba, 
where,  they  told  him,  there  was  great  quantity  of  gold,  and 
not  above  forty  men,  and  100  women  and  children  ;  so  that  if 
he  would  "give  the  adventure,  he  might  get  100  slaves". 
He  was  provoked  by  his  ruling  motive,  the  desire  of  gain  ; 
and  also  by  a  determination  "that  the  Portuguese  should 
not  think  him  to  be  of  so  base  a  courage,  but  that  he  durst 
give  them  that,  and  greater  attempts".  Accordingly,  forty 
well-appointed  men  set  forth  upon  this  adventure,  guided  by 
certain  Portuguese,  "who  brought  some  of  them  to  their 
deaths".  A  marginal  note  in  the  original  narrative  says,  here, 
"  Portugals  not  to  be  trusted  "  ;  but  the  narrative  itself  shows, 
that  misconduct,  and  not  treachery,  brought  upon  this  party 
what  they  well  deserved.  They  dispersed,  contrary  to  the 

*  Hakluyt,  505. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  177 

captain's  orders,  every  one  thinking  to  secure  what  gold  he 
could  for  himself :  the  negroes  took  advantage  of  this,  at- 
tacked the  stragglers,  and  drove  the  whole  party  to  their 
boats,  pursuing  them  to  the  water.  Seven  of  the  kidnappers 
were  killed,  including  Master  Field,  captain  of  the  Solomon, 
and  twenty-seven  wounded.  The  people  were  somewhat  dis- 
comforted at  this  ;  but  Hawkins,  "  in  a  singular  wise  manner, 
carried  himself  with  countenance  very  cheerful  outwardly,  as 
though  he  did  little  weigh  the  death  of  his  men,  nor  yet  the 
great  hurt  of  the  rest ;  although  his  heart  inwardly  was 
broken  to  pieces  for  it".  "But  he  assumed  this  cheer  to  the 
end,  that  the  Portugals,  being  with  him,  should  not  presume 
to  resist  against  him,  nor  take  occasion  to  put  him  to  further 
displeasure."  * 

After  this  the  two  ships  anchored  at  Taggarin,  while  the 
smaller  crafts  went  up  "  a  river  called  the  Casserroes,"  about 
their  traffic.  There  they  learnt  from  the  Portuguese  that  a 
great  battle  was  about  to  be  fought ;  the  people  of  Sierra 
Leone  having  prepared  300  canoes  to  invade  them  of  Taggarin. 
A  day  was  appointed  for  the  battle,  "which  we  would  have 
seen,"  says  the  narrator,  "to  the  intent  we  might  have  taken 
some  of  them,  had  it  not  been  for  the  death  and  sickness  of 
our  men,  which  came  by  the  contagiousness  of  the  place". 
The  canoes  carried  threescore  men  apiece,  and  the  towns  up 
the  river  were  large,  so  that  they  had  looked  for  a  good 
booty  in  prisoners ;  but  the  fatal  climate  compelled  them  to 
make  haste  away ;  and  they  were  informed  by  a  Portuguese 
that  they  had  narrowly  escaped  from  the  King  of  Sierra  Leone, 
"who  had  made  all  the  power  he  could"  to  take  some  of 
them,  partly  for  the  desire  he  had  to  see  what  kind  of  people 
they  were.  An  attempt  to  surprise  them  failed,  for  they 
took  alarm  at  him,  though  not  thinking  there  had  been  such 
a  mischief  pretended  towards  them  as  there  was  indeed.  "If 


Hakluyt,  506. 
12 


178  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

these  men,"  says  the  writer,  "had  come  down  in  the  evening, 
they  had  done  us  great  displeasure,  for  that  we  were  on 
shore  filling  water :  but  God,  who  worketh  all  things  for  the 
best,  would  not  have  it  so,  and  by  Him  we  escaped  without 
danger,  His  name  be  praised  for  it."  * 

These   adventurers  resembled  the   Spaniards  as    much    in 
their  sense  of  religion  as  in  their  want  of  any  sense  of  justice 
or  humanity.     Making  for  the   West  Indies,   they  were  be- 
calmed  for   the   space   of  eighteen  days,   "having  now   and 
then,"  says  the  writer,   "  contrary  winds  and  some  tornados, 
amongst  the  same  calm  ;  which  happened  to  us  very  ill,  being 
but  reasonably  watered  for  so  great  a  company  of  negroes  and 
ourselves.     This  pinched  us  all ;  and,  that  which  was  worst, 
put  us  in  such  fear  that  many  never  thought  to  have  reached 
the  Indies  without  great  death  of  negroes  and  of  themselves  ; 
but  the  Almighty  God,  which  never  suffereth  His  elect  to 
perish,  sent  us  the  ordinary  breeze."     The  first  land  which 
they  made  was  Dominica,  happening   fortunately  upon  the 
most  desolate  part  of  the  island  ;  whereby  they  escaped  all 
danger  from  the  cannibals,  whom  the  Spaniards  represented 
as  the  most  desperate  warriors  in  the  Indies,  and  "very  devils 
in  respect  of  men ".     Proceeding  to   Margarita,  the  alcayde 
entertained  them  hospitably,  and  gave  them  both  beeves  and 
sheep    for  refreshing    their   men ;    but   the   governor   would 
neither  speak  with   Hawkins,  nor  permit  him  to  traffic,  nor 
allow  him  to  engage  a  pilot.     He  despatched  notice  of  their 
arrival  to  the  viceroy  at  St.  Domingo ;  and  the  viceroy  sent 
orders,   in  consequence,   to  Cape   de  la  Vela,  and  to  other 
places  along  the  coast,  that  no  man  should  trade  with  these 
interlopers,  but  that  they  were  to  be  resisted  with  all  the 
force  that  could  be  brought  together,  f 

Obtaining  no  trade   here,  and  finding  no  opportunity  to 
take    in    water,    Hawkins    departed    and    came    to    Cumana. 

*  Hakluyt,  506.  t  Ibid.,  507. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  179 

The  Spaniards  whom  he  found  there,  said  "they  were  but 
soldiers  newly  arrived,  and  were  not  able  to  buy  his  negroes," 
and  they  directed  him  to  a  commodious  watering-place  two 
leagues  off  called  Santa  Fe.  Next  day  the  Indians  came 
down,  "  presenting  meal  and  cakes  of  bread,  made  of  a  kind 
of  com  called  maize,  in  bigness  of  pease,  the  ear  whereof  is 
much  like  to  a  teazel,  but  a  span  in  length,  having  thereon  a 
number  of  grains.  Also  they  brought  down  hens,  potatoes, 
and  pines,  which  we  bought,"  the  relater  proceeds,  "for 
beads,  pewter  whistles,  glasses,  knives,  and  other  trifles. 
These  potatoes  be  the  most  delicate  roots  that  may  be  eaten, 
and  do  far  exceed  our  parsnips  or  carrots.  Their  pines  be  of  the 
bigness  of  two  fists,  the  outside  whereof  is  of  the  making  of 
a  pine  apple ;  but  it  is  soft  like  the  rind  of  a  cucumber,  and 
the  inside  eateth  like  an  apple,  but  it  is  more  delicious  than 
any  sweet  apple  sugared."  The  opinion  formed  of  the 
Indians  here  was,  that  they  "  surely  were  gentle  and  tractable, 
and  such  as  desire  to  live  peaceably,  or  else  it  had  been  im- 
possible for  the  Spaniards  to  have  conquered  them  as  they 
did,  and  the  more  to  live  now  peaceably,  they  being  so  many 
in  number  and  the  Spaniards  so  few  ".* 

Having  passed  between  Tortuga  and  the  main,  Hawkins 
sailed  along  in  his  pinnace  to  discern  the  coast.  The  Caribs, 
of  whom  he  saw  many  on  shore,  and  some  in  their  canoes, 
showed  him  gold,  invited  him  by  friendly  tokens  to  trade, 
and  were  very  importunate  with  him  to  land ;  which,  "  if  it 
had  not  been  for  want  of  wares  to  traffic  with,  he  would  not 
have  denied  them,  because  the  Indians  which  he  had  seen 
before  were  very  gentle  people,  and  such  as  do  no  man 
hurt ;  but,  as  God  would  have  it,  he  wanted  that  thing, 
which,  if  he  had  had,  would  have  been  his  confusion  :  for 
these  were  no  such  kind  of  people  as  he  took  them  to  be, 
but  more  devilish  a  thousand  parts,  and  are  eaters  and 

*  Hakluyt,  508. 


180  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

devourers  of  any  man  they  can  catch, — bloodsuckers  both  of 
Spaniards,  Indians,  and  all  that  light  in  their  laps ;  not 
sparing  their  own  countrymen,  if  they  can  conveniently  come 
by  them".  This  Hawkins  learnt  at  Borburata,  where  he 
anchored  and  went  ashore  to  speak  with  the  Spaniards,  de- 
claring himself  to  be  an  Englishman,  who  came  thither  "  to 
trade  with  them  by  the  way  of  merchandise,"  and  requiring 
licence  so  to  do.  They  made  answer  that  they  were  forbidden 
to  traffic  with  any  foreigner,  on  penalty  of  forfeiting  their 
goods  ;  "  wherefore  they  desired  him  not  to  molest  them 
farther,  but  to  depart  as  he  came,  for  other  comfort  he  might 
not  look  for  at  their  hands,  because  they  were  subjects,  and 
might  not  go  beyond  the  law".  To  this  he  replied,  that 
being  in  a  queen's  armada,  with  many  soldiers  on  board,  he 
was  in  need  both  of  refreshment  for  them,  and  food  and 
money  also,  without  which  he  could  not  depart.  Their 
princes  were  in  amity  one  with  another  :  the  English  had 
free  traffic  in  Spain  and  Flanders  ;  and  he  knew  no  reason 
why  they  should  not  have  the  like  in  all  the  King  of  Spain's 
dominions.  Upon  this  the  Spaniards  said  they  would  send 
to  their  governor,  who  was  threescore  leagues  off;  ten  days 
must  elapse  before  his  determination  could  arrive :  mean- 
time he  might  bring  his  ships  into  the  harbour,  and  they 
would  supply  him  with  any  victuals  he  might  require.* 

The  ships  accordingly  went  in,  and  received  all  things 
according  to  promise.  Hawkins  then  "advised  himself, 
that  to  remain  there  ten  days  idle,  spending  victuals  and 
men's  wages,  and,  perhaps,  in  the  end,  receive  no  good  answer 
from  the  governor,  it  were  mere  folly  ".  So  he  requested  licence 
for  the  sale  of  certain  lean  and  sick  negroes,  who  were  like 
to  die  upon  his  hands  if  he  kept  them  ten  days,  having  little 
or  no  refreshment  for  them  ;  whereas,  if  they  were  disposed 
of,  they  would  be  recovered  well  enough :  and  this  request, 

*  Hakluyt,  509. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  181 

he  said,  he  was  forced  to  make,  because  he  had  not  other- 
wise wherewith  to  pay  for  the  necessities  which  he  wanted. 
This  request  being  put  in  writing  was  deemed  reasonable, 
and  they  granted  him  a  licence  to  sell  thirty  slaves.  But 
though  some  eagerness  to  purchase  had  previously  been 
shown,  no  one  came  now  to  buy.  Hawkins  knew  not  whether 
they  sought  to  protract  the  time  till  the  governor's  answer 
should  arrive,  that  they  "  might  keep  themselves  blameless," 
or  if  some  other  policy  were  in  view :  upon  demanding  the 
cause,  he  was  told  that  the  licence  had  been  granted  only  to 
the  poorer  people  to  buy  negroes  of  small  price  ;  their  money 
was  not  ready  like  rich  men's ;  and,  moreover,  as  soon  as 
they  saw  the  ship,  they  had  sent  away  their  money  and  their 
wives  to  the  mountains  for  fear,  and  it  would  take  two  days 
to  bring  them  back.  Some,  however,  came  to  cheapen,  but 
showed  such  a  disposition  to  bring  down  the  price,  that 
Hawkins  sent  for  the  principal  of  the  town,  and  made  show 
as  if  he  would  depart,  saying  he  was  sorry  that  he  had  troubled 
them,  as  also  that  he  had  sent  for  the  governor.  For  it  was 
not  only  a  licence  to  sell  that  he  sought,  but  profit  also, 
which  he  saw  was  not  to  be  had  there  ;  and,  therefore,  he 
would  seek  farther.  And  he  showed  them  his  papers,  that 
they  might  see  what  he  had  paid  for  his  negroes  ;  and  de- 
clared, also,  "  the  great  charge  he  was  at  in  his  shipping 
and  in  wages".  The  Spaniards,  who  wanted  slaves,  and 
hoped  to  get  them  cheap,  did  not  like  to  hear  of  his  departure : 
they  "  put  him  in  comfort  to  sell  better  there  than  in  any 
other  place  "  ;  and  went  so  far  as  to  say  that,  if  licence  were 
refused,  he  should  not  lose  his  labour  in  tarrying,  for  they 
would  buy  without  it.* 

The  details  are  curious,  because  this  voyage  led  the  way 
to  those  hostilities  in  the  New  World,  which  made  the 
English  name  so  formidable  there,  and  so  odious,  and  which 

*  Hakluyt,  509. 


182  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

first  called  forth  the  character  of  the  English  seaman  in 
its  whole  strength ;  and  because  with  these  transactions  at 
Borburata  that  illicit  trade  commenced,  which  continued  as 
long  as  Spain  retained  its  colonies  upon  the  American  main. 
That  Hawkins  might  be  induced  to  stay,  the  Spaniards 
bought  some  of  his  lean  negroes ;  but  when  the  purchasers 
paid  the  duty,  and  required  from  the  officers  of  the  customs 
the  customary  discharge,  the  officers  refused  to  give  it,  and, 
instead  of  carrying  the  money  to  the  king's  account,  dis- 
tributed it  to  the  poor  "  for  the  love  of  God  ".  He  could  not 
have  acted  more  wisely  with  a  view  to  his  own  exculpation  ; 
but  this  caution  put  a  stop  to  the  sale,  the  purchasers  fearing 
that  they  might  be  called  upon  for  payment  of  the  duties  a 
second  time.  So  trade  was  suspended  till  the  fourteenth  day, 
when  the  governor  arrived.  To  him  Hawkins  repeated  his 
petition :  he  had  come  thither  in  a  ship  of  the  queen's 
majesty  of  England  bound  to  Guinea ;  but,  driven  here  by 
wind  and  weather,  he  had  great  need  not  of  necessaries  alone, 
but  money  for  the  payment  of  his  soldiers  to  whom  he  had 
promised  it ;  and,  indeed,  they  would  not  depart  without  it, 
though  he  were  willing  to  do  so.  Further,  he  represented 
that,  notwithstanding  the  prohibition,  it  would  be  well  taken 
at  the  governor's  hands  if  he  granted  a  licence  in  this  case, 
seeing  that  there  was  a  great  amity  between  their  princes, 
and  that  the  thing  pertained  to  our  queen's  highness.  This 
petition  was  taken  into  consideration  by  the  governor  in 
council,  and  the  licence  was  granted  ;  but  any  abatement  of 
the  king's  custom,  being  thirty  ducats  upon  every  slave, 
was  refused.* 

But  as  Hawkins  had  little  scruple  how  he  obtained  his 
negroes,  or  what  papers  he  exhibited,  or  what  story  he  told, 
so  he  was  determined  that  the  king's  duties  should  not  stand 
in  his  way,  and  that  if  he  could  not  obtain  his  price  by  fair 

*  Hakluyt,  510. 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE  183 

means,  he  would  extort  it  from  his  customers  by  fear.  With 
this  resolution,  he  landed  100  men,  well  armed  with  bows  and 
arrows,  harquebusses  and  pikes,  and  marched  toward  the 
town.  Speedy  messengers  came  out  to  know  his  demands. 
"So  our  captain,"  says  his  honest  chronicler,  "declaring  how  un- 
reasonable a  thing  the  king's  custom  was,  requested  to  have 
the  same  abated,  and  to  pay  74  per  cent.,  which  is  the  ordinary 
custom  for  wares  through  his  dominions  there  ;  and  unto  this 
if  they  could  not  grant,  he  would  displease  them."  Answer 
was  returned,  that  all  things  should  be  to  his  content :  the 
soldiers  and  mariners,  however,  insisted  upon  having  hostages ; 
when  these  had  been  given,  the  traffic  was  begun,  and  went  on 
without  disturbance  ;  and  Hawkins,  it  seems,  found  no  further 
difficulty  in  obtaining  what  he  thought  a  fair  price.  By  mere 
accident,  however,  his  presence,  unwelcome  as  it  must  have 
been  to  the  persons  in  authority,  proved  to  be  of  singular 
benefit  to  the  town.  A  party  of  Caribs  having  obtained  a 
guide,  came  in  their  canoes  by  night  to  burn  the  place  and 
massacre  the  inhabitants  ;  and  their  purpose  was  likely  to 
have  succeeded,  if  the  Spaniards  had  not  been  upon  their  guard 
against  the  English.*  Before  they  left  this  place,  a  French 
vessel  from  Havre  arrived  from  the  coast  of  Guinea,  having 
been  beaten  off  from  St.  Jorge  da  Mina  by  the  Portuguese 
galleys,  and  bringing  to  Hawkins  tidings  "  most  sorrowful 
for  him  to  understand,"  that  the  captain  of  his  consort  the 
Minion,  with  a  merchant  and  twelve  mariners,  had  been 
betrayed  by  the  negroes  on  their  first  arrival  there,  and  were 
detained  prisoners  by  the  Portuguese ;  so  that  there  was 
great  doubt  of  bringing  home  the  ship. 

Having  ended  their  dealings  at  Borburata,  they  proceeded 
to  the  Island  of  Curaqoa,  where  they  had  "traffic  for  hides, 
and  found  great  refreshing  both  of  beef,  mutton,  and  lambs ; 
whereof  there  was  such  plenty  that,  saving  for  skins,  they 

*  Hakluyt,  510,  511. 


184  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

had  the  flesh  given  them  for  nothing  ;  and  the  worst  in 
the  ship  thought  scorn,  not  only  of  mutton,  but  also  of 
sodden  lamb,  which  they  disdained  to  eat  unroasted ". 
But,  notwithstanding  this  sweet  meat,  the  narrator  says, 
"  they  had  sour  sauce  there ;  and  after  nine  days'  tarriance, 
were  rejoiced  when  they  departed :  for  by  reason  of  riding 
so  open  at  sea,  what  with  blasts,  whereby  their  anchors 
being  aground  there,  three  at  once  came  home,  and  also  with 
contrary  winds  blowing,  whereby,  for  fear  of  the  shore,  they 
were  fain  to  haul  off  to  have  anchor-hold,  sometimes  a  whole 
day  and  night  they  turned  up  and  down  ;  and  this  happened 
not  once,  but  half  a  dozen  times  in  the  space  of  their  being 
there  ".  Hawkins  made  next  for  Rio  de  la  Hacha  :  there  he 
spoke  with  the  king's  treasurer  of  the  Indies,  resident  there  ; 
told  him  of  his  quiet  traffic  in  Borburata  ;  produced  a  certificate 
from  the  governor  in  confirmation  of  this  statement ;  requested 
licence  to  trade  here  also  in  like  manner ;  and  when  he  was 
told  that  this  could  not  be  granted,  the  viceroy  having  sent 
express  commission  from  St.  Domingo  to  resist  him  with  all 
the  force  they  could,  he  repeated  his  story  of  having  been 
forced  by  contrary  winds  to  come  into  these  parts.  "  But 
seeing  they  would,  contrary  to  all  reason,  go  about  to  with- 
stand his  traffic,  he  would  not  it  should  be  said  by  him,  that, 
having  the  force  he  had,  he  was  driven  from  his  traffic  per- 
force, but  would  rather  put  it  in  adventure  whether  he  or 
they  should  have  the  better ;  and,  therefore,  he  called  upon 
them  to  determine,  either  to  give  him  licence  to  trade,  or 
else  stand  to  their  own  defence."  In  reply  to  this,  they  gave 
him  the  licence  which  he  asked,  but  offered  a  price  less  by 
one-half  than  what  he  had  obtained  at  Borburata.  ' '  Where- 
upon the  captain,  weighing  their  unconscionable  request, 
wrote  to  them  a  letter,  saying,  that  they  dealt  too  rigorously 
with  him,  to  go  about  to  cut  his  throat  in  the  price  of  his 
commodities,  which  were  so  reasonably  rated,  as  they  could 
not  by  a  great  deal  have  the  like  at  any  other  man's  hands  ; 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  185 

but  seeing  they  had  sent  him  this  to  his  supper,  he  would  in 
the  morning  bring  them  as  good  a  breakfast."  * 

Having  given  this  hint  that  he  intended  to  settle  the  price 
of  his  commodities  in  his  own  way,  Hawkins  accordingly 
fired  a  culverin,  in  the  morning,  "  to  summon  the  town,"  and 
prepared  to  land  with  100  men,  having  two  brass  falcons  in 
his  great  boat,  "  and  in  the  other  boats  double  bases  in  their 
noses ".  The  townsmen,  "  incontinent,  in  battle  array," 
marched  from  the  town,  making  semblance  as  if  they  would 
resolutely  have  opposed  the  landing ;  and  he,  "  perceiving 
them  so  to  brag,  commanded  the  two  falcons  to  be  discharged 
at  them ;  which  put  them  in  no  small  fear  to  see,  as  they 
afterwards  declared,  such  great  pieces  in  a  boat".  At  every 
shot  they  fell  flat  to  the  ground  ;  and  at  last,  for  fear  of 
these  guns,  they  broke  their  array,  and  dispersed.  Still  their 
horsemen,  being  about  thirty,  made  a  brave  show,  coursing 
up  and  down,  their  white  leather  targets  in  one  hand,  and 
their  javelins  in  the  other  :  but  as  soon  as  Hawkins  marched 
towards  them,  they  sent  a  flag  of  truce ;  and  the  treasurer, 
in  a  cautious  interview  with  this  ugly  merchant,  acceded  to 
all  that  he  asked.  Hostages  were  demanded,  as  before,  on 
the  alleged  determination  of  the  men  ;  and  these  having  been 
given,  "  we  made  our  traffic  quietly ".  Nevertheless,  as  the 
Spaniards  seemed  to  be  collecting,  Hawkins  thought  a  second 
display  of  his  strength  necessary  ;  and  when  the  final  settle- 
ment was  to  be  made,  he  went  with  his  three  boats,  as  before, 
"with  bases  in  their  noses,  and  his  men  with  weapons  ac- 
cordingly ".  All,  however,  passed  off  peaceably  ;  and  though 
some  displeasure  had  arisen  concerning  money  due  by  the 
Governor  of  Borburata,  which  was  to  have  been  paid  by  the 
treasurer  here,  and  of  which  the  treasurer  refused  payment, 
Hawkins  "  would  not  molest  him  "  for  a  debt  which  was  not 
his  own,  but  was  content  to  remit  it  until  another  time. 

*  Hakluyt,  512, 


186  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

They  parted  with  a  show  of  friendship  :  the  captain  demanded 
a  testimonial  of  his  good  behaviour :  it  was  not  given  till  he 
was  under  sail,,  ready  to  depart :  then  having  received  it,  he 
very  courteously  took  his  leave,  shooting  off  the  bases  of  his 
boat  for  his  farewell  ;  and  the  townsmen  returned  this  parting 
salute  with  four  falcons  and  thirty  harquebusses, — glad  to  be 
sped  of  such  traders.* 

He  now  made  for  Hispaniola ;  but  was  driven  so  far  to 
leeward,  that  he  fell  in  with  the  "  middle  of  Jamaica,  though 
the  clouds,  which  lay  upon  the  land  two  days  together,  made 
it  appear  like  a  headland.  There  was  a  Spanish  merchant  in 
Hawkins'  ship,  who,  trading  in  Guinea,  and  being  by  treason 
taken  of  the  negroes,  and  afterwards  bought  by  the  Tango- 
mangos,  was  by  our  captain  brought  from  thence,  and  had  his 
passage  to  go  into  his  own  country."  Poor  man  !  he  was 
little  benefited  by  this  act  of  humanity.  Deceived  by  the 
appearance  of  the  land,  he  pointed  to  the  objects  which,  as 
his  hopes  and  imagination  shaped  them,  seemed  to  him  wrell 
known.  This  was  such  a  place ;  yonder  was  such  a  man's 
ground  ;  behind  that  point  was  the  harbour.  Before  he  went 
into  the  pinnace  to  go  ashore,  "  he  put  on  his  new  clothes, 
and  for  joy  flung  away  his  old.  But  in  the  end,"  says  the 
angry  narrator,  "he  pointed  so  from  one  point  to  another, 
that  we  were  a-leeboard  of  all  places,  and  found  ourselves  at 
the  west  end  of  Jamaica  before  we  were  aware  of  it ;  and 
being  once  to  leeward,  there  was  no  getting  up  again:  so 
that,  by  trusting  of  this  Spaniard's  knowledge,  our  captain 
sought  not  to  speak  with  any  of  the  inhabitants,  which,  if  he 
had  not  made  himself  sure  of,  he  would  have  done  as  his  cus- 
tom was  in  other  places."  But  this  man  was  a  plague  not  only 
to  our  captain,  whom  he  made  lose,  by  overshooting  the  place, 
2000/.  by  hides,  which  he  might  have  gotten,  but  also  to  him- 
self; for  having  been  three  years  out  of  his  country,  and  in 

*  Hakluyt,  513, 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  187 

great  misery  in  Guinea,  and  now  in  hope  to  come  to  his  wife 
and  friends,  as  he  made  sure  account,  he  could  not  find  any 
habitation  neither  there  nor  in  Cuba,  which  we  sailed  all 
along  ;  but  it  fell  out  ever,  by  one  occasion  or  other,  that  we 
were  put  beside  the  same,  so  that  he  was  fain  to  be  brought 
to  England  ;  and  it  happened  to  him  as  to  that  Duke  of 
Samaria,  when  the  Israelites  were  besieged  ;  "for  not  ever 
thinking  to  have  seen  his  own  country,  he  did  see  the  same, 
and  went  upon  it  ;  and  yet  it  was  not  his  fortune  to  come  to 
it,  nor  to  any  habitation,  whereby  to  remain  with  his  friends 
according  to  his  desire  ".* 

This  unfortunate  Spaniard,  as  he  had  at  first  been  mistaken 
in  the  part  of  the  coast,  fell  into  a  greater  mistake  concerning 
the  island  itself,  and  concluded  that  it  was  Hispaniola  ;  in 
which  erroneous  opinion  Hawkins  concurred,  because,  being 
ignorant  of  the  force  of  the  current,  he  could  not  believe 
that  he  had  been  so  far  driven  to  leeward.  He  set  his  course, 
therefore,  for  Jamaica,  as  he  supposed  ;  and  this  further  error 
"  came  to  as  ill  a  pass  "  as  the  first ;  "  for  by  this  did  he  also 
overpass  a  place  in  Cuba  called  Santa  Cruz,  where,  as  he  was 
informed,  was  great  store  of  hides  to  be  had  "  ;  and  missing, 
thus,  two  of  the  ports  "where  he  thought  to  have  raised  great 
profit  by  his  traffic,  and  also  to  have  found  refreshing  of 
victuals  and  water  for  his  men,  he  wras  now  disappointed 
greatly ".  The  latter  necessary  he  found  upon  the  Isle  of 
Pinas  ;  and  "  although  it  were  neither  so  toothsome  as  running 
water,  by  the  means  it  is  standing,  and  but  the  water  of  rain, 
and,  moreover,  being  near  the  sea,  was  brackish,  yet  did  not 
they  refuse  it,  but  were  more  glad  thereof,  as  the  time  then 
required,  than  they  should  have  been  another  time  with  fine 
conduit  water".  After  wandering  in  these  seas  three  weeks 
longer,  they  overshot  the  Havannah,  "  which,"  says  Sparke, 
"  is  an  harbour  whereunto  all  the  fleets  of  the  Spaniards  come, 

*  Hakluyt,  514. 


188  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

and  do  there  tarry  to  have  one  the  company  of  another  '. 
Hawkins  meant  to  have  watered  there,  if  he  had  hit  the  port. 
He  seems  not  to  have  entertained  any  apprehension  that,  if 
he  had  fallen  in  there  with  any  ships  of  greater  strength, 
they  might  have  been  disposed  to  put  a  stop  to  his  trading  by 
just  such  cogent  means  as  he  had  employed  in  carrying  it  on. 
At  length,  in  great  want  of  water,  he  made  for  the  coast  of 
Florida,  and  there  ranged  along,  anchoring  every  night, 
because  he  would  miss  no  place  where  this  want  could  be 
supplied,  and  entering  every  creek  in  search  for  the  Huguenot 
colony  which  Admiral  de  Coligni  had  sent  thither  under 
Rene  de  Laudonniere.  He  found  them  not  where  he  ex- 
pected, but  on  the  river  May  ;  where  Laudonniere  had  erected 
a  fort  about  two  leagues  from  the  sea,  which  he  named  La 
Caroline.  They  had  been  reduced,  by  war,  desertion,  and 
mutiny,  from  200  to  about  40 ;  and  Hawkins  heard  from 
them  the  sad  history  of  their  misfortunes  and  their  mis- 
conduct. Little  as  was  the  sense  of  religion  that  either  party 
manifested  in  their  general  dealings,  on  this  occasion  it 
became  a  bond  of  sympathy  and  a  security  for  good  faith. 
No  precautions  were  thought  necessary  in  their  intercourse. 
Hawkins  supplied  them  out  of  his  ship  with  such  stores  as  he 
could  spare  ;  and,  to  help  them  the  better  homeward,  spared 
thenTalso  one  of  his  barques  of  fifty  tons  ;  *  when  Laudonniere 
could  not  be  persuaded  to  accept  of  a  passage  to  Europe  for 
himself  and  his  people,  though  he  had  determined  upon 
returning  thither  without  delay,  after  destroying  the  fort,  lest 
the  Spaniards  or  English  should  occupy  it.f 

*  Hakluyt,  516-518. 

t  "  Fort  honnete  homme,"  Charlevoix  calls  Hawkins  on  this  occasion  ; 
"  et  que,  bien  loin,"  he  adds,  "  d'abuser  du  triste  etat  ou  il  trouva  les 
Frangois,  fit  au  contraire  'Jtout  ce  'qu'il  put  pour  les  soulager.  Surtout 
quand  il  cut  reconnu  qu'ils  etoient  Protestans."  Of  this,  however, 
Hawkins  could  not  have  been  ignorant.  "  II  vint  seul  et  sans  armes  lui 
rendre  visite."  And  for  the  stores  which  he  spared  them,  Charlevoix 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE  189 

He  now  sailed  for  England  ;  and  contrary  winds  prolonged 
the  voyage  "  till  victuals  scanted,  so  that  they  were  in  despair 
of  ever  reaching  home,  had  not  God,"  as  they  truly  said, 
"  provided  for  them  better  than  their  deserving ".  "  In 
which  state  of  great  misery,"  says  Sparke,  "we  were  provoked 
to  call  upon  Him  by  fervent  prayer ;  which  moved  Him  to 
hear  us  "  :  and  they  arrived,  at  length,  at  Padstow,  in  Corn- 
wall, through  His  mercy,  in  safety,  "  with  the  loss  of  twenty 
persons  in  all  the  voyage,  and  with  great  profit  to  the  venturers, 
as  also  to  the  whole  realm,  in  bringing  home  gold,  silver, 
pearls,  and  other  jewels  great  store.  His  name,  therefore,  be 
praised  for  evermore.  Amen  ! "  Thus  piously  the  writer 
of  this  narrative  concludes  his  relation,  as  if  utterly  uncon- 
scious that  he  had  been  engaged  in  anything  iniquitous. 
Contrariwise,  it  was  considered  that  Hawkins  had  rendered 
good  service  to  his  country  by  opening  for  it  a  new  branch  of 
trade  ;  insomuch  that,  "  by  way  of  increase  and  augmentation 
of  honour,  a  coat  of  arms  and  crest  were  settled  upon  him  and 
his  posterity,  by  a  patent  thus  worded  :  He  bears  sable  on 
a  point  wavee,  a  lion  passant  gold,  in  chief  three  besants. 
Upon  his  helm  a  wreath  argent  and  azure,  a  demi-Moor,  in 
his  proper  colour,  bound  and  captive,  with  annulets  on  his 

says  :  "  Non  seulement  Hawkins  lui  en  avoit  fait  un  bon  prix,  mais  il  y 
avoit  ajoute  quantite  de  presens  "  (Hist,  de  la  N.  France,  c.  Ixxxix.,  xc.). 

De  Morgues  confirms  the  account  of  this  fair  dealing,  eequo  admodum 
pretio,  and  that  some  stores  were  given  to  the  French  (De  Bry,  21). 

Hawkins'  historian  thought  there  were  means  to  reap  a  sufficient 
profit  in  Florida  and  Virginia ;  though  it  might  seem  unto  some  that, 
because  gold  and  silver  were  not  so  abundant  as  in  other  places,  the  cost 
would  not  quit  the  charge.  For  breeding  cattle,  he  thought  no  country 
could  be  more  favourable  ;  and  the  profit  from  hides  was  very  great.  But 
as  to  forming  a  settlement  there,  "  because,"  he  says,  "  there  is  not  the 
thing  we  all  seek,  being  rather  desirous  of  present  gains,  I  do,  therefore, 
affirm  the  attempt  thereof  to  be  more  requisite  for  a  prince,  who  is  of 
power  able  to  go  through  with  the  same,  than  for  any  subject  "  (p.  520). 

*  Hakluyt,  521. 


190  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

arms  and  ears,  or  mantelled  gules  double  argent."  *  "A 
worthy  symbol/'  Campbell  observes,  f  "  of  the  infamous 
traffic  which  he  had  opened  to  his  country." 

After  an  expedition  in  1567,  for  the  intended  relief  of  the 
Huguenots  at  Rochelle,  he  prepared  for  a  second  adventure 
to  Guinea  and  the  Spanish  Indies  ;  J  and  sailed  from  Plymouth, 
in  October,  1567,  with  his  old  ship  the  Jesus  of  Lubeck,  the 
Minion,  and  four  other  vessels.  Arriving  at  Cape  de  Verd, 
he  landed  150  men,  "hoping  to  obtain  some  negroes,  where 
he  got  but  few,  and  those  with  great  hurt  and  damage  to  his 
own  men ;  chiefly,  it  was  thought,  proceeding  from  poisoned 
arrows :  for  although,  in  the  beginning,  the  hurts  seemed  to 
be  but  small,  there  hardly  escaped  any  that  had  blood  drawn 
of  them,  but  died  in  strange  sort,  with  their  mouths  shut 
some  ten  days  before  they  died,  and  after  their  wounds 
were  whole ".  Thence  they  proceeded,  "  searching  with 
all  diligence  the  rivers  from  Rio  Grande  to  Sierra  Leone  "  ; 
when,  having  "gotten  together"  not  so  many  as  150  slaves, 
sickness  and  the  lateness  of  the  season,  says  Hawkins,  "  com- 
manded us  away,  thus  having  nothing  wherewith  to  seek  the 
coast  of  the  West  Indies ".  While  the  commander  was 
holding  counsel  whether  to  make  for  St.  Jorge  da  Mina,  and 
there  obtain  gold  for  their  wares,  so  to  defray  their  charges, 
a  negro  king  sent  to  desire  their  aid  against  his  neighbours, 
promising  them  for  their  pains  all  the  prisoners  who  should 

*  Prince's  Worthies  of  Devon.  t  Vol.  i.,  405. 

j  Herrera  says,  that  two  Portuguese  offered  to  conduct  this  fleet  to  a 
place  where  they  might  load  themselves  with  gold  and  other  riches : 
that  upon  this  allurement  the  queen  supplied  Hawkins  with  two  ships, 
he  and  his  brother  fitting  out  other  four  and  a  pinnace,  that  the  force  on 
board  amounted  to  1500  soldiers  and  mariners,  who  were  to  be  paid  by 
a  third  of  the  profits  (que  yuan  al  terclo  de  la  ganancia) ;  and  that,  when 
the  expedition  was  on  the  point  of  sailing,  the  Portuguese  deserted  from 
Plymouth,  and  got  to  France  :  but  as  the  cost  of  the  outfit  had  been 
incurred,  it  was  thought  proper  to  proceed  (Historia  General,  1.  xix.,  c. 
xviii.,  p.  718). 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  191 

be  taken.  Without  regard  to  anything  but  the  prospect  of 
gain,  the  offers  were  accepted,  and  120  men  sent  to  assist 
this  barbarian.  They  assaulted  a  town  containing  8000  in- 
habitants, strongly  paled  and  fenced  after  their  manner,  and 
so  well  defended,  that  the  English,  having  had  six  slain  and 
forty  wounded,  sent  to  Hawkins  for  more  help  ;  "  whereupon," 
says  he,  "  considering  that  the  good  success  of  this  enterprise 
might  highly  further  the  commodity  of  our  voyage,  I  went 
myself ;  and,  with  the  help  of  the  king  of  our  side,  assaulted 
the  town  both  by  land  and  sea ;  and  very  hardly,  with  fire 
(their  houses  being  covered  with  dry  palm  leaves),  obtained 
the  town,  and  put  the  inhabitants  to  flight ;  where  we  took 
250  persons,  men,  women,  and  children.  And  by  our  friend, 
the  king  of  our  side,  there  were  taken  600  prisoners,  where- 
of we  hoped  to  have  had  our  choice  ;  but  the  negro  (in  which 
nation  is  seldom  or  never  found  truth)  meant  nothing  less  : 
for  that  night  he  removed  his  camp  and  prisoners,  so  that  we 
were  fain  to  content  us  with  those  few  that  we  had  gotten 
ourselves."  * 

Having,  however,  now  obtained  between  400  and  500 
negroes,  he  hoped,  by  carrying  them  to  the  West  Indies,  to 
countervail  the  charges  of  this  expedition  with  some  gains. 
Having  made  the  Island  of  Dominica,  he  "  coasted  on  from 
place  to  place,  making  his  traffic  with  the  Spaniards  as  he 
might ;  somewhat  hardly,  because  the  king  had  straightly 
commanded  all  his  governors  in  those  parts  by  no  means  to 
suffer  any  trade  to  be  made  with  them  ".  Notwithstanding, 

*  Hakluyt,  521, 522.  "  When  they  were  about  to  land  in  the  river  Bambo," 
Herrera  says,  "  a  sea-horse  (cavallo  marino)  gave  the  boat  a  blow,  which 
would  have  swamped  it  if  it  had  not  speedily  got  to  shore  :  the  creature," 
he  adds,  "  sprang  upon  the  prow  at  the  same  time,  and  with  its  tail  and  arm, 
or  paw,  carried  off  a  trumpeter  "  (p.  718).  "  Here,  too,"  he  says,  "  Haw- 
kins took  on  board  twelve  Frenchmen,  the  miserable  remains  of  fifty,  who 
had  put  off  in  their  boat  from  a  sinking  ship,  and  remained  at  the  mercy  of 
the  waves,  subsisting  upon  four  figs  a  day  till  these  alone  survived." 


192  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

he  had  "reasonable  trade  and  courteous  entertainment" 
from  the  Isle  of  Margarita  unto  Carthagena,  except  at  Rio  de 
la  Hacha,  "  from  whence  came  all  the  pearls ".  The  trea- 
surer, who  had  the  charge,  would  by  no  means  agree  to  any 
trade,  or  suffer  us  to  water ;  he  had  fortified  his  town  with 
divers  bulwarks  in  all  places  where  it  might  be  entered,  and 
furnished  him  with  100  harquebusiers  ;  so  that  he  thought, 
by  famine,  to  have  enforced  us  to  put  a-land  our  negroes  ; 
"  of  which  purpose,"  says  Hawkins,  "  he  had  not  greatly 
failed,  unless  we  had  by  force  entered  the  town  :  which, 
after  we  could  by  no  means  obtain  his  favour,  we  were 
enforced  to  do.  So,  with  200  men,  we  brake  in  upon  their 
bulwarks,  and  entered  the  town,  with  the  loss  only  of  two 
men,*  and  no  hurt  done  to  the  Spaniards,  because,  after  their 
volley  discharged,  they  all  fled.  Thus  having  the  town,  with 
some  circumstances,  as  partly  by  the  Spaniards'  desire  of 
negroes,  and  partly  by  friendship  of  the  treasurer,  we  ob- 
tained a  secret  trade,  whereupon  the  Spaniards  resorted  to  us 
by  night,  and  bought  of  us  to  the  number  of  200  negroes. 
In  all  other  places  where  we  traded,  the  Spaniard  inhabit- 
ants were  glad  of  us,  and  traded  willingly."  f 

Carthagena  was  the  last  town  which  they  thought  to  have 
seen  on  the  coast.  There  the  governor  was  so  straight — 
that  is,  he  observed  his  orders  so  properly — that  Hawkins 
could  have  no  dealings  with  any  Spaniard  ;  and,  because  his 
trade  was  nearly  finished,  he  neither  thought  it  prudent  to 
venture  a  landing,  nor  to  "  detract  further  time,"  but  departed 
in  peace,  hoping  to  escape  the  hurricanes,  for  "the  time  of 
these  storms  "  wTas  approaching.  But  passing  by  the  west 
end  of  Cuba,  towards  Florida,  there  "  happened  to  them  "  a 
storm,  which  continued  four  days,  and  "so  beat  the  Jesus 
that  they  cut  down  all  her  higher  buildings  ;  her  rudder  also 

*  Herrera  says:  "He  lost  his  sargento  mor  here,  and  three  others" 
(p.  719). 

t  Hakluyt,  522. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  193 

was  sore  shaken,  and  withal  the  ship  was  in  so  extreme  a 
leak,"  that  they  were  "rather  on  the  point  to  leave  her 
than  to  keep  her  any  longer".  Yet,  hoping  to  "bring  all  to 
good  pass/'  they  made  for  the  coast  of  Florida,  and  there 
found  no  place  nor  haven  for  their  ships  because  of  the  shal- 
lowness  of  the  coast.  "Thus  being  in  greater  despair,  and 
taken  with  a  new  storm,  which  continued  other  three  days," 
Hawkins  thought  that  his  only  resource  was  to  take  for  his 
succour  "  the  port  which  serveth  the  city  of  Mexico,  called 
St.  Juan  de  Ulloa  ;  in  seeking  of  which  port,"  he  says,  "we 
took  on  our  way  three  ships,  which  carried  passengers  to  the 
number  of  100 ;  which  passengers  we  hoped  should  be  a 
mean  to  us  the  better  to  obtain  victuals  for  our  money,  and  a 
quiet  place  for  the  repairing  of  our  fleet  ".* 

That  port  they  entered  on  the  16th  of  September.  The 
Spaniards  of  Vera  Cruz  mistook  them  for  a  fleet  from  Spain 
which  was  daily  expected ;  and  under  that  mistake  the  chief 
officers  came  aboard  to  receive  the  dispatches,  f  and  "being 
deceived  of  their  expectation,"  were  greatly  dismayed  ;  "  but 
when  they  saw  our  demand  was  nothing  but  victuals,  they 
were  recomforted.  I  found  in  the  same  port,"  says  Hawkins, 
"  twelve  ships,  J  which  had  in  them,  by  report,  200,000/.  in 
gold  and  silver ;  all  which  being  in  my  possession,  with  the 
king's  island,  as  also  the  passengers  before  in  my  way  thither- 
ward stayed,  I  set  at  liberty,  without  the  taking  from  them 
the  weight  of  a  groat."  He  had  good  reason  for  being  upon 
his  good  behaviour  at  this  juncture  ;  and,  detaining  two 
persons  of  estimation  for  his  own  security,  he  sent  post  to 
Mexico,  representing  to  the  viceroy  that  he  had  put  in  here 
by  stress  of  weather,  in  want  of  victuals,  and  his  ships  in 

*  Hakluyt,  522. 

t  "  Fue  tanto  el  recato  de  Juan  de  Aquines,  que  nunca  los  oficiales  cono- 
cieron  los  navios,  hasta  que  los  tomaron,  y  se  los  llevaron  "  (Herrera,  719). 

J  Herrera  says  six,  with  a  great  quantity  of  silver  on  board. 

13 


194  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

great  need  of  repair  :  these  wants  the  English,  as  friends  to 
King  Philip,  requested  they  might  be  supplied  with  for  their 
money  ;  they  requested,  also,  that,  with  all  convenient  speed, 
order  might  be  taken  for  preventing  any  cause  of  quarrel  on 
the  arrival  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  This  message  left  the  port 
on  the  night  after  their  entrance  :  "  on  the  morrow,"  says 
Hawkins,  "we  saw  open  of  the  haven  thirteen  great  ships. 
I  sent  immediately  to  advertise  the  general  of  the  fleet  of 
my  being  there,  giving  him  to  understand,  that,  before  I 
would  suffer  them  to  enter  the  port,  there  should  some  order 
of  conditions  pass  between  us  for  our  safe-being  there  and 
maintenance  of  peace. 

"  Now  it  is  to  be  understood  that  this  port  is  made  by  a 
little  island  of  stones,  not  three  foot  above  the  water  in  the 
highest  place,  and  but  a  bowshot  of  length  any  way :  this 
island  standeth  from  the  mainland  two  bowshots  or  more. 
Also  it  is  to  be  understood  that  there  is  not  in  all  this  coast 
any  other  place  for  ships  to  arrive  in  safety,  because  the  north 
wind  hath  there  such  violence,  that,  unless  the  ships  be 
very  safely  moored,  with  their  anchors  fastened  upon  this 
island,  there  is  no  remedy  for  these  north  winds  but  death. 
Also  the  place  of  the  haven  was  so  little,  that  of  necessity 
the  ships  must  ride  one  aboard  the  other,  so  that  we  could 
not  give  place  to  them,  nor  they  to  us.  And  here  1  began 
to  bewail  that  which  after  followed  : '  For  now/  said  I,  '  I  am  in 
two  dangers,  and  forced  to  receive  the  one  of  them '.  That 
was,  either  I  must  have  kept  out  the  fleet,  the  which,  with 
God's  help,  I  was  very  well  able  to  do ;  or  else  suffer  them 
to  enter  in  with  their  accustomed  treason,  which  they  never 
fail  to  execute,  when  they  may  have  opportunity  to  compass 
it  by  any  means.  If  I  had  kept  them  out,  then  had  there 
been  present  shipwreck  of  all  the  fleet,  which  amounted  in 
value  to  six  millions,  which  was  in  value  of  our  money 
1,800,000/.  ;  which  I  considered  I  was  not  able  to  answer, 
fearing  the  queen's  majesty's  indignation  in  so  weighty  a 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  195 

matter.  Thus  with  myself  revolving  the  doubts,  I  thought 
rather  better  to  abide  the  jutt  of  the  uncertainty  than  the 
certainty  :  the  uncertain  doubt,  I  account,  was  their  treason, 
which,  by  good  policy,  I  hoped  might  be  prevented  ;  and, 
therefore,  as  choosing  the  least  mischief,  I  proceeded  to  con- 
ditions." * 

The  fleet,  which  was  commanded  by  Francisco  de  Luxan, 
brought  out  a  new  viceroy,  Don  Martin  Henriquez  ;  and  his 
presence  rendered  it  unnecessary  to  wait  for  instructions 
from  Mexico.!  Indeed  the  circumstances  admitted  of  no 
delay ;  for  the  fleet,  being  advised  from  Vera  Cruz  that  the 
English  were  in  the  port,  kept  off  at  a  distance  of  some  three 
leagues,  and  were  in  danger  of  the  north  winds,  which  are 
as  frequent  on  that  coast  as  they  are  perilous.  Upon  re- 
ceiving Hawkins's  overtures,  the  viceroy,  therefore,  desired 
him  to  propose  his  conditions,  promising  that,  for  the  better 
maintenance  of  amity  between  the  two  crowns,  they  should 
on  his  part  be  favourably  granted  and  faithfully  performed : 
he  added  "many  fair  words,  how,  passing  the  coast  of  the  Indies, 
he  had  understood  of  our  honest  behaviour  towards  the  in- 
habitants where  we  had  to  do ;  the  which,"  says  Hawkins, 
"  I  let  pass.  We  required  victuals  for  our  money,  and 
licence  to  sell  as  much  ware  as  might  furnish  our  wants  ;  and 
that  there  might  be  of  either  part  twelve  gentlemen  as 
hostages ;  and  that  the  island,  for  our  better  safety,  might 
be  in  our  own  possession  during  our  abode  there,  and  such  ord- 
nance as  was  planted  on  the  same  island,  which  were  eleven 
pieces  of  brass  ;  and  that  no  Spaniard  might  land  on  the  island 
with  any  kind  of  weapon."  These  conditions  the  viceroy 
"  somewhat  disliked  "  at  first ;  as  well  he  might,  coming  from 
one  whom  he  could  regard  as  nothing  better  than  an  armed 

*  Hakluyt,  523. 

t  According  to  Herrera,  the  English  had  been  some  days  in  the  port, 
and  the  permission  for  which  they  had  applied  had  arrived  from  Mexico 
But  these  are  points  upon  which  Hawkins  must  be  the  best  authority. 


196  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

contrabandist.  Chiefly  he  objected  to  the  demand  that  the 
English  should  have  the  island  in  their  own  keeping :  this, 
however,  Hawkins  justly  regarded  as  an  indispensable  con- 
dition, seeing  that  "  if  they  had  had  it,  we  should  soon  have 
known  our  fare ;  for  with  the  first  north  wind  they  had  cut 
our  cables,  and  our  ships  had  gone  ashore ".  The  negotia- 
tions, not  being  expedited  by  any  dangerous  weather,  con- 
tinued three  days.  At  last,  the  viceroy  consented  to  all  that 
was  required,  reducing  only  the  number  of  hostages  to  ten  : 
these,  with  all  speed  on  either  part,  were  exchanged  ;  the 
viceroy  gave  a  writing,  "  signed  with  his  hand,  and  sealed 
with  his  seal,  of  all  the  conditions ;  and  forthwith  command- 
ment was  made,  by  sound  of  trumpet,  that  none  should 
violate  the  peace  on  pain  of  death.  The  two  generals  met 
and  pledged  their  faith  each  to  the  other  ;  and  all  having 
been,  as  it  seemed,  concluded,  the  Spaniards  entered  the 
port,  the  fleets  saluting  one  another  as  the  manner  of  the  sea 
doth  require.  Thus,  Thursday,  we  entered  the  port,  Friday 
we  saw  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  on  Monday,  at  night,  they 
entered.  Then  we  laboured  two  days  placing  the  English 
ships  by  themselves,  and  the  Spanish  ships  by  themselves ; 
the  captains  of  each  part,  and  inferior  men  of  their  parts, 
promising  great  amity  ;  which  even  as  with  all  fidelity  it  was 
meant  on  our  part,  so  the  Spaniards  meant  nothing  less  on 
theirs."  * 

Hawkins  soon  had  reason  to  suspect  that  the  Spaniards 
were  secretly  furnishing  their  ships  with  men  from  the  shore  : 
indeed,  on  the  very  night  after  the  Spaniards  had  entered, 
120  soldiers  had  been  conveyed  on  board.  The  viceroy,  who, 
by  permitting  this,  clearly  consented  to  the  intended  treason, 
left  things  in  this  state,  and  departed  for  Mexico.  On  the 
morning  of  Thursday  there  were  manifest  indications  of  some 
intended  treason  ;  such  as  "  shifting  of  weapons  from  ship  to 

*  Hakluyt,  523,  524. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  197 

ship  ;  planting  and  landing  of  ordnance  from  the  ships  to  the 
island  ;  passing  to  and  fro  of  companies  of  men,  more  than 
required  for  their  necessary  business,  and  many  other  ill 
likelihoods,  which  caused  him  and  his  people  to  have  a 
vehement  suspicion.  Therewithal  he  sent  to  the  general 
to  inquire  what  was  meant.  The  answer  was,  that  he  would 
be  their  defence  against  all  villainies  ;  *  and  commandment 
was  given,  accordingly,  to  unplant  all  things  suspicious." 
Hawkins's  apprehensions  were  not  removed  by  these  fair 
words  and  fair  appearances  :  he  had  reason  to  believe  that 
not  less  than  300  men  had  been  secretly  conveyed  on  board  a 
ship  of  900  tons,  which  was  moored  next  the  Minion  ;  and, 
as  the  master  of  the  Jesus  spoke  Spanish,  he  sent  him  to  the 
viceroy,  and  required  to  be  satisfied  if  any  such  thing  were  or 
not.  "The  viceroy  now  seeing  that  the  treason  must  be 
discovered,  forthwith  stayed  our  master,  blew  the  trumpet, 
and  of  all  sides  set  upon  us.  Our  men  which  warded  ashore, 
being  stricken  with  sudden  fear,  gave  place,  fled,  and  sought 
to  recover  succour  of  the  ships.  The  Spaniards,  being  pro- 
vided for  the  purpose,  landed  in  all  places  in  multitudes  from 
their  ships,  which  they  might  easily  do  without  boats,  and 
slew  all  our  men  ashore  without  mercy ;  a  few  only  escaping 
on  board  the  Jesus.  The  great  ship  immediately  fell  aboard 
the  Minion  ;  but,  by  God's  appointment,  in  the  time  of  the 
suspicion  we  had,  which  was  only  one  half-hour,  the  Minion 
was  made  ready  to  avoid  ;  and  so  leesing  her  head-fasts,  and 

*  On  the  faith  of  a  viceroy,  Hawkins  says :  but  it  was  the  general, 
Luxan,  who  was  now  acting  on  his  own  authority,  and  on  the  avowed 
principle  that  faith  was  not  to  be  kept  with  freebooters  :  Qne  aqucllos 
Inglcses  tran  cossarios  y  que  no  se  les  devia  guardar  la  fc  dada.  Indeed 
the  story,  as  told  by  the  Spanish  historian,  has  a  blacker  character  than 
in  Hawkins's  relation.  Herrera  says,  that  Luxan  sent  a  good  number 
of  Spaniards  on  shore,  armed  only  with  daggers,  who  feigning  good 
fellowship  with  the  English,  invited  them  to  drink,  and  when  they  had 
drank  enough,  and  the  signal  was  given,  suddenly  Attacked  them,  the 
ships  at  the  same  time  opening  their  fire. 


198  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

hauling  away  by  the  stem-fasts,  she  was  gotten  out :  thus, 
with  God's  help,  she  defended  the  violence  of  the  first  brunt 
of  these  300  men.  The  Minion  being  passed  out,  they  came 
aboard  the  Jesus;  which,  also,  with  very  much  ado,  and 
the  loss  of  many  of  our  men,  kept  them  out.  Then  were  there 
also  two  other  ships  that  assaulted  the  Jesus  at  the  same 
instant,  so  that  she  had  hard  getting  loose ;  but  yet,  with 
some  time,  we  had  cut  our  head-fasts,  and  gotten  out  by  the 
stern-fasts.  Now,  when  the  Jesus  and  the  Minion  were 
gotten  about  two  ships'  length  from  the  Spanish  fleet,  the 
fight  began  so  hot  on  all  sides,  that,  within  one  hour  the 
admiral  of  the  Spaniards  was  supposed  to  be  sunk,  their 
vice-admiral  burnt,  and  one  other  of  their  principal  ships 
supposed  to  be  sunk ;  so  that  the  ships  were  little  able  to 
annoy  us."  * 

Had  the  English  maintained  the  island  long  enough  after 
the  first  manifestation  of  hostility,  to  have  spiked  the.  guns 
there,  the  whole  action  would  have  been  as  glorious  to  them 
as  it  was  dishonourable  to  the  Spaniards  ;  but  they  had  made 
no  preparation  against  an  attack,  and  when  it  was  made 
the  men  who  were  ashore  lost  all  courage  and  with  it  all 
presence  of  mind.  Their  ordnance  being  thus  in  the  Spaniards' 
hands,  "  did  us,"  says  Hawkins,  "  so  great  annoyance,  that 
it  cut  all  the  masts  and  yards  of  the  Jesus,  in  such  sort  that 
there  was  no  hope  to  carry  her  away  ;  also  it  sunk  our  small 

*  Hakluyt,  524.  The  Spanish  account  differs  from  this :  it  says  that 
Hawkins,  having  fought  all  day,  and  seeing  twelve  of  his  men  killed  by 
the  fall  of  a  mast,  and  that  his  other  vessels  were  in  bad  plight,  went  on 
board  the  Almeranta,  and  ordered  his  own  ship  to  be  set  on  fire,  and  so 
put  to  sea.  The  ship,  however,  was  not  burnt ;  and  the  Spanish  hostages 
who  were  left  in  it  said  that  he  had  always  treated  them  well.  The 
Spaniards  say  that  they  sunk  one  vessel,  and  that  another  with  sixty  men 
got  out,  but  afterwards  was  driven  on  the  coast  of  Panuco,  where  the 
people  were  made  prisoners  by  the  inhabitants  of  S.  Luis  de  Tampico 
and  sent  to  Mexico,  and  there,  by  the  viceroy's  orders,  treated  well 
(p.  720). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  199 

ships  (the  Judith  only,  a  small  barque  of  fifty  tons,  excepted)  : 
whereupon  we  determined  to  place  the  Jesus  on  that  side  of 
the  Minion,  that  she  might  abide  all  the  battery  from  the 
land,  and  so  be  a  defence  for  the  Minion  till  night ;  and  then 
to  take  such  relief  of  victuals  and  other  necessaries  from  the 
Jesus  as  the  time  would  suffer  us,  and  to  leave  her.  As  we 
were  thus  determining,  and  had  placed  the  Minion  from  the 
shot  of  the  land,  suddenly  the  Spaniards  fired  two  great  ships 
which  were  coming  directly  with  us  ;  and  having  no  means 
to  avoid  the  fire,  it  bred  among  the  men  a  marvellous  fear,  so 
that  some  said,  '  Let  us  depart  with  the  Minion  ' ;  others  said, 
'  Let  us  see  whether  the  wind  will  carry  the  fire  from  us '. 
But  to  be  short,  the  Minion's  men,  who  had  always  their 
sails  in  readiness,  thought  to  make  sure  work  ;  and  so,  without 
either  consent  of  the  captain  or  master,  cut  their  sail." 
Hawkins  himself  was  "  very  hardly  "  received  on  board.  Most 
of  the  men  who  were  left  alive  in  the  Jesus  made  shift  and 
followed  the  Minion  in  their  boat ;  the  rest,  whom  the  boat 
could  not  hold,  were  enforced  to  abide  the  mercy  of  the 
Spaniards,  "  which,"  he  says,  "  I  doubt,  was  very  little  ".* 

Thus  only  the  Minion  and  the  Judith  escaped  ;  and  Haw- 
kins complains  that  the  latter  that  same  night  forsook  him 
in  his  great  misery.  Having  removed  about  two  bowshots 
from  the  Spanish  ships,  the  Minion  rode  until  morning,  and 
then  gained  the  Isla  de  Sacrificios,  about  a  mile  off:  there  a 
north  wind  took  them  ;  and  being  left  only  with  two  anchors 
and  as  many  cables, — for  in  the  conflict  they  had  lost  three 

*  Hakluyt,  425.  Little,  indeed;  "for  it  is  a  certain  truth,"  says  Miles 
Philips,  "  that  whereas  they  had  taken  certain  of  our  men  ashore,  they 
hung  them  up  by  the  arms  upon  high  posts,  until  the  blood  burst  out  of 
their  fingers'  ends :  of  which  men  so  used  there  is  one  Copstowe,  and 
certain  others  yet  alive,  who,  by  the  merciful  providence  of  the  Almighty, 
arrived  here  at  home  in  England,  carrying  still  about  with  them  (and  shall 
to  their  graves)  the  marks  and  tokens  of  those  their  inhuman  and  more 
than  barbarous  cruel  dealings  "  (Hakluyt,  473). 


200  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

cables  and  two  anchors — they  thought  always  upon  death,  which 
ever  was  present ;  "  but  God,"  says  the  commander,  "  pre- 
served us  to  a  longer  life.  [That  north  wind  prevented  the 
Spaniards,  according  to  their  own  account,  from  pursuing  him : 
but  they  might  have  done  this  when  the  wind  changed,  and, 
doubtless,  would  have  done  so,  had  they  not  been  so  roughly 
handled  in  the  action.]  The  weather  waxed  seasonable,  and  the 
Saturday  we  set  sail ;  and  having  a  great  number  of  men  and 
little  victuals,  our  hope  of  life  waxed  less  and  less."  Some 
were  for  yielding  to  the  Spaniards  ;  some  rather  desired  to 
reach  a  place  where  they  might  give  themselves  to  the  in- 
fidels ;  and  some  had  rather  abide,  with  a  little  pittance,  the 
mercy  of  God  at  sea.  "So,  thus,  with  sorrowful  hearts,  we 
wandered  in  an  unknown  sea  by  the  space  of  fourteen  days, 
till  hunger  enforced  us  to  seek  the  land  ;  for  hides  were 
thought  very  good  meat :  rats,  cats,  mice,  and  dogs,  none 
escaped  that  might  be  gotten ;  parrots  and  monkeys,  that 
were  had  in  great  price,  were  thought  then  very  profitable  if 
they  served  the  turn  one  dinner.  Thus  on  the  8th  of  October 
we  came  to  land  in  the  bottom  of  the  same  Bay  of  Mexico, 
in  23£°,  where  we  hoped  to  have  found  inhabitants  of  the 
Spaniards,  relief  of  victuals,  and  place  for  the  repair  of  our 
ship,  which  was  so  sore  beaten  with  shot  from  our  enemies, 
and  bruised  with  shooting  off  our  own  ordnance,  that  our 
weary  and  weak  arms  were  scarce  able  to  keep  out  water. 
But  all  things  happened  to  the  contrary ;  we  found  neither 
people,  victuals,  nor  haven  of  relief;  only  a  place  where, 
having  fair  weather,  with  some  peril  we  might  land  a  boat."  * 
This  was  on  the  coast  of  Tabasco. 

Here  some  of  his  people  desired  to  be  set  ashore,  making 
their  choice  rather  to  submit  themselves  to  the  mercy  of 
savages  than  longer  to  hazard  themselves  at  sea,  where  they 
very  well  saw  that  should  they  remain  together,  if  they  per- 

*  Hakluyt,  524,  525. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  201 

ished  not  by  drowning,  hunger  must  enforce  them  in  the  end 
to  eat  one  another.  Desperate  as  the  request  was,  he  could 
not  but  consent  to  it.  About  a  hundred  took  this  resolution, 
and  about  as  many  more  resolved,  at  all  risks,  to  take  the 
chance  of  reaching  their  own  country.*  The  former  were 

*  Thus  Hawkins  relates  the  story  :  a  very  different  one  is  told  by 
Miles  Philips:  he  says  that  to  this  request  "our  general  did  very  willingly 
agree,  considering  with  himself  that  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  lessen 
his  number,  both  for  the  safety  of  himself  and  the  rest ;  and  thereupon 
being  resolved  to  set  half  his  people  ashore  that  he  had  then  left  alive,  it 
was  a  world  to  see  how  suddenly  men's  minds  were  altered  ;  for  they  which 
a  little  before  desired  to  be  set  on  land  were  now  of  a  different  mind,  and 
requested  rather  to  stay.  By  means  whereof  our  general  was  enforced, 
for  the  more  contentation  of  all  men's  minds,  and  to  take  away  all  occasions 
of  offence,  to  take  this  order.  First,  he  made  choice  of  such  persons  of 
service  and  account  as  were  needful  to  stay  ;  and  that  being  done,  of 
those  which  were  willing  to  go,  he  appointed  such  as  he  thought  might 
be  best  spared,  and  presently  appointed  that  by  the  boat  they  should  be 
set  on  shore  ;  our  general  promising  us  that,  the  next  year,  he  would  either 
come  himself,  or  else  send  to  fetch  us  home.  Here,  again,  it  would  have 
caused  any  stony  heart  to  have  relented  to  hear  the  pitiful  moan  that 
many  did  make,  and  how  loth  they  were  to  depart.  The  weather  was 
then  somewhat  stormy  and  tempestuous,  and,  therefore,  we  were  to  pass 
with  great  danger  ;  yet,  notwithstanding,  there  was  no  remedy,  but  we 
that  were  appointed  to  go  must  of  necessity  do  so  :  howbeit,  those  that 
went  in  the  first  boat  were  safely  set  on  shore  ;  but  of  those  which  went 
in  the  second,  of  which  I  myself  was  one,  the  seas  wrought  so  high,  that 
we  could  not  attain  to  the  shore,  and,  therefore,  we  were  constrained, 
through  the  cruel  dealing  of  John  Hampton,  captain  of  the  Minion,  and 
John  Sanders,  boatswain  of  the  Jesus,  and  Thomas  Pollard  his  mate,  to 
leap  out  of  the  boat  into  the  main  sea,  having  more  than  a  mile  to  shore, 
and  so  to  shift  for  ourselves,  and  either  to  sink  or  swim ;  and  of  those 
that  so  were  (as  it  were)  thrown  out,  and  compelled  to  leap  into  the  sea, 
there  were  two  drowned"  (pp.  473,  474).  Those  who  were  landed,  he 
says,  had  only  one  caliver,  and  two  old  swords  among  them. 

The  relation  of  Job  Hortop,  another  of  the  party,  is  more  in  conformity 
with  Hawkins.  "Our  general,"  he  says,  "was  forced  to  divide  his 
company  into  two  parts,  for  there  was  mutiny  among  them  for  want  of 
victuals ;  and  some  said  that  they  would  rather  be  on  the  shore,  to 
shift  for  themselves  amongst  the  enemies,  than  to  starve  on  shipboard. 


202  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

landed  ;  Hawkins  determined  to  water  there,  and  then  with 
his  "little  remain  of  victuals  to  take  the  sea".  He  was  on 
shore  with  fifty  of  his  remaining  crew  expediting  this  work, 
when  there  arose  an  extreme  storm  ;  during  three  days  they 
could  not  regain  the  ship,  and  the  ship  was  in  such  peril  that 
eveiy  hour  they  expected  to  see  it  wrecked.  But  "  God  again 
had  mercy  on  them,"  and  with  fair  weather  they  got  clear  of 
the  coast  of  the  Indies  and  the  Gulf  of  Bahama.  After  this, 
his  men,  oppressed  with  famine,  began  to  sink  and  die,  till 
the  few  survivors  grew  into  such  weakness  that  they  were 
scarce  able  to  manage  the  ship.  The  wind  "  being  always  ill 
for  them  to  recover  England,"  they  made  for  the  coast  of 
Galicia,  and  on  the  last  day  of  December  put  into  Pontevedra. 
There,  "  by  excess  of  fresh  meat,  the  men  grew  into  miserable 
diseases ".  Most  of  them  died ;  and  Hawkins  perceiving 
that,  notwithstanding  all  endeavours  to  conceal  his  weak- 
ness, the  Spaniards  had  discovered  it,  and  were  planning 
some  treachery,  removed  with  all  speed  possible  to  Vigo. 
Some  English  ships  which  were  lying  there  assisted  him,  and 
spared  him  twelve  of  their  men,  with  which  help  he  arrived 
at  last  in  Mount's  Bay.  He  concludes  his  relation  with  these 

He  asked  them  who  would  go  on  shore,  and  who  would  tarry  on  ship- 
board ?  those  that  would  go  on  shore,  he  willed  to  go  on  fore-mast,  and 
those  that  would  tarry,  on  baft-mast.  Fourscore  and  sixteen  of  us  were 
willing  to  depart.  Our  general  gave  unto  every  one  of  us  six  yards  of 
Roan  cloth,  and  money  to  them  that  demanded  it.  When  we  were 
landed  he  came  unto  us,  where,  friendly  embracing  every  one  of  us,  he 
was  greatly  grieved  that  he  was  forced  to  leave  us  behind  him ;  he 
counselled  us  to  serve  God  and  to  love  one  another,  and  thus  courteously 
he  gave  us  a  sorrowful  farewell,  and  promised  if  God  sent  him  safe  home, 
he  would  do  what  he  could,  that  so  many  of  us  as  lived  should  by  some 
means  be  brought  into  England ;  and  so  he  did. 

"  Since  my  return  into  England,  I  have  heard  that  many  misliked 
that  he  left  us  so  behind  him,  and  brought  away  negroes.  But  the 
reason  is  this,  for  them  he  might  have  had  victuals,  or  any  other  thing 
needful,  if  by  foul  weather  he  had  been  driven  upon  the  islands,  which 
for  gold  nor  silver  he  could  not  have  had  "  (Hakluyt,  491). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  203 

words :  "  If  all  the  miseries  and  troublesome  affairs  of  this 
sorrowful  voyage  should  be  perfectly  and  thoroughly  written, 
there  should  need  a  painful  man  with  his  pen,  and  as  great  a 
time  as  he  had  that  wrote  the  lives  and  deaths  of  the  martyrs  ".* 
It  is  remarkable  that  the  Spanish  character,  honourable  as 
it  had  formerly  been,  and  as  it  afterwards  again  became, 
should  at  this  time  have  been  stained  by  so  many  instances 
of  bad  faith.  The  perfidy  of  some  of  their  kings,  especially 
of  Ferdinand,  first  brought  upon  the  nation  this  disgrace. 
He  acted  upon  the  Machiavellian  principle,  that  in  policy 
whatever  is  expedient  is  right  ;  and  the  Romish  Church  con- 
secrated that  principle  for  his  successors,  when  it  pronounced 
that  no  faith  was  to  be  kept  with  heretics, — a  principle  which 
no  Church  but  that  which  styles  itself  infallible  has  ever 
proclaimed,  and  which  can  be  held  by  none  but  those  whose 
conscience  is  not  in  their  own  keeping.  The  treachery  with 
which  Hawkins  had  been  treated  excited  a  strong  feeling  in 
England,  especially  among  military  and  seafaring  men.  They 
exclaimed  against  the  Spaniards  for  breach  of  treaty  in  this 
case,  inasmuch,  they  said,  as  it  had  been  agreed  between 
Charles  V.  and  Henry  VIII.  that  there  should  be  free  com- 

*  Hakluyt,  526.  Hawkins  little  knew,  when  he  penned  that  sentence, 
that  some  of  his  unhappy  companions  would  be  entitled  in  the  strictest 
sense  to  that  appellation  !  George  Rively,  Peter  Momfrie,  and  Cornelius, 
an  Irishman,  were  burnt  at  Mexico  ;  Robert  Barret  and  John  Gilbert  at 
Seville.  Many  others,  who  saved  their  lives  by  renouncing  the  opinions 
which  they  had  been  compelled  by  torture  to  avow,  though  they  would 
have  professed  anything  to  have  escaped  persecution,  were  flogged  on 
horseback  through  the  streets  of  Mexico,  and  condemned  there  or  in 
Seville  to  the  galleys,  and  to  different  terms  of  imprisonment.  The 
narratives  which  Miles  Philips  and  Job  Hortop  published  of  their  ad- 
ventures and  sufferings  must  have  contributed  greatly  to  that  abhorrence 
of  the  Spaniards  which  so  long  prevailed  in  this  country.  The  first 
effected  his  escape  after  sixteen  years,  the  latter  after  three  and  twenty. 
Both  accounts  bear  every  mark  of  veracity.  It  appears  that  the  Spaniards 
would  have  been  disposed  to  treat  them  with  great  kindness,  if  it  had 
not  been  for  the  Inquisition. 


204  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

merce  between  the  subjects  of  both  princes,  in  all  and  singu- 
lar their  dominions  and  islands, — not  excepting  America,  which 
already  at  that  time  belonged  to  Charles  ;  and  on  this  ground 
they  wished  that  war  might  be  declared  against  Spain.* 
Both  parties  were  in  the  wrong.  An  infraction  of  that  treaty, 
by  closing  the  American  ports,  was  a  point  for  discussion 
between  the  two  Governments,  and  if  the  English  Government 
had  thought  fit,  a  ground  of  war,  if  any  wrong  in  consequence 
had  been  offered  to  one  of  the  queen's  subjects ;  but  it  was 
not  for  a  subject  to  take  the  matter  into  his  own  hands,  and 
declare  his  determination  of  trading  in  those  ports  amicably 
if  the  authorities  pleased,  but  otherwise,  arms  in  hand, 
whether  they  would  or  not.  After  he  had  thus  declared, 
and  acted  up  to  that  declaration,  there  could  have  been  no 
just  cause  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  England,  if  he  and  his 
fleet  had  been  fairly  taken  or  destroyed.  But  by  acting 
basely  the  Spaniards  gave  the  English  the  advantage  of  a 
fair  quarrel ;  and  though  the  queen,  because  she  was  at  that 
time  perplexed  with  the  troubled  state  of  affairs  in  Scotland, 
for  that  cause,  and  for  other  weighty  considerations,  gave  no 
ear  to  those  who  would  at  once  have  engaged  the  nation  in  a 
war  with  Spain,  there  were  adventurers  who  resolved  to  pro- 
secute the  quarrel  at  all  risks. 

The  Judith,  which  made  part  of  Hawkins's  fleet,  and  was 
the  only  vessel  except  the  Minion  that  escaped,  was  com- 
manded by  Francis  Drake,  a  name  that  soon  became  terrible 
to  the  Spaniards.  The  cottage  in  which  Drake  was  born,  on 
the  beautiful  banks  of  the  Tavy,  was  demolished  some  thirty 
years  ago,  till  which  time  it;  had  remained  unchanged  ;  a  stall 
for  cattle  belonging  to  the  farm-house  hard  by  now  stands 
upon  its  site.  By  his  own  account,  as  repeated  by  Camden, 
he  was  born  of  mean  parentage,  but  his  name  was  given  him 
in  baptism  by  his  godfather,  Francis  Russel,  afterwards  Earl 

*  Camden,  108. 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  205 

of  Bedford  ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  been  akin  to  Hawkins,  at 
whose  cost  and  under  whose  care  it  is  also  said  that  he  was 
brought  up,  being  the  eldest  of  twelve  sons.  That  cost,  how- 
ever, could  have  been  little  ;  and  the  care,  perhaps,  little 
more  than  such  countenance  as  gave  him  consideration  in 
the  eyes  of  his  employers,  if  Camden's  statement  be  correct, 
which  in  the  main  it  must  needs  be,  having  been  derived  from 
Drake  himself.  His  father  being  likely  to  be  called  in  question* 
for  his  religion  as  a  Protestant,  in  the  days  of  persecution  fled 
from  Devonshire  into  Kent.  When  better  days  arrived,  he 
obtained  an  appointment  "  among  the  seamen  in  the  king's 
navy  to  read  prayers  to  them "  ;  and  soon  afterwards  was 
ordained  deacon,  and  made  vicar  of  Upnor  Church  upon  the 
Medway  ;  the  road,  says  Camden,  where  the  fleet  usually 
anchoreth.  Here,  "  by  reason  of  his  poverty,  he  put  his  son 
to  the  master  of  a  barque,  his  neighbour,  who  carried  on  a 
coasting  trade,  and  used  sometimes  to  transport  merchandise 
to  Zeeland  and  to  France  ".  This  master  "  held  Drake  hard 
to  his  business "  ;  and  "  pains  with  patience  in  his  youth," 
says  Fuller,  "  knit  the  joints  of  his  soul,  and  made  them  more 
solid  and  compacted  ".  The  master  was  so  satisfied  with  his 
conduct,  and  pleased  with  him,  that,  being  unmarried,  he  be- 
queathed him  the  barque  at  his  death.  With  this  he  continued 
his  active  and  thriving  way  of  life  ;  and  had  got  together  some 

*  Camden  says  he  was  called  in  question  by  the  law  of  the  six  articles  ; 
but  Campbell  observes,  that,  if  Drake  was  born  some  time  before,  Sir 
Francis  Russel  could  have  been  but  a  child,  and,  therefore,  not  likely  to 
be  his  godfather  :  moreover,  he  says  this  account  makes  him  ten  years 
older  than  he  was.  But  Drake  was  two  and  twenty  when  he  obtained 
the  command  of  the  Judith  :  this  carries  back  his  birth  to  1544,  at  which 
time  the  six  articles  were  in  force,  and  Francis  Russel  was  seventeen 
years  of  age.  Fuller  says,  upon  this  occasion,  that  "  the  sting  of  Popery 
still  remained  in  England,  though  the  teeth  were  knocked  out,"  and 
that  Drake  was  born  in  Devonshire  and  brought  up  in  Kent ;  "  God 
dividing  the  honour  betwixt  two  counties,  that  the  one  might  have  his 
birth,  and  the  other  his  education  "  (Holy  State,  123). 


206  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

little  money,  when,  hearing  that  Hawkins  was  fitting  out  an 
expedition  for  the  New  World,  he  sold  his  vessel,  and,  re- 
pairing to  Plymouth  with  some  other  "stout  seamen," 
embarked  himself  and  his  fortunes  in  the  adventure.* 

In  this  unfortunate  voyage  Drake  lost  all  that  he  had 
accumulated  by  his  former  industry  ;  but  a  divine,f  belonging 
to  the  fleet,  comforted  him  with  the  assurance  that,  having 
been  thus  treacherously  used  by  the  Spaniards,  he  might 
lawfully  recover  in  value  of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  repair  his 
loses  upon  him  wherever  he  could.  "  The  case,"  says  Fuller, 
"  was  clear  in  sea  divinity ;  and  few  are  such  infidels  as  not 
to  believe  doctrines  which  make  for  their  own  profit.  Where- 
upon Drake,  though  a  poor  private  man,  undertook  to 

*  Camden,  248.  Fuller's  Holy  State,  123.  Prince's  Worthies  of 
Devon.  Campbell.  It  is  certain  that  Hawkins  was  displeased  with 
Drake  for  "forsaking  him  in  his  great  misery,  and  shifting  for  himself. 
Herrera  says  that  Drake  escaped  from  the  island  by  a  ship's  cable ;  that 
Hawkins  ordered  him  into  a  French  ship  (which  he  had  taken  from  some 
Portuguese  who  had  captured  it  off  Cape  Blanco,  and  in  which  was 
most  of  the  gold  which  they  had  obtained),  and  that  Drake,  instead  of 
obeying  his  further  orders  and  waiting  for  him  off  the  port,  made  all 
speed  for  England,  reported  there  that  Hawkins  was  lost,  and  rose  up 
with  the  gold  himself,  saying  he  had  distributed  it  among  the  men. 
"  This,"  says  Herrera,  "  was  his  beginning ;  and  though  the  queen  kept 
him  three  months  in  prison,  she  pardoned  him  upon  intercession,  and 
so  the  matter  rested  "  (p.  720).  Camden  says  that  Drake  hardly  escaped 
with  the  loss  of  what  he  had.  The  charge  of  peculation  is  no  doubt  a 
calumny ;  for  his  imprisonment,  if  it  really  took  place,  breach  of  orders, 
and  the  desertion  of  his  commander,  would  be  sufficient  cause.  Drake, 
according  to  Job  Hortop.  was  made  master  and  commander  of  a  Portu- 
guese caravel,  captured  on  the  way  from  the  Canaries  to  Cape  Blanco. 

t  These  are  Camden's  words,  from  whence  it  may  be  surmised  that 
possibly  -that  divine  was  Drake's  own  father.  Fuller  and  subsequent 
writers  who  have  followed  Fuller  say  it  was  the  minister  of  his  ship. 
"  The  doctrine,  however  rudely  preached,  was  very  taking  in  England  ; 
and,  therefore,  he  no  sooner  published  his  design  than  he  had  numbers 
of  volunteers  ready  to  accompany  him,  though  they  had  no  such  pretence 
even  as  he  had  to  colour  their  proceedings"  (Campbell,  i. ,  418). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  207 

revenge  himself  on  so  mighty  a  monarch,  who,  not  contented 
that  the  sun  riseth  and  setteth  in  his  dominions,  may  seem 
to  desire  to  make  all  his  own  where  he  shineth."  *  Two  or 
three  voyages  he  made  to  gain  intelligence,  it  is  said,  in  the 
West  Indies ;  and  in  these  he  got  some  store  of  money  "  by 
playing  the  seaman  and  the  pirate  ".t  Some  reputation  now 
he  had  by  this  time  acquired  as  a  skilful  and  adventurous 
mariner  ;  for  now,  it  is  said,  he  got  a  commission,  and  sailed 
from  Plymouth,  in  1570,  with  two  ships,  the  Dragon  and  the 
Swan ;  and  the  year  after  in  the  Swan  alone.  In  these 
voyages  he  acquired  certain  notice  of  the  places  to  be  aimed 
at.J  Thus  prepared  with  all  needful  information,  he  sailed 
from  the  Sound  on  Whitsun  Eve,  1572,  in  the  Pascha  of  Ply- 
mouth, of  seventy  tons,  and  his  brother,  John  Drake,  in  the  Swan, 
of  twenty-five,  with  three  handsome  pinnaces,  taken  asunder 
and  stowed  aboard,  to  be  put  together  upon  occasion.  He  was 
well  provided  with  a  year's  victuals,  and  with  all  necessary 
ammunition ;  but  the  force  with  which  he  commenced  this 
first  hostile  expedition  against  the  Spanish  Indies  consisted  of 
no  more  than  seventy-three  men  and  boys.  With  these  he 
sailed  §  for  Nombre  de  Dios,  which  "was  then  the  granary  of 
the  West  Indies,  wherein  the  golden  harvest  brought  from 
Panama  was  hoarded  up  till  it  could  be  conveyed  to  Spain".  || 

On  the  2nd  of  July  he  came  in  sight  of  the  high  land  of 
America,  and  directed  his  course  to  Port  Pheasant,  so  named 
by  him  on  a  former  voyage,  because  of  the  number  of  those 

*  "  And  now,"  he  adds,  "  let  us  see  how  a  dwarf,  standing  on  the  mount 
of  God's  Providence,  may  prove  an  overmatch  for  a  giant." 

t  Camden.  \  Prince. 

§  "  With  all  speed  and  secrecy,  as  loth  to  put  the  town  to  too  much 
charge,  which  he  knew  they  would  willingly  bestow,  in  providing  before- 
hand for  his  entertainment  "  (Fuller). 

Fuller.  Nombre  de  Dios  "  then  served  the  Spaniards  for  the  same 
purposes,  though  not  so  conveniently,  as  those  for  which  they  afterwards 
used  Porto  Bello  "  (Campbell,  i.,  418). 


208  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

birds  which  he  had  there  seen.  Landing  here,  they  found 
this  warning  newly  inscribed  on  a  plate  of  lead,  and  fastened 
to  a  tree  of  such  conspicuous  magnitude  that  four  men  could 
not  enclasp  its  girth  :  "  Captain  Drake,  if  you  fortune  to 
come  into  the  port,  make  haste  away,  for  the  Spaniards  which 
you  had  with  you  here-  last  year  have  betrayed  this  place,  and 
taken  away  all  that  you  left  here.  I  departed  hence  this 
present  7th  of  July,  1572.  Your  loving  friend,  John  Garret." 
— This  Captain  Garret  was  of  Plymouth ;  and  was  probably, 
like  his  friend,  one  of  those  persons  who  made  war  against  the 
King  of  Spain  and  his  subjects  upon  their  own  account. 
Drake,  however,  was  not  induced  to  alter  his  plans  by  this 
unfavourable  information,  but  employed  seven  days  in  putting 
together  his  pinnaces  in  that  convenient  port.  "As  they 
had  completed  this  business,  an  English  barque  from  the  Isle 
of  Wight,  James  Rowse,*  captain,  with  thirty-eight  men  aboard, 
came  into  the  port,  and  being  made  acquainted  with  his  design, 
joined  company  with  him."  Some  of  the  men  had  been 
there  with  him  the  year  before. 

Sailing  from  hence  for  Nombre  de  Dios,  they  kept  close  to 
the  shore,  and  lay  quiet  all  night,  intending  to  attempt  the 
town  at  break  of  day.  But  he  was  forced  to  alter  his  resolu- 
tion, and  assault  it  sooner ;  for  he  heard  his  men  muttering 
among  themselves  about  the  strength  and  greatness  of  the 
place :  t  wherefore  he  roused  them  from  their  rest  before 

*  In  Sir  William  Davenant's  opera  upon  this  part  of  Drake's  history, 
one  of  the  sailors  says,  or  sings, — 

"  The  lion  Rowse  is  landed  here, 
I'll  run  to  meet  him  at  the  pier  ; 
A  ton  of  yellow  gold 
Conceal'd  within  our  hold, 
For  half  my  share  I  scorn  to  take, 
When  he  is  joined  with  dragon  Drake  ". 

"  And  when  men's  heads  are  once  fly-blown  with  buzzes  of  suspicion, 
the  vermin  multiply  instantly,  and  one  jealousy  begets  another  "    (Fuller). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  209 

they  had  hatched  their  fears,  and  persuaded  them  it  was 
dawn  when  the  moon  rose.  The  town  was  unwalled,  and 
they  entered  it  without  difficulty  in  two  companies,  with 
trumpet  sounding  and  drum  beating,  and  with  "fire-pikes 
divided  between  both  companies,  which  no  less  affrighted  the 
enemy  than  gave  light  to  the  English,  who  thereby  discovered 
every  place  as  if  it  had  been  broad  day  ".*  But  the  Spaniards 
were  not  unprepared,  and  saluted  them  in  the  market-place 
with  a  volley  of  shot.  Drake  returned  the  greeting  with  a 
flight  of  arrows,  "  the  best  ancient  English  compliment,"  and 
drove  them  from  the  ground ;  but  not  without  receiving  a 
severe  wound  in  his  leg.  This  he  dissembled,  "  knowing  that, 
if  the  general's  heart  stoops  the  men's  will  fall;  and  that,  if 
so  bright  an  opportunity  once  setteth,  it  seldom  riseth  again". 
They  made  their  way  to  the  house  where  the  bars  of  silver 
were  deposited, t  Drake  telling  them  "  he  had  brought  them 
to  the  mouth  of  the  treasury  of  the  world,  which  if  they  did 
not  gain,  none  but  themselves  were  to  be  blamed".  He 
bade  them  break  it  open ;  but  as  he  stepped  forward  to 
encourage  them  by  his  example,  his  strength,  sight,  and 
speech  failed  him,  and  he  began  to  faint  for  loss  of  blood. 
They  bound  up  his  wound  with  his  scarf;  and  when  he 
would  not  be  persuaded,  they  "  added  force  to  their  entreaties, 
and  so  carried  him  to  his  pinnace  ".J  It  was  time  to  retreat, 

*  Prince. 

f'They  discovered,"  says  the  relation,  "  a  vast  heap  of  wealth  in  the 
lower  room,  consisting  of  bars  of  silver,  piled  up  against  the  wall,  seventy 
foot  in  length,  ten  in  breadth,  and  twelve  in  height,  each  bar  between 
thirty-five  and  forty  pounds'  weight"  (Prince).  They  might  have 
looked  into  the  room  through  the  grating,  but  certainly  had  neither  time 
nor  opportunity  for  measuring  it. 

I  Fuller.  "  Thus  victory  sometimes  slips  through  their  fingers  who 
have  caught  it  in  their  hands."  Lopez  Vaz,  whose  brief  account  of 
this  expedition  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and  is  published  (in  a 
translation)  by  Hakluyt  (vol.  iii.,  p.  525),  says,  that  Drake  landed  about 
150  men,  left  seventy  of  them  in  a  fort  which  was  there,  and,  with  the  rest, 

14 


210  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

for  the  Spaniards  had  discovered  their  weakness ;  and  the 
adventurers,  many  of  whom  had  got  good  booty  before  they 
retired,  found  it  necessary  to  re-embark,  and  put  off  to  an 
island  some  two  leagues  distant,  where  they  remained  two 
days.  Several  men  were  wounded  in  this  affair,  but  only  one 
slain.  While  they  lay  off  the  island,  one  of  the  garrison 
came  off  to  them,  trusting,  as  it  seems,  to  their  honour ;  and 
declaring  that  he  came  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  see  those 
whose  courage  was  such  that,  with  such  inconsiderable  forces, 
they  had  ventured  upon  so  incredible  an  attempt.  He  asked, 
however,  whether  their  captain  were  the  same  Captain  Drake 
who  had  been  on  this  coast  the  two  preceding  years  ?  and  as 

marched  into  the  town,  without  doing  any  harm  till  he  came  to  the 
market-place.  There  he  discharged  his  calivers,  and  sounded  a  trumpet ; 
and  "  the  people  hereupon,  not  thinking  of  any  such  matter,  were  put  in 
great  fear,  and,  waking  out  of  their  sleep,  fled  all  into  the  mountains, 
inquiring  one  of  another  what  the  matter  should  be, — remaining  as  men 
amazed !  But  some  fourteen  or  fifteen  of  them,"  he  says,  "  went  to  the 
market-place,  and  seeing  the  English  to  be  but  few,  fired  their  harque- 
busses  at  them  with  such  fortune  as  to  kill  the  trumpeter,  and  shoot  one 
of  the  principal  men  through  the  leg,  upon  which  he  retired  towards  the 
fort.  Meantime  they  in  the  fort,  hearing  the  firing  in  the  town,  and 
finding  when  they  sounded  their  trumpet  that  it  was  not  answered,  con- 
cluded that  their  comrades  had  all  been  cut  off,  and  thereupon  fled  to  their 
pinnaces.  And  the  captain  and  his  people,  finding  the  fort  forsaken, 
were  in  so  great  fear,  that,  leaving  their  furniture  behind  them,  and 
putting  off  their  hose,  they  swam  and  waded  to  their  pinnaces,  and  so 
went  with  their  ships  out  of  the  port." 

Except  as  to  the  numbers,  and  the  manner  of  the  retreat,  this  relation 
is  in  the  main  confirmed  by  the  English  account,  Drake  having  been 
thus  wounded,  and  the  only  Englishman  who  was  slain  (though  many 
were  hurt)  being  the  trumpeter.  Herrera  makes  no  mention  of  this 
expedition.  A  notice  relating  to  it,  but  under  the  erroneous  date  of  1568, 
occurs  in  the  "  Compendio  Historial  y  Indice  Chronologico  Peruano  y  del 
Nuevo  Reyno  de  Granada,"  annexed  to  the  very  rare  work  of  P.  Manuel 
Rodriguez,  entitled  El  Mar  anon  y  Amazonas.  It  is  in  these  pithy  words  : 
"  Tubose  noticia  en  las  costas  de  Indias,  que  las  infestaba  el  Draque, 
Cosario,  que  fue  muy  prejudicial,  como  se  dize  despues  ". 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  211 

many  of  the  Spaniards  were  wounded  with  arrows,  he  asked 
also  whether  the  arrows  were  poisoned,  and  how  the  wounds 
might  be  cured  ?  The  captain  made  answer  he  was  the  same 
Drake  concerning  whom  they  inquired  ;  that  it  was  never  his 
custom,  nor  that  of  his  countrymen,  to  poison  their  arrows ; 
that  their  wounds  might  be  cured  with  the  ordinary  remedies ; 
and  that  he  only  wanted  some  of  that  gold  and  silver  which 
they  got  out  of  the  earth  and  sent  into  Spain  to  trouble  all 
the  world.* 

Having  been  disappointed  here,  Drake  made  toward 
Carthagena,  and  took  several  vessels  on  his  way  laden  with 
provisions  and  goods.  What  was  of  more  eventual  importance, 
he  opened  a  communication  with  the  Cimarrones,  or  Maroons, 
negroes  who  had  escaped  from  slavery,  and  established  them- 
selves in  freedom  in  the  interior  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien. 
"  They  had  towns  of  about  sixty  families,  in  which  the  people 
lived  cleanly  and  civilly,"  and  their  chief  was  able  to  raise 
1700  fighting  men.  By  these  people  he  was  informed  that 
the  treasure  was  brought  from  Panama  to  Xombre  de  Dios 
upon  mules,  a  recua  or  party  of  which,  consisting  as  might 
happen  of  from  thirty  to  seventy,  he  might  probably  intercept. 
On  this  adventui'e,  his  leg  having  been  healed,  Drake  set 
forth.  One  of  the  chief  Cimarrones,  as  they  were  on  the 
way,  led  him  to  a  height,  where  from  a  great  tree,  it  is  said, 
that  both  seas  might  be  seen.  The  story  says  that  steps 
were  cut  in  the  trunk  of  this  huge  tree  for  ascending  it,  and 
that  almost  in  the  top  "  a  convenient  arbour  had  been  made, 
wherein  twelve  men  might  sit".  Into  this  Drake  mounted  ; 
and,  obtaining  a  full  sight  from  thence  of  that  ocean,  con- 
cerning which  he  had  heard  such  golden  reports,  besought 
God  to  grant  him  "life  and  leave  once  to  sail  an  English 
ship  in  those  seas".f 

*  Prince. 

•f  Prince. — Camden's  is  a  less  circumstantial  but  more  likely  account : 
"  that,  after  having  burnt  the  rich  receptacle  or  storehouse  of  merchandise 


212  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

The  rashness  of  one  of  his  own  men,  "who  had  taken  a 
little  too  much  aqua-vitae/'  marred  this  enterprise  :  through 
this  man's  folly  the  Spaniards  were  alarmed,  and  Drake  had 

upon  the  river  Chirage,  called  the  Cross,  roving  for  a  time  up  and  down 
in  the  parts  adjoining,  he  descried  from  the  mountains  the  South  Sea. 
Hereupon  the  man,  being  inflamed  with  ambition  of  glory  and  hopes  of 
wealth,  was  so  vehemently  transported  with  desire  to  navigate  that  sea, 
that  falling  down  there  upon  his  knees,  he  implored  the  Divine  assistance, 
that  he  might  at  some  time  or  other  sail  thither,  and  make  a  perfect 
discovery  of  the  same ;  and  hereunto  he  bound  himself  by  a  vow. 
From  that  time  forward  his  mind  was  pricked  on  continually,  night  and 
day,  to  perform  his  vow"  (p.  249). 

Balboa  expressed  similar  feelings  in  precisely  the  same  situation. 
When  his  Indian  guides  pointed  out  to  him  the  height  from  whence  "  he 
might  see  the  other  sea  so  long  looked  for,  and  never  seen  before  of  any 
man  coming  out  of  our  world,  approaching  to  the  top  of  the  mountain, 
he  commanded  his  men  to  stay,  and  went  himself  alone  to  the  summit, 
as  if  it  were  to  take  the  first  possession  thereof;  where  falling  prostrate 
upon  the  ground,  and  raising  himself  again  upon  his  knees,  as  the  manner 
of  the  Christians  is  to  pray,  lifting  up  his  eyes  and  hands  toward  heaven, 
and  directing  his  face  toward  the  new-found  South  Sea,  he  poured  forth 
his  humble  and  devout  prayers  before  Almighty  God,  as  a  spiritual  sacri- 
fice with  thanksgiving,  that  it  pleased  His  Divine  Majesty  to  reserve 
unto  that  day  the  victory  and  praise  of  so  great  a  thing  unto  him,  being 
a  man  but  of  small  wit  and  knowledge,  of  little  experience  and  base 
parentage.  When  he  had  thus  made  his  prayers  after  his  warlike  manner 
he  beckoned  to  his  companions  to  come  to  him,  showing  them  the  great 
main  sea  heretofore  unknown  to  the  inhabitants  of  Europe,  Africa,  and 
Asia.  Here  again  he  fell  to  his  prayers  as  before,  desiring  Almighty 
God  and  the  blessed  Virgin  to  favour  his  beginnings,  and  to  give  him 
good  success  to  subdue  those  lands  to  the  glory  of  His  holy  name,  and 
increase  of  His  true  religion.  All  his  companions  did  likewise,  and 
praised  God  with  loud  voices  for  joy.  Then  Vasco,  with  no  less  manly 
courage  than  Hannibal  of  Carthage  showed  his  soldiers  Italy  from  the 
promontories  of  the  Alps,  exhorted  his  men  to  lift  up  their  hearts,  and 
to  behold  the  land  even  now  under  their  feet,  and  the  sea  before  their 
eyes,  which  should  be  unto  them  a  full  and  just  reward  of  their  great 
labours  and  travails  now  overpast.  When  he  had  said  these  words  he 
commanded  them  to  raise  certain  heaps  of  stones,  in  the  stead  of  altars, 
for  a  token  of  possession  "  (Peter  Martyr.  Eden's  translation,  97). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  213 

at  first  to  encounter  not  a  party  of  muleteers,  but  of  men 
prepared  for  defence.  He  put  them  to  flight,  however,  and 
got  possession  of  Venta  de  la  Cruz,  which  seems  to  have  been 
a  station  between  the  two  ports  on  each  side  of  the  isthmus. 
Here  the  English  account  says,  that  both  the  Maroons  and 
his  own  people  were  strictly  ordered  not  to  hurt  any  woman 
nor  unarmed  man,  and  that  this  order  was  faithfully  obeyed. 
In  the  Spanish  relation  it  is  said  that  six  or  seven  merchants 
were  killed  here,  and  no  gold  or  silver  found,  but  much 
merchandise,  to  the  value  of  200,000  ducats,  which  he  burnt, 
together  with  the  place.  He  had  better  fortune  soon  in 
hearing  "  the  sweet  music  of  the  mules  coming  with  a  great 
noise  of  bells  "  ;  and  presently  he  got  sight  of  two  recuas  or 
companies,  under  no  other  care  than  that  of  the  muleteers, 
who  mistrusted  nothing.  Taking  from  these  as  much  treasure 
as  they  could  carry,  they  buried  several  tons  of  silver ;  but 
one  of  his  men  fell  into  the  Spaniards'  hands,  and  was  com- 
pelled by  torture  to  discover  the  place,  so  that,  when  Drake's 
people  returned  for  a  second  lading,  it  was  almost  all  gone. 
Upon  returning  to  the  coast  where  his  pinnaces  had  been 
appointed  to  meet  him,  they  were  not  to  be  seen,  but  in  their 
stead  seven  Spanish  pinnaces  which  had  been  searching  all 
the  shore  thereabouts.  Being  now  in  great  fear  that  his 
ships  also  were  lost,  he  constructed  a  raft  of  the  trees  which 
the  river  brought  down,  mounted  a  biscuit  sack  for  a  sail,  and 
"  with  an  oar  shaped  out  of  a  young  tree,  for  a  rudder," 
he  with  three  others,  it  is  said,  ventured  out  of  the  mouth  of 
the  river.  If  this  account  be  true,  his  motive  must  have  been 
to  obtain  a  better  view  of  the  coast  from  the  water,  than  he 
could  in  a  country  covered  with  woods.  Having  sailed  upon 
this  raft  about  six  hours,  always  up  to  the  waist  in  water,  and 
at  every  wave  up  to  the  arm-pits,  they  had  sight  of  their 
own  pinnaces,  which,  not  perceiving  them,  were  making  be- 
hind a  point  for  shelter  from  the  wind  and  night.  Drake 
then  ran  his  raft  ashore,  got  round  the  point  by  land,  and 


214  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

there  joyfully  found  them.  They  went  about  to  the  Rio 
Francisco,  took  in  their  comrades  with  the  treasure  that  they 
had  secured,  and  rejoined  the  ships.  Nothing  now  remained 
but  to  dismiss  their  Maroon  allies.  Pedro,  one  of  the  chief 
and  most  serviceable  of  them,  had  taken  a  fancy  to  Drake's 
sword,  and  was  so  delighted  when  it  was  presented  to  him, 
that  he  desired  him  to  accept  four  wedges  of  gold  as  a  grate- 
ful return.  Drake  accepted  them  as  courteously  as  they 
were  proffered,  but  threw  them  into  the  common  stock,  saying 
it  was  just  that  they  who  bore  part  of  the  charge  in  setting 
him  to  sea,  should  enjoy  their  full  proportion  of  the  advantage 
at  his  return.  He  now  sailed  homeward  with  so  prosperous  a 
gale  that  in  twenty-three  days  he  passed  from  Cape  Florida 
to  the  Scilly  Isles  ;  and  arriving  at  Plymouth  on  a  Sunday, 
the  news  was  carried  into  the  church  during  sermon  time, 
and  "there  remained  few  or  no  people  with  the  preacher," 
all  running  out  to  welcome  one  who  was  already  regarded  as 
the  hero  of  that  place  and  of  that  county.* 

Though  Drake  had  enriched  himself  in  this  expedition, 
success  served  only  to  excite  him  to  a  greater  enterprise. 
But  while  he  was  "  brooding  privately  over  this  new  design," 
it  was  in  part  forestalled  by  one  who  had  served  under  him 
in  the  various  capacities  of  soldier,  sailor,  and  cook.  This 
person,  whose  name  was  John  Oxenham,  is  said  to  have 
obtained  the  good  opinion  both  of  his  captain  and  comrades 
in  no  ordinary  degree.  Drake,  when  he  beheld  from  "  that 
goodly  and  great  high  tree  "  of  the  Maroons  the  sea  of  which 

*  Prince.  "  There  want  not  those,"  says  Fuller,  "  who  love  to  beat 
down  the  price  of  every  honourable  action,  though  they  themselves 
never  mean  to  be  chapmen.  These  cry  up  Drake's  fortune  herein,  to 
cry  down  his  valour  ;  as  if  this  his  performance  were  nothing,  wherein 
a  golden  opportunity  ran  his  head,  with  his  long  forelock,  into  Drake's 
hands,  beyond  expectation.  But  certainly  his  resolution  and  uncon- 
querable patience  deserved  much  praise,  to  adventure  on  such  a  design, 
which  had  in  it  just  no  more  probability  than  what  was  enough  to  keep 
it  from  being  impossible"  (Holy  State,  126). 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  215 

he  had  heard  such  golden  reports,  communicated  especially 
to  Oxenham  his  purpose  of  one  day  sailing  upon  it,  "  if  it  would 
please  God  to  grant  him  that  happiness "  ;  and  Oxenham,  in 
reply,  protested  that  unless  Drake  were  to  beat  him  from  his 
company,  "  he  would  follow  him  by  God's  grace  ".  On  one 
occasion,  when  a  party  was  to  be  sent  on  shore,  and  the 
people  would  not  consent  that  Drake  should  venture  his 
person,  John  Oxenham  and  Thomas  Sherwell  were  put  in 
trust  for  the  service,  "to  the  great  content  of  the  whole 
company,  who  conceived  greatest  hope  of  them  next  to  the 
captain,  whom,  by  no  means,  they  would  condescend  to  suffer 
to  adventure".*  Oxenham  " had  gotten  among  the  seamen 
the  name  of  captain  for  his  valour,  and  had  privily  scraped 
together  good  store  of  money  "  ;  and,  having  now  been  some 
time  at  home,  and  becoming  impatient  of  idleness,  he  de- 
termined no  longer  to  wait  for  Drake,t  but  undertake,  on  his 
own  account,  the  adventure  which  that  enterprising  com- 
mander had  projected.  Following,  therefore,  the  course 
which  his  late  commander  had  so  successfully  pursued,  he 
sailed  for  the  isthmus  with  one  ship  and  seventy  men,  re- 
visited his  old  acquaintance  the  Maroons,  and  learned  from 
them  that  the  treasure  which  he  had  hoped  to  intercept 'on 
its  way  from  Panama  was  now  protected  by  a  convoy  of  sol- 
diers. Disappointed  in  this  hope,  he  determined  upon  a 
bolder  adventure.  He  drew  his  ship  aground  in  a  retired 
and  woody  creek,  covered  it  with  boughs,  buried  his  provisions 

*  Burney's  Hist,  of  Discoveries  in  the  South  Sea,  i.,  294,  295.  Sir 
Francis  Drake  Revived,  54,  81. 

t "  Drake,"  says  Prince,  "  being  prevented  from  setting  forth,  partly 
by  secret  envy  at  home,  and  partly  by  being  employed  in  his  prince  and 
country's  service  in  Ireland.  'Tis  true  Oxenham  had  formerly  promised 
him  to  assist  him  in  that  noble  undertaking ;  but  having  already  waited 
his  leisure  for  so  doing  two  years,  and  not  knowing  how  much  longer 
it  would  be,  if  at  all,  ere  his  occasions  would  permit  him  so  to  do,  he 
might  think  himself  disobliged  from  his  promise,  and  so  he  undertook 
something  himself." 


216  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

and  his  great  guns,  and  taking  with  him  two  small  pieces  of 
ordnance,  went,  with  all  his  men  and  six  Maroon  guides, 
about  twelve  leagues  into  the  interior,  to  a  river  which  dis- 
charges itself  into  the  South  Sea.  There  he  cut  wood  and 
built  a  pinnace,  "  which  was  five  and  forty  foot  by  the  keel " ; 
embarked  in  it,  and  secured  for  himself  the  honour  (if  so  it 
may  be  called,  under  such  circumstances)  of  being  the  first 
Englishman  that  ever  entered  the  Pacific.  In  this  vessel  he 
went  to  the  Isla  de  Perlas,  five  and  twenty  leagues  from 
Panama,  and  there  lay  in  wait  for  the  appearance  of  a  vessel 
from  Peru.  After  lurking  ten  days,  he  captured  a  small 
barque  bringing  gold  from  Quito ;  and,  six  days  afterward, 
another  with  silver  from  Lima. 

Not  satisfied  with  this,  he  searched  the  islands  for  pearls ; 
and  having  found  a  few,  returned  to  his  pinnace,  made  for  the 
river  in  which  he  had  embarked,  and,  when  he  was  near  the 
mouth,  dismissed  his  prizes,  thus  incautiously  allowing  them 
to  perceive  where  he  was  entering.  The  alarm  was  soon 
given  ;  first,  by  some  negroes  from  the  island,  who,  as  soon  as 
he  had  left  them,  hastened  in  a  canoe  to  Panama.*  Juan  de 
Ortega  was  immediately  dispatched  with  100  men,  beside 
negro  rowers,  in  four  barques ;  and  he  falling  in  with  the 
prizes  on  his  way  was  by  them  directed  to  the  river.  Here, 

*  There  is  a  more  romantic  but  far  less  likely  story  (Prince  calls  it 
"  another  guess  account "),  that  in  one  of  the  prizes  Oxenham  found 
"two  pieces  of  especial  estimation  ;  the  one  a  table  of  massy  gold  set 
with  emeralds,  sent  for  a  present  to  the  king  ;  the  other,  a  lady  of  singu- 
lar beauty,  married  and  the  mother  of  children.  The  latter  grew  to  be 
his  perdition ;  for  he  had  capitulated  with  these  Symerons,  that  their 
part  of  the  booty  should  be  only  the  prisoners,  to  the  end  to  execute 
their  malice  upon  the  Spaniards  for  their  cruelty  to  them  ;  showing  their 
revenge  by  roasting  them,  and  eating  their  hearts.  John  Oxenham  was 
taken  with  the  love  of  the  lady,  and  to  win  her  good-will,  what  through 
her  tears  and  detestation  of  this  barbarous  action,  breaking  promise 
with  the  Symerons,  he  gave  the  prisoners  their  liberty,  except  the  lady ; 
and  they,  making  haste  to  Panama,  sent  out  forces  to  intercept  him," 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  217 

however,  he  was  at  fault ;  for  the  river  discharged  itself  by 
three  channels  :  he  had  made  his  choice  to  ascend  the  great- 
est of  these  streams,  "when  feathers  were  observed  coming 
down  one  of  the  smaller  channels,  from  whence  it  was  inferred 
that  the  pirates  had  plucked  some  fowls  upon  its  banks. 
Here,  therefore,  he  entered ;  and,  after  four  days'  search, 
discovered  the  pinnace,  with  six  Englishmen  on  board. 
These  men  leaped  ashore,  and  ran  for  their  lives:  one  was 
killed  in  his  flight,  the  others  escaped.  Ortega,  leaving 
twenty  men  in  his  boats,  entered  the  country  with  the  rest 
of  his  force ;  and,  pursuing  such  traces  as  were  to  be  found, 
came  upon  a  hut  or  barrack,  from  whence  the  English,  upon 
the  alarm  given  them  by  their  comrades,  had  fled,  but  where 
they  had  left  their  booty,  and  whatever  else  might  have  en- 
cumbered them.  He  removed  the  treasure  to  his  barques, 
and  thought  it  more  prudent  to  wait  awhile  for  the  chance 
of  events,  than  to  enter  upon  a  painful  and  uncertain  pursuit. 
In  this  he  judged  wisely.  There  had  been  a  dispute 
between  Oxenham  and  his  men  when  they  had  got  their 
plunder  ashore  :  he  had  required  them  to  carry  it  to  their 
ship,  promising  them  their  shares ;  the  sailors,  however,  de- 
manded a  present  division  of  the  spoil :  he  was  angry  that 
his  word  should  be  doubted,  and  they  were  incensed  that  he 
made  any  difficulty  in  satisfying  their  claim.  His  life  was 
threatened  :  the  matter,  however,  seems  to  have  been  com- 
promised, and  Oxenham  went  in  search  of  negroes  to  act  as 
carriers.  These  he  procured  among  the  Maroons ;  and  re- 
turning with  them,  met  his  men  who  had  escaped  from  the 
pinnace,  and  those  who  were  fleeing  from  the  barrack.  The 
loss  of  their  booty  at  once  completed  their  reconcilement  :  he 
promised  larger  shares  if  they  should  succeed  in  recapturing 
it ;  and  marched  resolutely  in  quest  of  the  Spaniards,  relying 
upon  the  Maroons  as  well  as  upon  his  own  people.  But 
Ortega  was  prepared  for  such  an  attempt :  the  Spanish 
were  experienced  in  bush-fighting,  and  made  such  advantage 


218  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

of  their  experience,  that,  with  the  loss  of  seven  killed  and 
wounded,  they  slew  five  of  the  negroes  and  eleven  English- 
men, and  took  seven  of  Oxenham's  men  prisoners.  Thus 
defeated,  he  made  for  his  ship  with  the  remainder  of  his  men ; 
and  Ortega,  having  buried  his  dead,  returned  with  the 
treasure,  the  pinnace,  and  the  prisoners  to  Panama.  Advice 
had  been  sent  from  thence  to  Nombre  de  Dios :  vessels 
were  despatched  to  search  along  the  coast  for  the  English- 
man's ship  ;  and  when  Oxenham  and  his  people  reached  the 
spot  where  they  had,  as  they  hoped,  concealed  it,  it  was  gone. 
Nothing  remained  to  them  but  to  trust  to  the  friendship  of 
the  Maroons,  till  they  could  build  canoes,  in  which  it  was 
their  intention  to  try  their  fortune  upon  the  Northern  Sea, 
if  they  could  surprise  some  vessel  there.  But  in  this,  which, 
if  time  had  been  given  them  for  attempting  it,  would  have 
been  no  forlorn  hope,  they  were  prevented.  The  Spaniards, 
who  knew  how  insecure  they  must  be  while  fifty  such  ad- 
venturers were  at  large  in  the  country,  sent  150  men  under 
Diego  de  Frias  to  hunt  them  out :  some  who  were  sick  fell 
into  his  hands ;  and  the  others,  whom  he  failed  to  take, 
Oxenham  being  one,  were,  after  a  while,  delivered  up  by  the 
negroes.  They  were  brought  to  Panama ;  and  Oxenham 
was  then  asked  whether  he  had  his  queen's  authority  for 
entering  the  King  of  Spain's  dominions  ?  This  could  not  be 
produced,  nor  was  it  pretended  :  summary  condemnation 
followed,  and  the  prisoners  were  executed  as  pirates,  except 
Oxenham,  the  master,  the  pilot,  and  five  boys,  who  were  sent 
to  Lima,  the  latter  as  fit  subjects  for  mercy  and  conversion 
because  of  their  youth  ;  the  three  former  as  being  the  chiefs 
of  the  crew,  of  whom  it  was  expedient  that  an  example  should 
be  made  in  the  Peruvian  capital.  In  that  city  Oxenham  and 
his  two  companions  suffered  death  *  as  common  enemies  of 

*  Prince  says :  "  There  is  a  family  of  considerable  standing  of  this  name 
(Oxenham)  at  South  Tawton,  near  Okehampton,  of  which  is  this  strange 
and  wonderful  thing  recorded  ;  that  at  the  deaths  of  any  of  them  a  bird 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  219 

mankind ;  "  thus  miscarrying,"  says  Camden,  "  in  this  great 
and  memorable  adventure  ".* 

Another  freebooter  followed  Drake's  course  the  ensuing 
year.  This  was  Master  Andrew  Barker,  of  Bristol,  who, 

with  a  white  breast  is  seen  for  a  while  fluttering  about  their  beds,  and 
then  suddenly  to  vanish  away  ". 

Howell  has  this  account  in  one  of  his  letters,  written  from  London 
in  1632 :  "  As  I  past  by  St.  Dunstan's,  in  Fleet  Street,  the  last  Saturday, 
I  stepped  into  a  lapidary  or  stonecutter's  shop,  to  treat  with  the  master 
for  a  stone  to  be  put  upon  my  father's  tomb,  and,  casting  my  eyes  up 
and  down,  I  spied  a  huge  marble,  with  a  large  inscription  upon  it,  which 
was  this,  to  my  best  remembrance : — 

"  '  Here  lies  John  Oxenham,  a  goodly  young  man,  in  whose  chamber, 
as  he  was  struggling  with  the  pangs  of  death,  a  bird,  with  a  white  breast, 
was  seen  fluttering  about  his  bed,  and  so  vanished. 

'"  Here  lies  also  Mary  Oxenham,  the  sister  of  the  said  John,  who 
died  the  next  day,  and  the  same  apparition  was  seen  in  the  room.' 

"  Then  another  sister  is  spoken  of.     Then, — 

"  '  Here  lies  hard  by  James  Oxenham,  the  son  of  the  said  John,  who 
died  a  child  in  his  cradle  a  little  after  ;  and  such  a  bird  was  seen  flutter- 
ing about  his  head  a  little  before  he  expired,  which  vanished  afterwards.' 

"  At  the  bottom  of  the  stone  there  is, — 

" '  Here  lies  Elizabeth  Oxenham,  the  mother  of  the  said  John,  who 
died  sixteen  years  since,  when  such  a  bird  with  a  white  breast  was  seen 
about  her  bed  before  her  death.' 

"  To  all  these  there  be  divers  witnesses,  both  squires  and  ladies,  whose 
names  are  engraven  upon  the  stone.  This  stone  is  to  be  sent  to  a 
town  hard  by  Exeter,  where  this  happened.  Were  you  here  I  could  raise 
a  choice  discourse  with  you  hereupon  "  (Epistola  Ho-Eliance,  book  i., 
sec.  6,  ep.  ix.). 

*  Hakluyt,  iii.,  526,  527 ;  Camden,  251,  252.  The  account  of  this 
adventure  we  owe  to  Lopez  Vaz,  a  native  of  Elvas,  who  was  taken  in 
the  Plata,  by  one  of  the  Earl  of  Cumberland's  ships,  having  with  him 
the  Discourse  which  he  had  written  concerning  Drake's  attempt  on 
Nombre  de  Dios,  and  the  subsequent  expedition.  The  manuscript  came 
into  Hakluyt's  hand.  "The  Spaniards  of  that  country  (Darien),"  he 
says,  "  marvelled  much  at  this  one  thing,  to  see  that,  since  the  con- 
quering of  this  land,  there  have  been  many  Frenchmen  that  have  come 
to  those  countries,  but  they  never  saw  Englishmen  there,  but  only  these 
two  :  and  although  there  have  many  Frenchmen  been  on  the  coast,  yet 


220  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

having  traded  for  some  years  with  the  Canaries,  left  one 
Charles  there,  the  son  of  Dominic  Chester,  a  Bristol  merchant, 
as  his  agent.  The  said  Chester  devised  means  of  securing 
for  himself  a  certain  portion  of  his  employer's  goods,  and  this 
with  a  good  conscience,  under  favour  of  his  father's  patron- 
saint  and  namesake.  For  when  Captain  Roberts  arrived  with 
a  cargo,  and  with  charge  to  bring  home  returns  for  Barker, 
this  Charles  accused  him  to  the  Inquisition,  and,  on  the  pre- 
text that  he  was  Barker's  partner,  the  whole  property  was 
confiscated  to  the  Holy  Office,  such  portions  only  excepted 
as  the  informer  received  for  his  meritorious  services,  or  had 
previously  secured  for  himself.  By  means  of  some  humane 
friar,  Roberts  was  delivered  from  prison,  at  the  cost  of  all  he 
had  brought  with  him  in  his  ship ;  and  returning  empty,  the 
charges  of  his  voyage  were  added  to  Barker's  loss,  making  it 
amount  to  nearly  2000/.  It  was  in  vain  to  seek  redress,  "  for 
no  suit  prevaileth  against  the  Inquisition  of  Spain ".  So 
Andrew  Barker,  in  recompense  of  his  injury,  and  also  to 
recover  his  loss  from  the  Spaniards  themselves,  fitted  out  two 
barques,  one  called  the  Ragged  Staff,  himself  being  captain, 
and  Philip  Roche  master  thereof;  the  other,  named  the  Bear, 
had  one  William  Coxe  for  her  master  and  captain.  They 
sailed  from  Plymouth,  on  Whitsunday ;  burnt  two  villages  in 
the  Isle  of  Maya,  in  revenge  for  their  trumpeter  there  treach- 
erously killed  by  the  Portugals,  and  having  reached  Trinidad, 
began  their  piracies  and  their  fatal  disputes  among  themselves. 

never  durst  they  put  foot  upon  land  ;  only  these  two  Englishmen  ad- 
ventured it.  All  these  things  coming  to  the  hearing  of  the  King  of 
vSpain,  he  provided  two  galleys,  well  appointed,  to  keep  those  coasts ; 
and  the  first  year  they  took  six  or  seven  French  ships.  And  after  that 
this  was  known,  there  were  no  more  Englishmen  or  Frenchmen  of  war 
that  durst  adventure  to  approach  the  coast,  until  this  present  year  1586, 
that  the  aforesaid  Francis  Drake  arrived  there  with  a  strong  fleet.  But 
it  is  likely  that,  if  the  King  of  Spain  live,  he  will  in  time  provide  sufficient 
remedy  to  keep  his  countries  and  subjects  from  the  invasion  of  other 
nations." 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  221 

In  the  Bay  of  Tula  (about  eighteen  leagues  south-west  of  Cartha- 
gena),  they  took  a  frigate  and  treasure  therein,  to  the  value 
of  500/.  in  bars  of  gold  and  ingots  of  silver,  with  some  quantity 
of  corriente,  or  coin,  in  reals  of  plate,  and  "  certain  green  stones 
called  emeralds,  whereof  one,  very  great,  being  set  in  gold, 
was  found  tied  secretly  about  the  thigh  of  a  friar".  The 
frigate  they  left ;  and  finding  that  some  Spanish  men-of-war 
were  in  pursuit  of  them,  passed  on  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Chagre,  and  there  landed  ten  men  to  seek  the  Maroons,  who, 
it  was  supposed,  were  ready  to  join  with  the  English  and 
French  against  the  Spaniards.  The  men  returned  without 
having  discovered  them,  but  brought  with  them  "  a  disease 
called  there  the  Calentura,  which  is  a  hot  and  vehement  fever"; 
they  infected  others,  and  some  eight  or  nine  died. 

Between  the  Chagre  and  Veragua  they  took  a  frigate,  in 
which  was  some  quantity  of  gold,  and  where  they  found  also 
four  cast  pieces  of  ordnance  which  had  belonged  to  Oxenham's 
ship.  This  capture  was  made  in  good  time,  the  Ragged  Staff", 
because  of  her  great  leakage,  being  no  longer  seaworthy ; 
wherefore  they  set  the  Spaniards  ashore,  removed  her  crew 
into  the  prize  and  then  sunk  the  vessel.  At  Veragua,  the 
ill  blood  between  Barker  and  his  master  Roche,  which  had 
been  hardly  repressed  before,  broke  out  afresh ;  they  fought, 
and  Barker  was  wounded  in  the  cheek.  They  made  from 
thence,  by  the  direction  of  certain  Indians,  for  the  Bay  of 
Honduras,  and  captured  on  the  way  a  barque  with  some 
money  and  provisions  on  board,  and  the  Escrivano  of  Cartha- 
gena,  "who,  being  a  man  of  some  note,  was  put  to  his 
ransom "  ;  the  rest  were  dismissed  freely.  The  first  race  of 
freebooters  were  in  nothing  more  honourably  distinguished 
from  their  successors  than  in  this,  that  they  exercised  no 
cruelty  upon  their  prisoners,  and  committed  no  murder. 
Arriving  at  the  Island  of  St.  Francisco,  in  the  mouth  of  the 
Bay  of  Honduras,  Coxe,  the  master  of  the  Bear,  with  a  party 
of  mutineers,  boarded  Barker's  ship,  took  possession  of  it 


222  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

and  of  all  his  booty,  and  set  him  ashore  upon  the  island, 
where  he  and  one  Germane  Welborne  fought,  and  both  were 
wounded.  Barker  would  then  fain  have  returned  to  the  ship, 
but  this  was  resisted,  and  he  was  told  that  he  should  not 
come  on  board  till  they  were  ready  to  depart.  Whatever 
may  have  been  their  intentions  with  respect  to  him,  his 
troubled  life  was  near  its  close ;  for,  one  morning,  at  day- 
break, a  party  of  Spaniards  arriving  secretly  in  the  island, 
surprised  the  English  and  slew  nine  of  them  ;  of  these  Barker 
was  one ;  about  twenty  escaped  by  getting  on  board.  Coxe 
then,  with  two  parties,  in  a  pinnace  and  a  skiff  which  he  had 
taken  at  the  island,  surprised  the  town  of  Truxillo  in  the  bay, 
and  took  there  "  wine  and  oil  as  much  as  they  would,  and 
divers  other  good  things,  but  no  gold  or  silver,  nor  any  other 
treasure  which  they  would  confess.  But  before  they  could 
return  to  their  ship,  some  men-of-war  chased  her  ;  the  pinnace 
shifted  for  itself  and  got  safe,  leaving  for  haste  those  that 
were  in  the  skiff,  being  eight  persons ;  what  became  of  them 
afterwards  God  knoweth."  Their  misfortunes  did  not  end 
here ;  for  having  now  determined  to  sail  for  England,  and 
being  in  the  main  sea,  homeward  bound,  about  sixty  leagues 
from  the  isle,  the  frigate  their  prize,  "wherein  was  the 
treasure  for  the  adventurers,  and  that  which  pertained  to 
the  captain,  to  the  value  of  2000/.,  being  over-set  with  sail, 
with  a  flaw  of  wind  was  overthrown,  and  all  the  goods  there- 
in perished ".  Fourteen  men  were  drowned  in  her ;  Coxe 
and  eight  others  were  saved.  They  had  built  a  frigate  upon 
the  shore  of  the  Honduras,  in  place  of  the  Bear,  which  seems 
to  have  followed  the  fortunes  of  its  old  companion  the  Ragged 
Staff;  in  this  they  reached  Scilly,  when,  Roche  having  died 
on  the  passage  home,  Coxe  and  Andrew  Brown  divided  the 
remaining  prize  money  among  the  survivors,  "delivering  to 
some  five  pounds,  to  some  six,  to  some  seven,  to  some  more, 
as  every  man  was  thought  to  have  deserved "  :  the  barque 
and  the  guns  (Oxenham's  among  them)  were  left  at  Scilly  to 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  223 

the  use  of  Brown.  "  Divers  of  our  company,"  says  the  person 
from  whom  Hakluyt  collected  his  relation,  "were  committed 
to  prison  upon  our  arrival  at  Plymouth,  at  the  suit  of  Mr. 
John  Barker,  of  Bristol,  as  accessories  to  his  brother,  our 
captain's  death,  and  betrayers  of  him  unto  the  enemy.  And 
after  straight  examination  of  many  of  us,  by  letters  of  direc- 
tion from  his  Majesty's  privy  council,  the  chief  malefactors 
were  only  chastised  with  long  imprisonment,  when,  indeed, 
before  God,  they  had  deserved  to  die :  whereof  some, 
although  they  escaped  the  rigour  of  man's  law,  yet  could 
they  not  avoid  the  heavy  judgment  of  God,  but  shortly  after 
came  to  miserable  end.  Which  may  be  example  to  others  to 
show  themselves  faithful  and  obedient  in  all  honest  causes  to 
their  captains  and  governors."  * 

It  appears  then  that  the  persons  who  went  upon  this 
piratical  voyage  thought  they  were  engaged  in  an  honest 
cause.  Most  men  who  enter  upon  unlawful  courses,  either 
form  a  code  of  convenient  morals  for  themselves,  or  act  upon 
the  accursed  opinion  that  there  is  nothing  to  be  hoped  or 
feared  beyond  the  grave.  But  there  were  circumstances, 
which  made  the  light  in  which  these  precursors  of  the 
buccaneers  regarded  their  proceedings,  appear  plausible  to 
the  nation  as  well  as  to  themselves.  During  great  part  of 
Elizabeth's  long  reign,  Spain  and  England,  though  formally 
at  rpeace,  were  in  a  state  of  manifest  enmity  and  of  private 
warfare  ;  and  that  enmity  was  on  both  sides  more  acrimonious 
than  could  have  been  generated  in  any  ordinary  war.  No 
English  subject,  while  trading  with  those  parts  of  the 
Spanish  dominions  with  which  the  trade  was  authorised  by 
treaty,  was  safe,  unless  he  was  a  Roman  Catholic.  The  In- 
quisition looked  upon  all  heretics  who  came  within  its  reach 
as  amenable  to  its  laws,  no  matter  what  their  country  ;  they 
were  rebellious  subjects  of  the  Universal  Roman  Catholic 

*  Hakluyt,  iii.,  528-530. 


224  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

Church,  and,  as  such,  to  be  seized  and  punished,  wherever 
that  wicked  Church  was  strong  enough  to  enforce  its  pre- 
tensions. If  the  confiscation  of  English  property,  and  the 
imprisonment  and  ill  usage  (even  to  tortures  and  death)  of 
English  subjects,  should  have  the  effect  of  bringing  on 
hostilities  between  the  two  crowns,  whatever  might  be  the 
policy  of  the  Spanish  Government,  this  was  what  the  clergy 
and  the  Inquisition  desired.  The  English  people  resented 
this  before  the  queen  could  venture  to  resent  it  otherwise 
than  by  unavailing  remonstrances  ;  and  the  injured  parties 
took  a  shorter  course,  in  which  some  gallant  spirits,  and  many 
desperate  ones,  were  ready  to  join.  Thus,  in  Barker's  case, 
he  had  just  cause  of  complaint  against  the  Spanish  authorities, 
by  whom  he  had  been  iniquitously  deprived  of  his  goods  ;  and 
if  he  could  have  indemnified  himself  by  the  forcible  seizure 
of  property  belonging  to  the  Inquisition,  or  to  the  Spanish 
Government,  without  injury  to  any  other  parties,  this  would 
have  been  nothing  more  than  what  by  the  law  of  nations 
might  be  justified,  when  national  law  had  been  by  the  other 
party  set  at  nought :  but  this  was  impossible ;  and  what,  if 
so  restricted,  would  have  been  a  just  act  of  reprisal,  was  an 
act  of  piracy  when  committed  against  the  King  of  Spain's 
subjects.  So  the  Spaniards  naturally  and  properly  considered 
it.  They  knew  nothing  of  the  injuries  upon  which  Drake  as 
well  as  Barker  is  said  to  have  founded  his  right  of  making 
war  upon  the  King  of  Spain  ;  nor  would  they  indeed  have 
allowed  them  to  be  injuries ;  nor  that,  if  they  had  been  such, 
any  such  right  could  be  derived  from  them.  While,  therefore, 
the  private  warfare  continued,  they  executed  as  pirates  all 
whom  they  made  prisoners  ;  and  this  was  conformable  to  the 
acknowledged  law  of  nations. 

The  first  adventurers  of  this  stamp  did  not,  however,  con- 
sider themselves  pirates,  for  two  reasons  :  first,  because  they 
professed  to  carry  on  hostilities  only  against  the  Spaniards, 
not,  like  the  Vikingar  and  Vitalians,  against  all  who  traversed 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE  225 

the  seas  ;  secondly,  because  they  had  good  reason  to  believe 
that,  although  not  commissioned  by  their  own  Government, 
they  were  acting  with  its  connivance,  and  under  its  tacit  sanc- 
tion. In  this  way  of  thinking,  therefore,  they  were  fairly  at 
war,  carrying  it  on  at  a  twofold  risk,  seeing  that,  if  taken  by 
the  enemy,  they  had  no  mercy  to  expect ;  but  also  with  a  pro- 
spect of  far  greater  gains  than  could  be  obtained  in  any  other 
service.  The  danger  might  have  been  little  different  in 
ordinary  wars ;  for  whether  war  should  be  what  was  then 
termed  good  or  bad,  depended  in  those  days  upon  the 
temper  of  an  individual  commander,  not  upon  any  fixed  law 
or  general  usage.  But  this  formed  no  part  of  their  considera- 
tion. Among  such  men,  those  who  were  not  thoughtless  of 
danger  were  regardless  of  it.  Some  were  of  as  heroic  a 
spirit  as  the  greatest  of  the  Spanish  conquerors  ;  others  were 
of  no  better  qualities  than  the  worst  of  them ;  and  perhaps 
not  a  few  were  perfectly  aware  that  they  were  pursuing  a 
safer  course  upon  the  seas  at  whatever  hazard,  than  if  they 
had  been  braving  the  laws  at  home. 

There  was  another  circumstance  which  undoubtedly  entered 
into  the  views  of  the  better  adventurers,  and  was  not  without 
some  influence  upon  all.  A  strong  feeling  of  indignation 
had  been  excited  against  the  Spaniards  for  their  cruelties  in 
the  New  World,  by  a  relation  ascribed,  on  no  good  grounds, 
to  Bartolome  de  Las  Casas,  and  published  in  many  languages, 
with  engravings,  in  which  the  acts  of  the  most  atrocious 
barbarity  were  represented.  In  one  respect  it  was,  perhaps, 
well  that  this  impression  should  have  been  produced,  lest 
posterity,  in  astonishment  and  admiration  at  the  intrepidity, 
and  perseverance,  and  unparalleled  achievements  of  the  con- 
querors, should  have  overlooked  their  crimes.  Contemplating 
the  history  of  their  conquests  with  that  religious  temper 
wherewith  all  history  ought  to  be  contemplated,  nothing 
more  mournful  is  to  be  found  in  the  annals  of  the  human  race. 
We  can  perceive  only  that  abominations,  like  those  of  the 

15 


226  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

Canaanites,  prevailed  among  all  the  more  civilised  nations  of 
the  New  World ;  and  that  the  Spaniards,  who  were  the 
appointed  instruments  of  Divine  judgment,  substituted  other 
evils  in  the  place  of  those  which  they  extirpated  ;  sacrificed 
more  victims  to  avarice  than  the  Mexicans  to  their  idols ; 
and  are  now  suffering  from  the  consequence  of  their  long- 
continued  and  unrepented  offences.  Further  than  this, 
the  course  of  Providence  is  not  evolved.  The  first  chastise- 
ment which  the  Spaniards  received  was  from  those  ad- 
venturers who  now  assailed  them  in  their  conquests,  and  led 
the  way  for  the  buccaneers,  the  Vikingar  of  the  New  World. 
Even  these  wretches  thought  it  some  justification  of  them- 
selves that  they  were  taking  vengeance  for  the  Indians  ;  and 
that  feeling,  in  a  certain  degree,  was  entertained  also  by 
Drake  and  his  contemporaries. 

Moreover,  the  Spaniards  founded  their  right  of  conquest 
on  Pope  Alexander's  grant,  the  validity  of  which  grant  was, 
of  course,  denied  by  a  people  who  had  thrown  off  the  papal 
yoke.  England  acknowledged  in  the  Spaniards  no  right  but 
that  of  the  strongest  to  those  parts  of  America  which  they 
actually  possessed,  and  none  to  those  extensive  regions  in 
which  they  had  formed  no  settlement.  Least  of  all  could 
the  English,  in  an  age  when  the  spirit  of  maritime  enterprise 
had  been  excited,  submit  to  an  assumption  of  dominion,  which 
pretended  to  exclude  them  from  the  Caribbean  Sea,  and  from 
the  Great  Pacific,  on  which  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  the  first 
European  who  ever  beheld  it,  had  not  looked  with  a  more 
ambitious  eye  than  the  first  Englishman  by  whom  it  was 
seen,  Francis  Drake. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  plan  of  Drake's  voyage 
was  communicated  to  the  queen,  and  by  her  approved.  Sir 
Christopher  Hattoii  introduced  him  to  Elizabeth,  and  it  is 
said  that  she  gave  him  a  sword,  with  this  remarkable  speech  : 
"We  do  account  that  he  which  striketh  at  thee,  Drake, 
striketh  at  us  !  "  It  is  said,  also,  which  is  less  credible,  that 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  227 

he  had  a  commission  from  his  sovereign.  This  would  have 
been  inconsistent  with  her  cautious  policy ;  it  was  enough 
for  her  at  this  time  to  assure  him  of  her  secret  sanction. 
The  expedition  was  fitted  out  at  his  own  cost,*  "with  the 
help  of  divers  friends,  adventurers  ;  it  consisted  of  his  own 
ship  the  Pelican,  100  tons;  the  Elizabeth,  of  80,  captain,  John 
Winter  ;  the  Mart/gold,  a  barque  of  30  tons,  captain,  John 
Thomas  ;  the  Loan,  a  fly-boat,  of  50,  captain,  John  Chester ; 
and  the  Christopher,  a  pinnace,  of  15,  captain,  Thomas  Moon  ". 
These  ships  he  manned  with  an  able  and  sufficient  crew,  "to 
the  number  of  164,  men,  gentlemen,  and  sailors,  and  fur- 
nished with  such  plentiful  provision  of  all  things  necessary, 
as  so  long  and  dangerous  a  voyage  seemed  to  require "  ; 
taking  out  with  him  the  frames  of  four  pinnaces  in  pieces, 
to  be  put  together  when  occasion  required.  "The  smallness 
of  this  force,"  it  is  remarked  by  Admiral  Burney,f  "  for  an 
enterprise  of  such  magnitude,  is  not  so  extraordinary  as  that  a 
navigation,  which  on  account  of  its  difficulties  and  dangers 
had  been  many  years  discontinued,  should  be  undertaken  in 
vessels  so  diminutive."  "  Neither  did  he  omit,  it  is  said,  to 
make  provision  for  ornament  and  delight ;  carrying  to  this 
purpose  with  him  expert  musicians,  rich  furniture  (all  the 
vessels  for  his  table,  yea,  many  belonging  to  the  cook-room, 
being  of  pure  silver),  with  divers  shows  of  all  sorts  of  curious 
workmanship,  whereby  the  civility  and  magnificence  of  his 
native  country  might,  among  all  nations  whither  he  should 
come,  be  the  more  admired."  J  In  this  he  followed  the 
example  of  the  Portuguese,  in  their  first  voyage  to  the  East. 

*  Herrera  says,  at  the  cost  of  the  queen  also,  and  of  Sir  John  Hawkins, 
and  others.  He  states  the  number  of  men  at  200  fighting  men,  besides 
ten  young  men  of  family  (cavalleros  mozos),  who  went  out  to  learn  the 
art  of  navigation,  and  he  says  that  each  vessel  carried  eighteen  brass 
pieces,  as  if  the  ships  had  been  all  of  equal  tonnage.  That  of  the  admiral's 
ship,  which  is  the  only  one  he  specifies,  he  states  at  120  (t.  ii.,  p.  384). 

t  i->  3°5-  +  Prince. 


228  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

Great  care  was  taken  to  conceal  his  destination  ;  few  of 
the  persons  who  were  embarked  were  acquainted  with  his 
designs ;  and  the  better  to  conceal  them,  it  was  given  out 
that  they  were  bound  for  Alexandria.  On  the  15th  of 
November,  1577,  they  sailed  from  Plymouth  ;  but  the  next 
morning  the  wind  falling  contrary,  they  put  into  Falmouth, 
and  there  so  terrible  a  tempest  took  them,  and  so  vehement, 
that  all  their  ships  were  like  to  have  gone  to  wreck.  The 
admiral  was  obliged  to  cut  away  his  mainmast,  and  the  Munj- 
gold  was  driven  ashore.  They  put  back  to  Plymouth  to 
repair,  and  set  forth  a  second  time,  with  better  fortune,  on 
the  1 3th  of  December.  When  they  were  out  of  sight  of  land 
Drake  first  gave  his  people  some  ground  for  conjecturing 
what  course  he  intended,  by  appointing  the  Island  of  Moga- 
dore,  on  the  coast  of  Barbary,  for  the  place  of  rendezvous,  in 
case  any  of  the  fleet  should  part  company.  Between  that 
island  and  the  main,  from  which  it  is  one  mile  distant,  they 
found  a  very  good  and  safe  harbour,  with  good  entrance,  and 
void  of  any  danger.  Here  he  put  together  one  of  his  pin- 
naces. The  island  was  not  inhabited.  An  intercourse  was 
opened  with  the  Moors  of  the  main,  by  means  of  one  of  the 
crew,  who  had  formerly  been  a  captive  among  them.  Hos- 
tages were  exchanged  the  first  day,  and  traffic  promised  by 
the  Moors  for  the  next ;  but  when  they  came  with  camels 
to  the  sea-side,  as  if  bringing  their  wares,  one  of  the  men 
too  hastily  leaped  on  shore,  meaning  to  become  a  hostage 
as  on  the  yesterday  ;  he  was  seized,  a  dagger  was  held  to  his 
throat  to  deter  him  from  making  any  resistance  :  *  the  boat's 
crew,  seeing  a  number  of  armed  men  start  up  from  behind 
the  rocks,  found  it  prudent  to  return,  and  the  prisoner  A\  as 
laid  on  a  horse  and  carried  away.  The  first  narrator  remarks 
upon  this,  that  "  a  man  cannot  be  too  circumspect  and  wary  of 
himself  among  such  miscreants".  Drake  landed,  and  marched 

*  Hakluyt,  Hi.,  730. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  229 

a  little  way  into  the  country,  hoping  to  redeem  the  man,  or 
obtain  some  satisfaction  ;  but  the  Moors  neither  offered  to 
resist  nor  approached  to  treat ;  he  could  obtain  no  inter- 
course with  them,  and  sailed  from  Mogadore  on  the  third 
day  after  his  arrival  there.  The  intention  of  the  Moors  was, 
however,  less  inimical  than  it  appeared.  Their  king,  Muley 
Moloc,  was  then  expecting  that  memorable  invasion  from 
Portugal  which  in  the  ensuing  year  took  place,  under  the 
unfortunate  Sebastian  ;  he  wanted  to  know  what  ships  these 
were,  and  if  anything  could  be  learnt  concerning  the  Portu- 
guese. The  prisoner  was  taken  to  his  presence,  and  when 
all  that  he  could  communicate  had  been  collected  from  him, 
Muley  gave  orders  for  conducting  him  back  to  the  ship,  with 
offers  of  friendship  and  assistance  to  the  general.  But  the 
fleet  had  departed  ;  this,  however,  was  no  misfortune  to  the 
man,  who  was  not  long  afterwards  sent  home  in  an  English 
merchantman.  * 

At  Cape  Blanco  they  remained  four  days :  there  Drake 
mustered  his  men  on  shore,  and  trained  them  in  warlike 
manner,  to  make  them  fit  for  all  occasions ;  and  leaving 
there  the  Christopher,  he  took  in  its  stead  one  of  the  Spanish 
barques  called  canters,  being  of  the  burden  of  forty  tons  or 
thereabouts,  releasing  some  other  prizes  which  he  had  made, 
after  taking  out  of  them  such  necessaries  as  he  wanted  and  they 
could  yield.  Leaving  this  place  on  the  22nd,  they  anchored 
off  the  Isle  of  Maya  on  the  28th,  when  a  party  was  sent  to 
"  view  the  island,  and  the  likelihood  that  might  be  there  of 
provision  ".  The  inhabitants  had  been  forbidden  to  trade 
with  any  such  visitors,  and  when  they  saw  them,  they  salted 
the  wells  near  the  landing  place,  and  forsook  their  houses. 
It  was  easy  for  them  thus  to  spoil  the  water,  salt  being  pro- 
duced there  without  labour,  "  save  only  that  the  people 
gather  it  into  heaps,  which  continually  in  great  quantity  is 

*  Burney,  308. 


230  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

increased  upon  the  sands  by  the  flowing  of  the  sea,  and  the 
heat  of  the  sun  burning  the  same,  so  that  of  the  increase 
thereof  they  keep  a  continual  traffic  with  their  neighbours  ". 
Marching  into  the  island,  they  found  grapes  and  cocoa-nuts, 
and  saw  goats,  which  were  so  chased  by  the  inhabitants  that 
they  could  kill  none  of  them  ;  but  the  people,  as  if  to  stop 
the  mouths  of  their  uninvited  visitors,  had  laid  out  some  old 
dried  goats'  flesh,  which  being  but  ill,  and  small,  and  few, 
the  English  made  no  account  of.  Next  they  sailed  by  the 
Island  of  Santiago,  from  whence  three  pieces  were  fired  at 
them,  but  at  such  distance  that  they  could  do  no  harm.  The 
mountains  and  high  places  there,  they  were  told,  were  pos- 
sessed by  Moors,  who  had  escaped  from  their  Portuguese 
masters,  and  maintained  themselves  in  great  strength.  Off 
this  island  they  espied  two  ships  under  sail,  gave  chase  to  one, 
and  boarded  her  from  a  boat  without  resistance  ;  she  proved 
to  be  a  Portuguese,  bound  for  Brazil,  with  many  passengers, 
and  among  other  commodities  good  store  of  wine.  Drake 
transferred  the  prisoners  to  the  pinnace  which  he  had  set  up 
at  Mogadore,  giving  them  their  clothes,  provision,  and  one 
butt  of  their  own  wine,  and  letting  them  go,  all  except  the 
pilot  Nuno  da  Sylva,  whom  he  detained,  because  it  was  dis- 
covered that  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  coast  of  Brazil. 
The  prize  he  committed  to  Master  Thomas  Doughtie's  custody, 
with  twenty-eight  men  ;  but  complaint  being  soon  after  made 
against  him  that  he  had  received  things  from  some  of  the 
Portuguese  prisoners,  and  kept  them  for  his  own  use,  he  was 
removed  in  consequence,  and  Thomas,  the  general's  brother, 
was  made  captain  of  the  prize  instead.  The  wine  and  pro- 
vision with  which  this  ship  was  laden,  was  the  most  valuable 
part  of  their  stores.  * 

From  the  Cape  de  Verds  they  were  nine  weeks  without 
the  sight  of  land,  "  often  meeting  with  unwelcome  storms  and 

*  Hakluyt,  731,  732.    Burney,  309,  310. 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  231 

less  welcome  calms,  being  in  the  bosom  of  the  burning  zone, 
not  without  the  affrights  of  flashing  lightnings  and  terrifying 
claps  of  thunder ;  yet,  still  with  the  admixture  of  many  com- 
forts, for,  being  but  badly  furnished  with  fresh  water,  their 
necessities  were,  for  seventeen  days  together,  constantly 
supplied  with  rain ;  nor  was  their  fleet  in  all  that  time  dispersed, 
nor  did  any  ship  lose  company  except  the  Portuguese  prize,  for 
one  day,  which  then  came  in  again,  to  their  great  comfort, — for 
the  loss  of  it,  it  is  said,  would  have  defeated  the  voyage."  *  When 
they  were  near  the  equator,  Drake,  being  very  careful  of  his 
men's  health,  let  every  one  of  them  blood  with  his  own  hands,  f 
On  5th  February,  he  made  the  coast  of  Brazil,  in  latitude  31| 
S.  ;  "and  being  discovered  at  sea  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  they  made  upon  the  coast  great  fires  for  a  sacrifice 
to  the  devils,  about  which  they  use  conjurations  (making 
heaps  of  sand  and  other  ceremonies),  that  when  any  ship 
shall  go  about  to  stay  upon  their  coast,  not  only  sands  may 
be  gathered  together  in  shoals  in  every  place,  but  also  that 
storms  and  tempests  may  arise,  to  the  casting  away  of  ships 
and  men".£  Thus  the  sailors  were  told,  probably  by  the 
Portuguese  pilot,  and  they  were  also  assured  that  the  efficacy 
of  these  conjurations  had  often  been  proved.  On  the  7th 
they  lost  the  canter,  which  had  been  named  the  Christopher, 
after  the  pinnace  for  which  she  had  been  exchanged :  by 
Drake's  great  care  in  dispersing  his  ships  they  fell  in  with 
her  again ;  and  his  pleasure  at  recovering  her  was  such  that 
he  named  the  place  where  they  met  the  Cape  of  Joy :  "  the 
name,  however,  was  as  little  permanent  as  the  feeling  with 
which  it  was  imposed.  The  country  appeared  to  them  very 
fair  and  pleasant,  with  an  exceeding  fruitful  soil,  and  they 
saw  great  store  of  large  and  mighty  deer,"  but  not  being  able 
to  chase  the  deer,  they  contented  themselves  with  slaughter- 
ing seals  at  an  anchorage  eighteen  leagues  within  the  Plata, 
thinking  them  "good  and  acceptable  meat  both  as  food  for 

*  Prince.  f  Camden,  250.  J  Hakluyt,  732. 


232  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

the  present,  and  as  a  supply  of  provisions  for  the  future  ". 
They  sailed  farther  up,  till  they  found  but  three  fathoms 
depth,  and  filled  their  casks  with  fresh  water  by  the  ship's 
side.  On  the  27th  they  left  the  Plata,  pursuing  their  course 
towards  the  south.  The  ship  in  which  Doughtie  was  parted 
company  that  night,  and  the  Christopher  two  days  afterwards. 
In  latitude  47  S.  they  saw  a  bay  within  a  headland,  which 
seemed  as  if  there  should  be  a  commodious  port  there.  Drake 
did  not  think  it  prudent  to  stand  in  with  the  ship,  till  he  had 
examined  it :  he  anchored,  therefore,  three  leagues  from  the 
coast,  and  went  to  explore  it  himself  the  next  morning  in  a 
boat.  As  he  approached,  a  native  made  his  appearance, 
shouting  and  dancing  to  the  noise  of  a  rattle  which  he  shook 
in  his  hand ;  no  doubt  this  was  the  maraca,  which  the  savages 
of  South  America  used  in  most  of  their  ceremonies  from  the 
Orinoco  southwards,  and  far  in  the  interior.  It  was  supposed 
that  he  invited  them  to  land,  but  a  fog  came  on,  the  weather 
became  bad,  and  Drake  thought  it  necessary  to  retuni  to  his 
ships,  being  three  leagues  from  them  :  the  fog  thickened  ; 
the  ships  could  no  longer  be  seen,  and  Captain  Thomas  in  the 
Marygold,  being  anxious  for  the  general's  safety,  ventured  to 
stand  into  the  bay,  fortunate  in  both  his  hopes,  for  Drake  got 
on  board,  and  he  came  to  anchor  in  a  secure  situation.  The 
other  ships  were  obliged  to  stand  out  to  sea.  On  the  morrow 
the  weather  became  fine,  and  Drake  kindled  fires  on  the  shore 
as  signals  for  the  dispersed  ships,  none  of  which  were  in 
sight ;  but  they  were  soon  assembled,  except  the  Swan  and 
the  Portuguese  prize,  which  had  been  named  the  Mary.  The 
natives  kept  at  distance,  answering  by  gestures  and  unin- 
telligible speech  the  signal  which  was  made  to  them  by 
showing  a  white  cloth.  Places  were  discovered  near  the 
rocks,  constructed  for  the  purpose  of  drying  the  nandu  or 
American  ostrich,  and  other  birds  for  food.  More  than  fifty 
nandus,  either  dried  or  in  a  state  of  preparation,  were  found 
there ;  their  thighs  were  as  large  as  "  reasonable  legs  of 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE  233 

mutton  ".*  The  English  thought  they  were  intended  for  a 
present ;  they  took  accordingly  what  they  found,  but  it  seems 
they  left  what  was  accepted  as  a  full  compensation,  for  a 
friendly  intercourse  was  afterwards  established. 

According  to  their  account  the  nandu  was  decoyed  by 
stalking,  a  practice  known  in  civilised  as  well  as  in  savage 
countries.  The  natives  shaped  such  a  resemblance  as  they 
could  of  the  bird's  head  and  neck  at  one  end  of  a  staff,  and 
fastened  plumes  of  its  feathers  at  the  other ;  holding  this 
before  them,  they  approached  their  intended  prey,  and  either 
decoyed  or  drove  them  into  some  neck  of  land,  across  which 
they  stretched  a  strong  net,  and  then  set  dogs  upon  them. 
That  practice,  however,  is  no  longer  known  ;  and  it  is  said 
that  it  is  now  impossible  to  take  this  bird  by  any  snare,  t 
Leaving  this  place,  which  was  not  convenient  for  the  fleet, 
they  found  a  good  port  in  47^  S.,  and  having  given  his  orders 
there,  Drake  sent  out  Winter  in  the  Elisabeth,  to  search  for 
the  two  missing  ships  to  the  southward,  and  went  northward 
in  the  admiral  himself  on  the  same  quest.  He  met  with  the 
Siraii  the  same  day,  brought  her  into  harbour  and  broke  her 
up  for  firewood,  having  taken  everything  out  of  her  that 
could  be  of  use  :  this  was  done  to  lessen  the  number  of  ships 
and  the  chance  of  separation,  and  that  their  force  might  be 
more  compact.  Here  they  "  made  new  provision  of  seals, 
whereof  they  slew  to  the  number  of  from  200  to  300  in  the 
space  of  an  hour.  Some  days  passed  before  any  natives  were 
seen  ;  they,  however,  made  the  first  advances  by  signs  from 
the  shore,  as  if  inviting  some  English  who  were  on  a  small 
island  opposite.  Drake  sent  a  boat  and  such  presents  in  it 
as  Avere  taken  out  for  such  occasions  ;  these,  as  the  Indians 
manifested  some  want  of  confidence,  were  tied  to  a  pole,  and 
the  pole  was  stuck  in  the  ground  a  little  way  from  the  land- 
ing place,  and  left  for  them.  They  in  return  put  some  of 

*  Burney,  312.  f  Azara,  iv.,  172, 


234  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

their  coronals  and  carved  bones  on  the  same  place.  Some 
kind  of  traffic  followed  upon  this  opening,  but  on  their  part 
it  was  still  cautious ;  they  would  receive  nothing  by  hand ;  it 
must  be  placed  on  the  ground  for  them,  and  the  words  by 
which  they  expressed  themselves  willing  or  unwilling  to  ac- 
cept the  things  proffered  in  exchange,  were  presently  under- 
stood. Hakluyt's  author  describes  them  as  naked,  saving 
only  about  their  waist  the  skin  of  some  beast  with  the  fur 
or  hair  on,  and  something  also  wreathed  on  their  heads. 
Their  faces  were  painted  with  divers  colours ;  some  of  them 
had  on  their  heads  the  similitude  of  horns,  every  man  his 
bow,  which  was  an  ell  in  length,  and  a  couple  of  arrows. 
They  were  very  agile  people,  and  quick  to  deliver,  and  seemed 
not  to  be  ignorant  in  the  feats  of  war,  as  by  their  order  of 
ranging  a  few  men  might  appear."  Some  had  one  leg,  one 
shoulder,  or  the  whole  side,  painted  white,  and  the  other  black, 
with  white  moons  on  the  black  part,  and  on  the  white  black 
suns.  It  is  worthy  of  notice,  that  this  parti-coloured  fashion, 
as  well  as  that  of  ornamenting  the  head  with  the  similitude 
of  horns,  is  at  this  time  in  use  among  the  tribes  on  the  far 
distant  coast  of  California. 

The  men  who  frequented  the  port  were  not  above  fifty  in 
number ;  no  canoes  were  seen  among  them.  "  They  fed  on 
seals  and  other  flesh,  which  they  ate  nearly  raw,  casting 
pieces  of  four  or  six  pounds  weight  into  the  fire,  till  it  was 
a  little  scorched,  and  then  tearing  it  in  pieces  writh  their 
teeth  like  lions,  both  men  and  women."  They  were  a  merry 
race  ;  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  delighted  them,  and  they 
danced  with  the  sailors.  The  chaplain  of  the  fleet,  Mr. 
Francis  Fletcher,  describes  them  as  of  large  stature ;  and 
that  the  Austral  tribes  are  so,  may  be  affirmed  on  the  most 
satisfactory  testimony,  but  the  fact  has  been  much  exagger- 
ated. "  One  of  the  giants,"  says  Fletcher,  "  standing  with 
our  men  when  they  were  taking  their  morning  draught, 
showed  himself  so  familiar  that  he  also  would  do  as  they 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  235 

did  ;  and  taking  a  glass  in  his  hand  (being  strong  canary 
wine),  it  came  no  sooner  to  his  lips,  than  it  took  him  by  the 
nose,  and  so  suddenly  entered  his  head,  that  he  was  so  drunk, 
or  at  least  so  overcome,  that  he  fell  on  his  bottom  not  able  to 
stand ;  yet  he  held  the  glass  fast  in  his  hand,  without  spilling 
any  of  the  wine ;  and  when  he  came  to  himself,  he  tried  again, 
and  tasting,  by  degrees  got  to  the  bottom.  From  which  time 
he  took  such  a  liking  to  the  wine,  that  having  learnt  the 
name,  he  would  every  morning  come  down  from  the  moun- 
tains with  a  mighty  cry  of  wine  !  wine  !  wine  !  continuing 
the  same  until  he  arrived  at  the  tent."  * 

In  this  place,  which  he  named  Seal  Bay,  Drake  remained 
something  more  than  a  fortnight.  When  he  sailed  from 
thence  the  Portuguese  prize  was  still  missing ;  and  it  was 
not  long  before  the  canter  again  parted  company,  and  was 
absent  three  or  four  days.  They  unloaded  her,  therefore, 
when  next  they  came  to  anchor,  and  abandoned  her,  letting 
her  drift  to  sea.  On  the  1 9th,  they  had  the  good  fortune  once 
more  to  meet  the  Portuguese  ;  and  on  the  next  day  the 
whole  fleet  anchored  in  the  "good  harborough  called  by 
Magellan  Port  Julian ".  That  some  navigator  had  been 
there  before  them  was,  indeed,  certain ;  for  they  found  a 
gibbet  standing  there,  t  and  from  that  rueful  monument  sup- 
posed it  to  be  the  spot  where  Magellan  did  execution  upon 
some  of  his  disobedient  and  rebellious  company  ;  some  of 
their  bones  also  were  remaining.  As  soon  as  the  ships  were 
secured,  Drake  went  to  search  for  a  watering  place,  and  to 
see  what  provisions  this  ill-omened  harbour  could  furnish. 
His  brother,  Captain  Thomas,  Robert  Winter,  Oliver  the 
master-gunner,  and  two  others,  went  in  the  boat  with  him. 
Two  of  the  natives  came  to  them  on  their  landing,  received 
the  presents  which  were  offered,  and  appeared  as  well  pleased 
as  they  were  familiar.  They  were  armed  with  bows  and 

*  Burney,  315,  from  Fletcher's  MSS.  f  Hakluyt,  733,  751. 


236  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

arrows  ;  and  the  gunner,  to  show  them  how  well  the  English 
understood  the  use  of  that  weapon,  discharged  an  arrow  from 
his  own  bow.  The  natives  tried  all  theirs,  but  could  not 
shoot  so  far ;  and  they  seemed  pleased  at  seeing  his  skill. 
Presently  another  Indian  came,  "  but  of  a  sourer  sort "  ;  and 
manifestly  disliking  the  confidence  with  which  his  country- 
men treated  the  strangers,  angrily  made  signs  to  the  English 
to  depart.  No  doubt  it  was  well  remembered  how  treacher- 
ously Magellan  had  kidnapped  two  of  the  natives  here,  and 
the  blood  that  was  now  shed  was  probably  in  revenge  for 
that  wickedness.  Robert  Winter,  whether  in  mere  sport,  or 
that  he  wished  to  let  this  sterner  savage  behold  a  specimen 
of  English  archery,  prepared  to  shoot  as  the  gunner  had 
done  ;  but  in  drawing  it  to  its  full  length,  the  string  broke. 
While  he  was  busied  in  refitting  it,  the  savages  shot  at  him 
so  suddenly,  that  before  any  mischief  was  apprehended,  one 
arrow  was  fixed  in  his  shoulder,  and  another  pierced  his  lungs. 
Upon  this  the  gunner  took  aim  at  them  with  his  caliver  ;  it 
missed  fire,  and  he  was  immediately  shot  "  through  the  breast 
and  out  at  back,  so  that  he  fell  down  stark  dead  ".  The 
Indians  were  now  increasing  in  number ;  and  it  appeared 
that  they  had  commenced  this  attack,  not  in  a  confidence 
upon  their  own  dexterity  alone,  but  with  the  assurance  of 
being  supported. 

Drake  upon  this  ordered  his  companions  to  cover  them- 
selves with  their  targets,  and  approach  the  enemy,  but  not 
in  a  regular  line  ;  and  he  directed  them  to  break  the  arrows 
that  were  shot  at  them,  observing  that  the  savages  had  but 
a  small  store.  At  the  same  time  he  took  the  piece  which 
had  so  unhappily  missed  fire,  aimed  at  the  Indian  who  had 
killed  the  gunner,  and  who  was  the  man  that  had  begun  the 
fray,  and  shot  him  in  the  belly.  An  arrow  wound,  hoAvever 
severe,  the  savage  would  have  borne  without  betraying  any 
indication  of  pain  ;  but  his  cries,  upon  being  thus  wounded, 
were  so  loud  and  hideous,  that  his  companions  were  terrified 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  237 

and  fled,  though  many  were  then  hastening  to  their  assistance. 
Drake  did  not  pursue  them,  but  hastened  to  convey  Winter 
to  the  ship  for  speedy  help  ;  no  help,  however,  availed,  and 
he  died  on  the  second  day.  The  gunner's  body,  which  had 
been  left  on  shore,  was  sent  for  the  next  day ;  the  savages, 
meantime,  had  stript  it,  as  if  for  the  sake  of  curiously  inspect- 
ing it  :  the  clothes  they  had  laid  under  the  head,  and  stuck 
an  English  arrow  in  the  right  eye  for  mockery.  Both  bodies 
were  buried  in  a  little  island  in  the  harbour.*  No  further 
attempt  was  made  to  molest  the  English,  though  they  re- 
mained nearly  two  months  in  the  harbour,  and  no  after 
intercourse  took  place.  The  lesson  which  the  natives  had 
received  was  sufficient ;  perhaps  it  was  the  more  effectual, 
because  the  individual  upon  whom  the  punishment  fell  was 
the  one  at  whose  instigation  the  fray  had  been  begun.f 

A  more  tragical  event  followed.  Magellan  had  in  this 
same  port  quelled  a  dangerous  mutiny,  with  an  intrepidity 
and  promptitude  that  would  have  been  worthy  of  all  praise, 
if  treachery  and  assassination  had  not  been  among  the  means 
which  he  employed.  Drake  apprehended  a  similar  danger. 
It  is  said,  in  the  earliest  relation  of  his  expedition,  that  he 
began  here  to  inquire  diligently  into  Master  Doughtie's 
actions,  "  and  found  them  not  to  be  such  as  he  looked  for, 
but  tending  rather  to  contention,  or  mutiny,  or  some  other 
disorder,  whereby  the  success  of  the  voyage  might  greatly 
have  been  hazarded  ;  that  the  company  were  called  together, 
and  made  acquainted  with  the  particulars,  which,  partly  by 

*  Cliffe,  751.     Burney,  317,  318. 

f  Admiral  Burney  thought  it  might  be  received  as  a  proof  that  the  dis- 
positions of  the  Patagonians  were  not  in  general  mischievous  and  re- 
vengeful, that  they  attempted  no  farther  injury,  nor  offered  any  kind  of 
interruption  to  the  English  in  their  watering,  wooding,  or  other  avoca- 
tions (p.  318).  My  kind-hearted  old  friend  thought  too  favourably  of 
savage  nature.  These  Indians  would  have  watched  for  every  opportunity 
of  vengeance,  if  they  had  not  been  deterred  by  fear  or  by  superstition. 


238  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

Dough  tie's  confession,  and  partly  by  evidence,  were  found 
to  be  true  ;  which,"  says  the  writer,  "  when  our  general  saw, 
although  his  private  affection  to  Master  Doughtie  (as  he 
then  in  the  presence  of  us  all  sacredly  protested)  was  great, 
yet  the  care  he  had  of  the  state  of  the  voyage,  of  the  ex- 
pectations of  her  majesty,  and  of  the  honour  of  his  country, 
did  more  touch  him  (as  indeed  it  ought)  than  the  private 
respect  of  one  man  ;  so  that  the  cause  being  thoroughly 
heard,  and  all  things  done  in  good  order,  as  near  as  might 
be  to  the  course  of  our  laws  in  England,  it  was  concluded 
that  Master  Doughtie  should  receive  punishment,  according 
to  the  quality  of  the  offence.  And  he,  seeing  no  remedy  but 
patience  for  himself,  desired  before  his  death  to  receive  the 
communion  ;  which  he  did  at  the  hands  of  Master  Fletcher 
our  minister,  and  our  general  himself  accompanied  him  in 
that  holy  action  :  which  being  done,  and  the  place  of  execu- 
tion made  ready,  he  having  embraced  our  general,  and 
taken  his  leave  of  all  the  company,  with  prayer  for  the 
queen's  majesty  and  our  realm,  in  quiet  sort  laid  his  head 
to  the  block,  where  he  ended  his  life."  It  is  further  said 
that  when  the  execution  was  over,  Drake  addressed  the 
whole  company,  exhorting  them  to  unity,  obedience,  and 
regard  of  the  voyage  in  which  they  were  engaged  ;  for 
better  confirmation  whereof  he  willed  every  man  to  prepare 
himself  for  receiving  the  holy  communion  on  the  following 
Sunday,  "as  Christian  brethren  and  friends  ought  to  do. 
This,"  the  relator  says,  "  was  done  in  a  very  reverent  sort  ; 
and  so,  with  good  contentment,  every  man  went  about  his 
business."  * 

A  mystery  has  been  thrown  over  this  transaction,  and   a 
suspicion,  f   in   consequence,  of  the  darkest   kind,   has  been 

*Hakluyt,  733. 

t  Admiral  Burney,  than  whom  no  man  ever  desired  to  judge   more 
equitably  and  more  kindly  of  others,  expresses  no  opinion  on  the  case, 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  239 

brought  upon  the  character  of  Drake,  who,  in  this  matter, 
has  been  more  injured  by  his  friends  than  by  his  enemies. 
It  is  certain  that  Doughtie  was  tried  for  attempting  to  raise 
a  mutiny  ;  that  he  was  "  found  guilty  by  twelve  men  after 
the  English  manner,  and  suffered  accordingly  ".*  The  most 
indifferent  persons  in  the  fleet  were  of  opinion  that  he  had 
acted  seditiously,  and  that  Drake  cut  him  off  because  of  his 
emulous  designs.  The  question  is,  how  far  those  designs  ex- 
tended ?  He  could  not  aspire  to  the  credit  of  the  voyage, 
without  devising  how  to  obtain  for  himself  some  more  con- 
spicuous station  in  it  than  that  of  a  gentleman  volunteer  :  if 
he  regarded  Drake  as  a  rival,  he  must  have  hoped  to  supplant, 
or,  at  least,  to  vie  with  him ;  and  in  no  other  way  could  he 
have  vied  with  him  but  by  making  off  with  one  of  the  ships, 
and  trying  his  own  fortune.  Considering  what  such  adven 
turers  too  often  were,  and  were  likely  to  be,  and  how  frequent 
mutinies  were  among  them, — considering,  too,  that  Doughtie 
had  been  removed  from  the  command  of  the  Portuguese 
prize  upon  a  charge  of  peculation,  and  that  resentment, 

because  he  thought  the  statements  too  imperfect  for  forming  one.  The 
subject,  he  said,  could  not,  perhaps,  be  better  closed  than  by  the  reflec- 
tions which  they  produced  in  the  mind  of  Dr.  Johnson.  That  great  and 
good  man  says :  "  How  far  it  is  probable  that  Drake,  after  having  been 
acquainted  with  this  man's  designs,  should  admit  him  into  his  fleet,  and 
afterwards  caress,  respect,  and  trust  him,  or  that  Doughtie,  who  is  re- 
presented as  a  man  of  eminent  abilities,  should  engage  in  so  long  and 
hazardous  a  voyage,  with  no  other  view  than  that  of  defeating  it,  is  left 
to  the  determination  of  the  reader.  What  designs  he  could  have  formed 
with  any  hope  of  success,  or  to  what  actions  worthy  of  death  he  could 
have  proceeded  without  accomplices  (for  none  are  mentioned),  is  equally 
difficult  to  imagine.  Nor,  on  the  other  hand,  though  the  obscurity  of  the 
account,  and  the  remote  place  chosen  for  the  discovery  of  this  wicked  pro- 
ject, seem  to  give  some  reason  for  suspicion,  does  there  appear  any  tempta- 
tion from  either  hope,  fear,  or  interest,  that  might  induce  Drake,  or  any 
commander  in  his  state,  to  put  to  death  an  innocent  man  upon  false  pre- 
tences "  (p.  322). 
*  Camden,  251. 


240  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

whether  for  the  wrongful  charge,  or  the  rightful  removal, 
might  be  rankling  in  him, — this  is  no  improbable  supposition  ; 
and  if  this  were  proved,  the  sentence  cannot  be  deemed  un- 
just. 

The  enemies  of  Drake,  however,  gave  out  that  he  sailed 
from  England  with  secret  instructions  from  Leicester  to  take 
off  Doughtie  upon  any  pretence  whatever,  because  Doughtie 
had  reported  that  Walter,  Earl  of  Essex,  was  poisoned  by 
Leicester's  means.*  That  Essex  was  not  poisoned  is  as  certain 
as  any  such  fact  can  be  at  such  a  distance  of  time  ;  and  if 
Leicester  had  been  as  bad  a  man  as  he  has  been  represented 
(that  is,  far  worse  than  he  was),  it  was  not  thus  that  he  would 
have  taken  vengeance  for  what  was  a  common  calumny ;  nor 
was  Drake  one  who  would  have  taken  upon  himself  to  execute 
so  nefarious  a  design.  This  charge  may,  with  perfect  con- 
fidence, be  dismissed  ;  nor  would  any  doubt  be  entertained 
upon  the  subject,  if  an  injudicious  advocate  had  not,  in  vin- 
dication of  Drake,  attempted  to  prove  too  much.  In  the 
history  of  the  voyage  published  under  the  name  of  Francis 
Drake,  the  admiral's  nephew,  it  is  affirmed  that  Doughtie 
embarked  in  the  expedition  with  the  determination  of  over- 
throwing it,  raising  a  mutiny,  and  accomplishing  his  ends  by 
the  murder  of  Drake  and  his  most  faithful  friends ;  and  that 
Drake  received  information  of  this  by  letter  before  he  sailed 
from  Plymouth,  but  could  not  and  would  not  credit  "  that  a 
person  whom  he  so  dearly  loved  would  conceive  such  evil 
purposes  against  him ".  When,  however,  his  practices, 
having  been  well  observed,  became  too  certain,  the  general, 
then  assembling  in  Port  Julian  "  all  his  captains  and  gentle- 
men of  his  company,  propounded  to  them  the  good  parts 
which  were  in  the  gentleman,  the  great  good-will  and  inward 
affection,  more  than  brotherly,  which  he  had  ever  since  his 
first  acquaintance  borne  him,  not  omitting  the  respect  which 

*  Camden,  251. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  241 

was  had  of  him  among  no  mean  personages  in  England ;  and 
afterwards  delivered  the  letters  which  were  written  to  him, 
with  the  particulars  from  time  to  time  which  had  been  ob- 
served, not  so  much  by  himself  as  by  his  good  friends  ;  not 
only  at  sea,  but  even  at  Plymouth  ;  not  bare  words,  but 
writings ;  not  writings  alone,  but  actions,  tending  to  the 
overthrow  of  the  service  in  hand,  and  making  away  of  his 
person".  The  proofs,  this  advocate  avers,  were  "so  many 
and  so  evident,  that  the  gentleman  himself,  stricken  with 
remorse  of  his  inconsiderate  and  unkind  dealing,  acknow- 
ledged himself  to  have  deserved  death,  yea,  many  deaths, 
for  that  he  conspired  not  only  the  overthrow  of  the  action, 
but  of  the  principal  actor  also.  The  chiefest  in  place  and 
judgment  in  the  whole  fleet,  with  their  own  hands,"  he  says, 
"  under  seal,  adjudged  that  he  deserved  death,  and  that  it 
stood  by  no  means  with  their  safety  to  let  him  live  ;  and, 
therefore,  they  remitted  the  manner  hereof,  with  the  rest 
of  the  circumstances,  to  the  general."  The  general  then 
gave  the  condemned  party  his  choice,  whether  he  would  be 
executed  in  the  island  ?  or  be  set  ashore  on  the  main  ?  or 
return  to  England,  there  to  answer  his  deed  before  the  lords 
of  her  Majesty's  council  ?  Doughtie  replied,  that  he  would 
not  endanger  his  soul  by  consenting  to  be  left  among  savage 
infidels ;  and  as  for  returning  to  England,  if  any  could  be 
found  to  accompany  him  on  so  disgraceful  an  errand,  yet  the 
shame  of  the  return  would  be  more  grievous  than  death ; 
therefore  he  preferred  ending  his  life  on  the  island,  desiring 
only  that  he  and  the  general  might  once  more  receive  the 
holy  communion  together,  and  that  he  might  not  die  other 
than  the  death  of  a  gentleman.  From  this  choice  he  was  not 
to  be  dissuaded  by  any  reasons  that  could  be  urged.  Accord- 
ingly, on  "  the  next  convenient  day,  a  communion  was  cele- 
brated by  Master  Fletcher  ;  the  general  himself  communicated 
in  the  sacred  ordinance  with  Master  Doughtie  ;  after  which 
they  dined  at  the  same  table  together,  as  cheerfully,  in 

16 


242  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

sobriety,  as  ever  in  their  lives  they  had  clone  ;  and  taking  their 
leave  by  drinking  to  each  other,  as  if  some  short  journey  only 
had  been  in  hand  ".*  A  provost  marshal,  appointed  for  the 
occasion,  had  meantime  made  all  things  ready  ;  and  after 
drinking  this  stirrup-cup,  Doughtie  went  to  the  block. 

This  statement  is  so  certainly  false  in  its  most  important 
part,  that  it  would  be  entitled  to  no  credit  in  any  of  its  minor 
circumstances,  even  if  those  circumstances  were  less  im 
probable  at  first  sight.  Fletcher  the  chaplain's  relation  of 
the  voyage  is  still  preserved  in  manuscript.  It  is  there 
stated,  that  the  same  persons  whose  accusation  had  brought 
upon  Doughtie  his  former  disgrace  (namely,  John  Brewer, 
Edward  Bright,  and  other  of  their  friends)  laid  now  more 
dangerous  matter  to  his  charge,  for  words  spoken  by  him  to 
them  in  the  general's  garden  at  Plymouth,  long  before  their 
departure  ;  "  which,"  says  Fletcher,  "  it  had  been  their  part 
or  duty  to  have  discovered  at  the  time,  and  not  to  have  con- 
cealed them  for  a  time  and  place  not  so  fitting.  How  true 
it  was  wherewith  they  charged  him  upon  their  oath,  I  know 
not ;  but  he  utterly  denied  it,  affirming  that  he  was  innocent 
of  such  things  whereof  he  was  accused."  So  far  was  he 
from  confessing  his  guilt,  that,  according  to  this  person,  who 
of  all  others  must  have  possessed  the  most  clear  knowledge 
on  this  point,  "  he  utterly  denied  the  truth  of  the  charges 
against  him,  upon  his  salvation,  at  the  time  of  his  communi- 
cating the  sacrament,  and  at  the  hour  and  moment  of  his 
death  ".f  Mr.  Fletcher  speaks  of  Doughtie  in  terms  of 
more  than  common  regard,  and  describes  him  as  a  man  of 
extraordinary  endowments.  Neither  in  his  nor  in  any  other 
contemporary  account  is  it  said  that  he  had  the  choice 
allowed  him  of  returning  to  England,  there  to  answer  for 
himself  before  the  lords  in  council.  It  is,  indeed,  most 

*  Burney,  319,  320.     World  Encompassed,  32. 
t  Burney,  321,  322, 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  243 

unlikely  that  Drake  could  have  spared  a  ship  to  convey  him  ; 
and  not  to  be  believed  that  he,  standing  upon  his  innocence, 
would  have  rejected  such  an  alternative  had  it  been  proposed 
to  him.  And  the  cheerful  dinner,  and  the  parting  glass, 
are  such  embellishments  of  the  story,  that  the  person  who 
devised  them  could  have  no  expectation  of  their  obtaining 
belief  from  any  one,  except  by  a  reflex  supposition  in  the 
reader's  mind  that  a  circumstance  so  incredible  never  would 
have  been  invented,  and  its  extreme  incredibility  was,  there- 
fore, an  evidence  of  its  truth. 

The  falsehood  of  this  statement  ought  not,  however,  to 
weigh  against  Drake,  unless  he  were  cognisant  of  it  ;  but 
there  is  no  proof  of  this,  nor  can  it  fairly  be  presumed  from 
the  fact  that  the  narrative  wherein  it  was  brought  forward 
is  said  to  be  the  work  of  Drake's  nephew  and  namesake.  A 
calumny  had  been  raised  against  the  great  navigator,  and 
evidently  not  without  some  injurious  effect :  panegyrical 
biographers  have  passed  over  the  whole  transaction  in 
silence,  thereby  showing  that  they  did  not  like  to  touch 
upon  it :  Drake's  representative  may  have  fallen  into  the 
great  folly  and  greater  fault  of  thinking  it  allowable  to 
counteract  one  falsehood  by  another.  Mr.  Fletcher's  evi- 
dence makes  it  certain  that  Doughtie  made  no  confession 
of  guilt,  but  it  proves  nothing  more.  The  general  opinion 
in  the  fleet  was,  that  a  mutiny  had  been  designed.  The 
Portuguese  pilot,  who  is  likely  to  have  been  an  attentive 
observer,  and  must  have  been  an  impartial  one,  says  that 
Doughtie  was  put  to  death  because  he  would  have  returned  * 
(it  will  presently  appear  that  one  of  the  ships  took  the  first 
opportunity  of  doing  so).  The  Spaniards,  f  willing  as  they 

*  Hakluyt,  791. 

t  "  En  estabaya  se  quiso  amotinar  la  gente  a  persuacion  de  un  cavallero 
llamado  Tomas  Auter,  que  se  quiso  alzar  con  el  armada  ;  y  Francisco 
Draque  fue  tan  diligente  que  le  prendio,  y  luego  le  hizo  cortar  la  cabeza 
y  salvo  el  peligro  "  (Herrera,  Hist.  Gen.,  ii.,  384). 


244  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

were  to  load  Drake  with  every  kind  of  obloquy,  were  so  far 
from  blaming  him  on  this  account,  that  they  extolled  him 
for  his  vigilance  and  decision.  The  sufferer's  solemn  pro- 
testations of  innocence  are  easily  accounted  for ;  and  he 
would  persist  in  them  till  the  last,  because  till  the  last  there 
was  always  a  possibility  that  they  might  be  believed ;  it  was 
truly  a  case,  in  which,  while  he  persisted  in  them,  as  long 
as  there  was  life  there  was  hope.  Finally,  and  this  considera- 
tion may  be  deemed  conclusive,  the  justice  of  Drake's  pro- 
ceedings was  not  called  in  question  on  his  return. 

Doughtie  was  buried  on  an  island  in  the  harbour :  the 
bodies  of  Robert  Winter  and  Oliver  the  gunner  were  interred 
at  the  same  time,  in  the  same  place  ;  and  the  chaplain  set 
up  a  stone  upon  their  graves,  whereon  he  engraved  their 
names,  and  the  day,  month,  and  year  of  their  burial.  Here 
the  Portuguese  prize,  being  leaky  and  troublesome,  was 
broken  up  ;  *  the  fleet  was  thus  reduced  to  three,  the  Pelican, 
the  Elizabeth,  and  the  Mart/gold  ;  and  having  completed  their 
watering,  wooding,  and  repairs,  and  remained  in  Port  St.  Julian 
from  the  20th  of  June  to  the  17th  of  August,  they  sailed 
from  that  port.  On  the  20th  they  made  Cape  Virgenes,  f 
remarkable,  at  four  leagues'  distance,  for  its  high  and  steep 
grey  cliffs,  full  of  black  spots.  Here,  too,  they  met  with  an 
ill  omen,  the  bones  of  a  corpse  "  whose  flesh  was  clean  con- 
sumed". J  And  here,  for  a  good  omen,  perhaps,  as  well  as 

"This  port,"  says  Lopez  Vaz,  "I  take  to  be  accursed,  for  that 
Magellan  likewise  put  some  to  death  there  for  the  like  offence " 
(Hakluyt,  791). 

*  Herrera  says  that  this  vessel  went  down  in  a  storm  with  all  on  board, 
before  they  put  into  Port  St.  Julian  ;  and  that  another  vessel  was  broken 
up  for  fuel,  because  of  the  extreme  cold. 

t  The  eleven  thousand  had  been  dropped  for  shortness.  Magellan 
named  the  cape  in  honour  of  that  noble  army,  having  discovered  it  on 
the  day  appropriated  for  this  ridiculous  legend  in  the  Romish  calendar. 

\  Burney,  323.     Hakluyt,  733. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  245 

out  of  respect  to  his  friend  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  he  changed 
the  name  of  his  ship,  calling  her,  instead  of  the  Pelican,  the 
Golden  Hind,  which  Sir  Christopher  probably  bore  in  his  arms. 
On  the  following  day  they  entered  the  straits. 

The  lateness  of  the  season  seems  to  have  been  the  only 
thing  which  prevented  Amerigo  Vespucci  from  discovering  this 
passage  into  the  South  Sea  before  that  sea  had  been  seen  by 
Balboa,  and  eighteen  years  before  the  famous  voyage  of 
Magellan.*  He  had  conceived  the  hope  of  making  this 
great  discovery,  and  had  nearly  accomplished  it.f  Magellan 
named  it  the  Patagonian  Straits,  after  the  natives,  to  whom, 
because  they  wore  ill-shaped  sandals,  he  had  given  the 
name  of  Patagons,  patagon  signifying  in  Spanish  a  large, 
clumsy  foot.  The  inappropriate  name  has  been  fixed  upon 
the  people,  not  upon  the  strait,  which  is  properly  called 
after  Magellan  himself;  though  before  it  obtained  that 
appellation  from  popular  justice  there  was  an  attempt  to  call 
it  the  Strait  of  Victoria,  after  the  name  of  his  ship4  Juan 
Ladrilleros  had  been  sent  with  two  ships  from  Valdivira  to 
survey  the  strait  in  1558.  The  ships  were  separated  by  a 
storm.  The  one  put  back  with  few  of  her  crew  remaining. 
Ladrilleros  executed  his  commission  in  the  other  with  great 
diligence,  and  extraordinary  perseverance  and  resolution. 
When  he  returned  to  Chili,  two  men  and  himself  were  all 
who  survived  to  navigate  the  vessel,  the  rest  having  perished 
by  cold  and  hunger.  §  Other  attempts  followed  from  the 
same  quarter :  nothing  is  known  of  them  but  that  they 
failed  ;  and  Drake  was  the  third  person  who  performed  the 
passage — the  second  who  performed  it  from  Europe. 

"  We  found  the  strait,"  says  the  first  narrator,  "  to  have 
many  turnings,  and,  as  it  were,  shuttings  up,  as  if  there 

*  I  write  the  name  thus  because  it  is  so  written  in  our  maps,  and  so 
called  in  common  pronunciation  ;  but  the  proper  name  is  Magalhaens. 
t  Grynaeus,  iv.,  124.     Hist,  of  Brazil,  i.,  28. 
J  Pigafetta,  26,  40.  §  Burney,  249. 


246  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

were  no  passage  at  all ;  by  means  whereof  we  had  the  wind 
often  against  us,  so  that  some  of  the  fleet  recovering  a  cape 
or  point  of  land,  others  should  be  forced  to  turn  back  again, 
and  to  come  to  an  anchor  where  they  could.  There  be  many 
fair  harbours,  with  store  of  fresh  water,  but  yet  they  lack  their 
best  commodity  ;  for  the  water  is  there  of  such  depth  that 
no  man  shall  find  ground  to  anchor  in,  except  it  be  in  some 
narrow  river  or  cornel',  or  between  some  rocks ;  so  that  if 
any  extreme  blasts  or  contrary  winds  do  come  (whereunto 
the  place  is  much  subject),  it  carrieth  with  it  no  small 
danger.  The  land  on  both  sides  is  very  huge  and  moun- 
tainous ;  the  lower  mountains  whereof,  although  they  be 
monstrous  and  wonderful  to  look  upon  for  their  height,  yet 
there  are  others  which  exceed  them  in  a  strange  manner, 
reaching  themselves  above  their  fellows  so  high,  that  be- 
tween them  did  appear  three  regions  of  clouds.  These  moun- 
tains are  covered  with  snow.  The  strait  is  extreme  cold, 
with  frost  and  snow  continually  ;  the  trees  seem  to  stoop 
with  the  burden  of  the  weather,  and  yet  are  green  continually ; 
and  many  good  and  sweet  herbs  do  very  plentifully  grow  and 
increase  under  them."  *  Drake  gave  the  name  of  Elizabeth 
to  the  largest  of  three  islands,  "  lying  triangle-wise,"  near 
which  they  anchored,  when,  by  their  own  account,  they  were 
thirty  leagues  within  the  strait.  The  other  two  he  named 
St.  Bartholomew's  (on  whose  day  he  anchored  there),  and 
St.  George's.  "  There,"  says  Cliffe,t  "  we  stayed  one  day, 
and  victualled  ourselves  with  a  kind  of  fowl  which  is  plenti- 
ful on  that  isle,  and  whose  flesh  is  not  far  unlike  a  fat  goose 
here  in  England.  They  have  no  wings,  but  short  pinions, 
which  serve  their  turn  in  swimming  :  their  colour  is  some- 
what black,  mixed  with  white  spots  under  their  belly  and 
about  their  necks.  They  walk  so  upright,  that,  afar  off, 
a  man  would  take  them  to  be  little  children.  If  a  man 

*  Hakluyt,  734.  f  Ibid.,  752. 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE  247 

approach  anything  near  them  they  run  into  holes  in  the 
ground  (which  be  not  very  deep),  whereof  the  island  is  full  ; 
so  that  to  take  them  we  had  staves  with  hooks  fast  to 
the  end,  wherewith  some  of  our  men  pulled  them  out,  and 
others  being  ready  with  cudgels  did  knock  them  on  the  head, 
for  they  bite  so  cruelly  with  their  crooked  bills  that  none  of 
us  were  able  to  handle  them  alive."  This  seems  to  be  the 
earliest  account  in  our  language  of  the  penguin.  Three 
thousand  of  these  birds  were  slaughtered  in  less  than  one 
day,  and  the  ships  "  victualled  themselves  thoroughly  there- 
with ". 

As  they  approached  the  western  end  they  observed  a 
number  of  channels  toward  the  south,  and  Drake  went  in 
a  boat  to  discover  the  best  passage.  They  met  a  canoe  as 
they  returned,  in  which  were  Indians  of  a  smaller  stature, 
and  different  from  those  with  whom  the  affray  had  occurred. 
Their  canoe  was  excellently  well  made  of  bark  ;  the  body 
being  handsomely  moulded,  and  the  seams  so  close,  though 
only  stitched  with  thongs,  or  perhaps  the  sinews  of  some 
animal,  that  scarcely  any  water  entered :  both  the  prow  and 
stern  were  semicircular  and  high.  The  tools  which  they  used 
were  made  of  the  large  mussel  shells  which,  in  the  strait,  are 
found  sometimes  twenty  inches  in  length  ;  these  they  grind 
to  so  sharp  an  edge  that  it  could  cut  the  hardest  wood,  and 
even  the  bones  of  which  they  made  fish-gigs.  They  had  a 
hut  on  the  island  near  to  which  the  ships  had  anchored ;  it 
was  merely  formed  of  a  few  poles  covered  with  skins.  Their 
vessels  were  of  bark,  well  shaped  and  made.  *  On  the 
seventeenth  day  after  making  Cape  Virgenes,  Drake  cleared 
the  strait,  and  entered  the  South  Sea. 

Balboa  had  taken  possession  of  that  sea  in  the  true  spirit 
of  a  Spaniard.  Reaching  its  shore  for  the  first  time  during 
the  ebb,  he  seated  himself  there,  with  his  companions,  and 

*  Burney,  324. 


248  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

waited  patiently  till  the  tide  turned  and  reached  him.  Rising 
then,  armed  as  he  was  for  the  occasion,  with  a  sword  in  one 
hand  and  a  banner  in  the  other,  bearing  the  Virgin  Mary 
with  the  arms  of  Castille  at  her  feet,  he  advanced  into  the 
waves  till  he  was  above  knee-deep,  saying,  with  a  loud  voice  : 
"  Long  live  the  high  and  mighty  sovereigns  of  Castille  ! 
Thus,  in  their  names  do  I  take  possession  of  these  seas  and 
regions  ;  and  if  any  other  prince,  whether  Christian  or  infidel, 
pretend  any  right  to  them,  I  am  ready  and  resolved  to  oppose 
him,  and  to  assert  the  just  claims  of  my  sovereigns  ! "  *  The 
possession  which  had  thus  proudly  been  taken  was  now,  for 
the  first  time,  about  to  be  disturbed. 

Drake's  intention  was  to  steer  north,  that  they  might  get, 
as  speedily  as  they  could,  out  of  "the  nipping  cold".  The 
season,  however,  had  not  been  rigorous ;  rather,  indeed,  for 
that  region,  it  seems  to  have  been  unusually  favourable.  On 
the  second  day  after  clearing  the  strait,  they  had  sailed  about 
seventy  leagues  to  the  north-west,  when  a  gale  from  the 
north-east  came  on,  and  continued  more  than  a  fortnight, 
with  such  violence  that  they  could  carry  no  sail,  and  were 
driven  till  they  were  in  57°  S.  latitude,  and  above  200 
leagues  west  of  the  strait.  The  wind  then  became  favourable, 
and,  at  the  end  of  another  week,  during  which  they  held  a 
north-east  course,  they  made  the  land,  but  the  weather 
would  not  permit  them  to  anchor.  The  Mary  gold  was 
obliged  to  bear  away  before  the  gale,  and  was  never  heard  of 
more.  The  two  remaining  ships  a  week  afterwards  stood, 
under  low  sail,  into  a  bay,  where  they  hoped  to  have  found 
shelter,  it  "being  a  very  foul  night,  and  the  seas  sore  grown". 
The  bay  proved  "  very  dangerous,  full  of  rocks ".  Drake's 
cable  broke,  and  the  Golden  Hind  was  driven  out  to  sea. 
Winter  made  no  attempt  to  follow  him  ;  but  the  next  day, 

*Quintana,   Lives    of  Balboa    and  Pizarro.      Translated  by   Mrs 
Hodson  (p.  46). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  249 

"  hardly  escaping  the  dangers  of  the  rocks/'  entered  the 
strait  again,  and,  anchoring  there  in  an  open  bay,  made  great 
fires  on  the  shore,  that  if  Drake  should  put  into  the  strait 
also,  he  might  discover  them.  After  ten  days  he  proceeded 
farther,  and  went  into  a  sound,  in  which  he  remained  three 
weeks,  and  named  it  the  Port  of  Health,  because  most  of 
his  men  being  "  very  sick,  with  long  watching,  wet,  cold,  and 
evil  diet,"  soon  recovered  here.  They  found  the  large 
mussels  "  very  pleasant  meat,  and  many  of  them  full  of  seed 
pearls ".  Captain  Winter  now  alleged  that  he  stood  in 
despair  both  of  having  favourable  winds  for  Peru  and  of 
Drake's  safety :  he,  therefore,  "  gave  over  the  voyage,  full 
sore  against  the  mariners'  mind,"  and  sailed  for  England, 
where  he  arrived  with  the  reproach  of  having  abandoned  his 
commander.* 

Meantime  Drake,  from  the  Bay  of  Parting  of  Friends,  as 
he  named  the  place  in  which  he  parted  company  from  his 
last  remaining  consort,  was  driven  as  far  as  55°  S.,  and 
found  two  days'  shelter  on  the  coast  of  Tierra  del  Fuego, 
where  he  also  met  with  good  water  and  wholesome  herbs. 
But  the  winds  once  more  returning  to  their  old  wont, 
forced  him  again  from  his  anchorage,  with  this  additional 
misfortune,  that  the  shallop,  with  eight  men  in  it,  and  pro- 
vision for  only  one  day,  lost  sight  of  the  ship.  These  poor 
men  regained  the  shore,  entered  the  straits,  salted  and 
dried  penguins  there,  and  coasted  on  till  they  reached  the 
Plata,  and  put  into  a  small  river  on  the  south  side.  Six  of 
them  landed  there  in  unhappy  hour,  and  entered  the  woods 
to  seek  for  food.  They  fell  in  with  a  party  of  Indians,  who 
with  their  arrows  wounded  them  all,  took  four,  pursued  the 
others  to  the  shore,  and,  when  the  wounded  men  got  on 
board  and  pushed  off,  pursued  them  with  their  arrows,  and 
wounded  those  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  the  boat. 

*  Cliffe.     Hakluyt,  752. 


250  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

These  unhappy  men  reached  an  island  about  three  leagues 
from  the  mainland,  where  two  of  them  died  of  their  wounds, 
and  their  boat  was  beaten  to  pieces  against  the  rocks. 
Upon  this  island,  which  was  about  a  league  in  compass,  they 
remained  two  months,  living  upon  small  crabs,  eels,  and  a 
fruit  like  an  orange  ;  but  there  was  no  fresh  water,  and, 
unable  longer  to  endure  the  want  of  it,  they  ventured  to 
make  for  the  mainland,  on  a  large  plank  some  ten  feet  long, 
having  made  paddles  with  which  to  guide  it.  The  passage 
was  the  work  of  three  days  and  two  nights.  "  On  coming 
to  land,"  says  Carter,  "  we  found  a  rivulet  of  sweet  water  ; 
when  William  Pitcher,  my  only  comfort  and  companion 
(although  I  endeavoured  to  dissuade  him),  being  before 
pinched  with  extreme  thirst,  overdrank  himself,  and,  to  my 
unspeakable  grief,  died  within  half  an  hour,  whom  I  buried 
as  well  as  I  could  in  the  sand."  Carter  fell  into  the  hands 
of  some  Indians,  who  had  compassion  on  him,  and  conducted 
him,  after  a  while,  to  a  Portuguese  settlement ;  and,  after  nine 
years,  he  was  fortunate  enough  to  return  to  his  own  country.* 
Drake,  having  lost  his  pinnace,  was  driven  still  farther 
south,  ran  in  again  among  the  islands,  and  at  length  "  fell  in 
with  the  uttermost  part  of  the  land  towards  the  south  pole, 
— without  which  there  is  no  main  nor  island  to  be  seen  to 
the  southward  ;  but  the  Atlantic  Ocean  and  the  South  Sea 
meet  in  a  large  and  free  scope  ".  The  storm,  which  with 
little  intermission  had  continued  fifty-one  days,  ceased  :  they 
found  an  anchoring  place  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
land,  since  called  Cape  Horn  ;  and  to  all  the  islands  which 
lay  without,  and  to  the  south  of  the  strait,  Drake  gave  the 
name  of  the  Elizabethides.  He  had  thus  accidentally  dis- 
covered Cape  Horn,  and  by  that  displaced  the  old  terra 

*  Burney,  368.  Purchas,  iv. ,  1188.  Purchas  in  a  marginal  note  abbre- 
viates the  last  part  of  this  tragedy  into  two  words,  "  Pitcher  breaks  ". 
This  is  characteristic  of  Purchas,  and  it  is  not  less  so  of  Admiral  Burney 
that  he  has  noticed  it. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  251 

incognita  from  a  large  portion  of  the  space  which  it  occupied 
in  the  map  :  "  We  altered  the  name/'  says  Mr.  Fletcher,  "  to 
terra  mine  bene  cogniia  " .  Drake  went  ashore,  and,  sailor-like, 
leaning  over  a  promontory,  as  far  as  he  safely  could,  came 
back,  and  told  his  people  that  he  had  been  farther  south 
than  any  man  living.*  On  30th  of  October,  the  wind  came 
fair,  and  "  departing  from  the  southernmost  part  of  the  world 
known,  or  (as  they  thought)  like  to  be  known,"  they  sailed 
to  the  north-west,  stored  themselves  with  birds  and  seals 
from  some  islands,  and  coasted  for  nearly  four  weeks  along 
the  American  shore,  till  they  arrived  at  the  Island  of  Mocha, 
and  anchored  there.  The  Portuguese  pilot  describes  it  as 
small  and  low  land,  full  of  Indians,  and  altogether  possessed 
by  them.  The  English  supposed  that  the  cruel  and  extreme 
dealings  of  the  Spaniards  had  forced  these  people,  for  their 
own  safety  and  liberty,  to  flee  from  the  main  and  fortify 
themselves  here, — an  erroneous  supposition,  for  they  would 
have  been  more  secure  in  the  wild  parts  of  their  own  country. 
The  general  landed  :  the  Indians  came  to  the  water  side, 
"with  show  of  great  courtesy,  bringing  potatoes,  roots,  and 
two  fat  sheep,  for  which  they  received  a  suitable  return  ; 
and,  as  it  was  then  late,  it  was  agreed  that  the  ship  should 
take  water  there  on  the  morrow  ".  Drake  accordingly  went 
in  the  boat  with  twelve  men,  and  set  two  of  them,  with  their 
vessels,  ashore  :  the  Indians  lay  in  ambush  by  the  watering 
place,  sprang  upon  them,  and  either  seized  or  slew  them  ; 
and  when  the  boat  was  hastening  to  their  succour,  a  flight 
of  arrows  was  discharged  at  it  with  such  effect  as  to  wound 
every  one  of  the  crew, — the  general  himself  under  the  right 
eye.  It  was  not  without  difficulty  that  the  boat  escaped 
from  this  imminent  danger,  for  the  Indians  pursued  their 
advantage  with  such  resolution  that  they  seized  four  of  the 
oars,  and  kept  possession  of  them.  None  of  the  assailants 

*This  he  himself  told  to  Sir  Richard  Hawkins. 


252  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

were  hurt,  for  the  English  had  not  time  to  use  a  harquebuss. 
No  attempt  was  made  to  take  vengeance  for  this  unprovoked 
attack  :  it  was  supposed  to  have  been  made  under  a  mistaken 
notion  that  they  were  Spaniards  ;  and  it  seems  Drake  ad- 
mitted that,  in  that  case,  the  Indians  would  have  acted 
rightly,  and,  therefore,  that  it  did  not  behove  him  to  punish 
the  offence.  He  sailed  the  same  day,  and,  happily,  none  of 
the  wounded  died,  though  they  had  lost  their  principal 
surgeon. 

A  hope  still  remained  of  meeting  with  the  two  missing 
ships.  It  had  been  appointed  that  in  case  of  separation 
they  should  look  for  each  other  on  the  coast  of  Peru,  about 
the  latitude  of  30°  S.,  and  Drake  accordingly  made  diligent 
search  as  he  sailed  along.  On  the  last  of  November  an 
Indian  was  found  fishing,  and  brought  on  board  :  he  was 
made  to  comprehend  that  the  ship  wanted  provisions,  and 
would  pay  for  them,  and  was  then  dismissed  with  gifts. 
This  man's  report  pleased  the  natives  so  well  that  they 
brought  to  the  seaside  a  fat  hog,  poultry,  and  other  food  ; 
and  an  Indian,  of  some  apparent  consequence,  went  on 
board.  He  spoke  Spanish  ;  told  them  that  they  had  passed 
the  Port  of  Valparaiso  six  leagues  ;  that  a  Spanish  ship  was 
then  lying  at  anchor  there,  and  that  he  would  pilot  them 
thither,  which  he  did  accordingly,  having  no  suspicion  that 
they  were  enemies  to  the  Spaniards,  who  had  never  yet  seen 
an  enemy  in  those  seas.  Felipe,  as  this  civilised  Indian  was 
called,  did  the  English  good  service  in  conducting  them  to 
this  port.  They  found  the  ship  riding  at  anchor,  with  eight 
Spaniards  and  three  negroes  aboard  :  who,  taking  the  new 
comers  for  friends,  saluted  them  with  beat  of  drum,  and 
made  ready  a  jar  of  Chili  wine  to  drink  with  them.  The 
pirates  (they  are  entitled  here  to  no  better  name)  were  no 
sooner  aboard,  than  one  of  them,  Thomas  Moon,  struck  at  a 
Spaniard,  exclaiming:  "'Abaxoperrof  down  dog!  and  began  to 
lay  about  him  ".  "  One  of  these  Spaniards,  seeing  persons 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  253 

of  that  quality  in  these  seas,  all-to-crossed  and  blessed  him- 
self." Another  leaped  overboard,  and  swam  ashore  to  give 
the  alarm ;  the  rest  were  secured  under  hatches.  The  town 
was  not  more  prepared  for  resistance  than  the  ship,  and  less 
capable  of  it.  It  consisted  of  some  nine  families,  who  took 
flight  before  the  English  landed  and  fell  to  spoil.  Little 
booty  was  found  there  :  a  small  chapel  contained  nothing 
that  was  thought  wortli  taking,  except  a  silver  chalice,  two 
cruets,  and  an  altar  cloth,  which  Drake  transferred  to  the  use 
of  his  own  chaplain  ;  but  there  was  store  of  Chili  wine  in  a 
warehouse,  which,  with  other  provisions  and  some  cedar 
planks  for  fuel,  was  canned  on  board.  The  prisoners  were 
set  ashore,  one  man  excepted,  who,  being  a  Greek  by  trirth, 
was  called  Juan  Griego,  and  whom  they  detained  to  serve  as 
a  pilot  to  Lima.  The  prize  they  rifled  when  they  got  out  to 
sea  :  they  found  in  her  1770  jars  of  Chili  wine,  60,000  pieces 
of  gold,  some  pearls,  and  some  merchandise.  Well  pleased 
with  this  adventure,  they  rewarded  Felipe  the  Indian,  and 
landed  him  at  that  place  which  was  most  convenient  for  him. 
From  hence  they  ran  along  the  coast,  looking  anxiously 
for  their  lost  consorts  ;  and  because  the  ship  was  too  large 
to  examine  close  in-shore,  and  a  boat  not  strong  enough  in 
case  of  an  attack,  they  put  together  a  pinnace,  which  might 
safely  look  into  every  bay  and  creek.  A  fortnight  after  their 
departure  from  Valparaiso  they  anchored  about  cannon-shot 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Coquimbo,  and  sent  a  party  to  get 
water.  Not  far  to  the  north  was  a  Spanish  town,  of  which 
they  were  not  aware,  and  a  considerable  body  of  horse  and 
foot  came  down  upon  the  men  while  they  were  filling  their 
casks.  The  English,  however,  who  were  keeping  good 
watch,  retreated  to  their  boat,  and  pushed  off  in  time  ;  one 
Richard  Minivy  only,  in  a  fit  of  fool-hardiness,  refused  to 
escape,  killed  one  of  their  horses,  and  was  himself  killed, 
and  his  body  thrown  upon  a  horse,  and  earned  off.  This 
place  not  suiting  their  purpose,  nor  the  entertainment  being 


254  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

such  as  they  desired,  they  weighed  anchor.  The  next  day 
Drake,  having  anchored  in  a  bay  in  27°  55 '  S.,  embarked  in 
the  pinnace,  and  turned  back  in  it  to  make  one  more  search 
for  the  lost  ships  :  the  wind  baffled  him,  and  after  one  day's 
trial  he  gave  up  the  attempt ;  yet,  in  apparent  hope  that  as 
much  diligence  would  be  used  in  seeking  him  as  had  been 
manifested  on  his  part,  he  remained  in  this  bay  more  than 
four  weeks,  then  proceeded  slowly  along  the  coast. 

They  landed  next  at  a  place  called  Tarapaca,  and,  while 
looking  for  water,  found  a  Spaniard  lying  asleep,  and  thirteen 
bars  of  silver  lying  by  him,  which  were  worth  4000  ducats. 
No  personal  injury  was  offered  to  the  man ;  nor  to  another, 
whom,  on  a  second  landing  not  far  off,  they  met  with  an 
Indian  in  his  company,  driving  eight  llamas,  each  carrying 
a  hundredweight  of  silver,  divided  equally  in  two  leathern 
bags.  The  llamas  as  well  as  their  freight  were  taken  on 
board.  From  this  part  of  the  coast  many  Indians  came  off 
to  exchange  fish  for  knives  and  glasses  ;  and  even  at  an 
Indian  town,  where  two  Spaniards  resided  as  governors,  they 
obtained  some  llamas  in  the  way  of  traffic.  At  Arica  they 
found  two  ships  at  anchor,  one  of  which  yielded  some  40 
bars  of  silver,  weighing  about  20  Ibs.  each  ;  the  other  200 
jars  of  wine.  Only  a  negro  was  on  board  :  the  people, 
mistrusting  no  danger,  were  gone  to  the  town ;  "  which," 
says  one  of  the  adventurers,  "  we  would  have  ransacked,  if 
our  company  had  been  better  and  more  in  number ".  The 
sight  of  certain  horsemen  ready  to  have  attacked  them  if 
they  had  landed  deterred  them  from  the  attempt.  But  they 
learnt  from  the  negro  that  there  was  a  ship  not  far  before 
them  richly  laden.  Taking  with  him  one  of  his  prizes,  Drake 
went  in  pursuit,  he  himself  in  the  pinnace  close  along  shore, 
the  ships  keeping  their  course  a  league  to  seaward  ;  and 
having  proceeded  thus  about  five  and  forty  leagues  they  saw 
the  vessel  at  anchor.  But  the  tidings  that  a  sea-rover  was 
in  pursuit  had  reached  the  Spaniards  a  few  hours  before,  and 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  255 

they  had  landed  800  bars  of  silver  belonging  to  the  king  : 
everything  else  of  any  value  had  been  removed  in  time. 
Here,  too,  there  was  a  muster  on  the  shore,  which  it  would 
have  been  rash  to  encounter.  Drake,  therefore,  held  on  his 
way :  but  taking  this  vessel  and  his  other  prizes  with  him, 
one  excepted,  which  he  had  burnt  at  Arica,  when  they  were 
about  a  league  out  at  sea,  he  ordered  all  their  sails  to  be  set, 
and  then  let  them  drive  before  the  wind ;  while  he  with  only 
his  own  ship  and  the  pinnace  proceeded  to  Callao,  the  port 
of  Lima. 

Leisurely  as  Drake  had  proceeded,  he  arrived  in  sight  of 
the  capital  of  Peru  before  it  was  known  there  that  an  enemy's 
ship  had  entered  those  seas.  When  he  landed  at  Valparaiso, 
the  Governor  of  Chili  was  in  the  interior,  prosecuting  that  war 
against  the  Araucans  which  has  given  so  great  a  celebrity 
to  their  name  ;  and  the  authorities  did  not  venture  to  take 
upon  themselves  the  responsibility  of  sending-  a  vessel  with 
despatches  to  Peru.  *  A  few  leagues  off  that  harbour,  Drake 
boarded  a  barque  laden  with  silks  and  other  goods,  which  the 
owner,  a  Portuguese,  was  glad  to  redeem  by  engaging  to 
pilot  the  English  into  Callao.  t  He  brought  them  in  after 
night-fall,  "  sailing  in  between  all  the  ships  that  lay  there, 
seventeen  in  number,"  twelve  of  which  were  moored,  and 
had  all  their  sails  ashore,  "  for  the  master  and  merchants 
were  here  most  secure,  having  never  been  assaulted  by 
enemies  ".  They  rifled  these  ships,  and  found  in  one  of  them 
a  chest  of  silver  reales,  and  good  store  of  silk  and  linen. 
Their  inquiry  was  for  the  ship  that  had  the  silver  on  board  : 
the  silver,  it  was  replied,  was  on  shore ;  but  they  were  like- 
wise informed  that  a  richly  laden  treasure  ship  called  the 

*  The  viceroy,  D.  Francisco  de  Toledo,  states  this  in  his  letter  to  the 
Governor  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata:  if  such  advice  had  been  sent,  he  says, 
"  Se  habieran  escusado  hartas  perdidas  y  gastos  que  se  han  recaecido  a 
S.  M.  ya  los  particulares  "  (Viageal  Estrecho  par  Pedro  Sarmiento,  Ixxx.). 

t  Herrera,  385. 


256  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

Cacafuego  (a  name  not  to  be  translated)  had  lately  sailed 
for  Payta.  They  cut  the  cables  of  these  ships,  and  the 
masts  of  the  two  greatest,  and  let  them  drive,  not  for  wanton- 
ness, but  in  provident  foresight,  that  they  might  be  disabled 
from  pursuing  him.  While  he  was  thus  employed,  a  vessel 
from  Panama,  laden  with  Spanish  goods,  entered  the  harbour, 
and  anchored  close  by  the  Golden  Hind.  A  boat  came  from 
the  shore  to  search  it ;  but  because  it  was  night  they  deferred 
the  search  till  the  morning,  and  only  sent  a  man  on  board. 
"The  boat  then  came  alongside  Drake's  vessel,  and  asked 
what  ship  it  was  ?  A  Spanish  prisoner  answered,  as  he  was 
ordered,  that  it  was  Miguel  Angel's  from  Chili.  Satisfied  with 
this,  the  officer  in  the  boat  sent  a  man  to  board  it ;  but  he, 
when  on  the  point  of  entering,  perceived  one  of  the  large 
guns,  and  retreated  into  the  boat  with  all  celerity,  because 
no  vessels  that  frequented  that  port,  and  navigated  those  seas, 
carried  great  shot."  The  speed  with  which  the  boat  made 
off  upon  this  discovery  alarmed  the  Panama  ship,  which  forth- 
with cut  her  cable,  and  put  to  sea.  Drake's  men  manned 
their  pinnace,  and  pursued.  The  Spainards,  instead  of  strik- 
ing at  their  summons,  shot  one  of  the  crew,  upon  which  the 
pinnace  returned.  But  the  Golden  Hind  presently  set  sail, 
and  gained  so  fast  upon  the  Panama  ship,  that  the  men  took 
to  their  boat,  and  escaped  ashore,  leaving  the  ship  with 
everything  on  board.  * 

Drake's  great  object  was  now  to  overtake  the  Cacafuego  : 
the  wind  failed,  and  boats  were  put  out  to  tow  the  ship. 
Meantime  the  alarm  had  been  given  in  Lima ;  and  the 
viceroy,  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo,  hastened  instantly  to 
Callao,  and  exerted  himself  through  the  remainder  of  the 
night  with  such  success  that  two  vessels,  with  200  men  in 
each,  were  despatched  in  pursuit  before  Drake  was  out  of 
sight  of  the  port.  Their  orders  were  to  board  the  rover  if 

*  Nunho  da  Sylva.     Hakluyt,  746. 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE  257 

they  could  come  up  with  her, — for  they  had  no  artillery. 
The  wind,  however,  sprung  up,  of  which  the  English  made 
eager  use ;  and  the  Spaniards  were  as  little  desirous  of 
coming  up  with  them  as  they  were  of  being  detained  by  an 
action  in  which  nothing  was  to  be  gained.  So  manifest,  in- 
deed, was  this  unwillingness,  that  though  there  were  persons 
of  some  distinction  on  board,  the  viceroy  punished  many  for 
cowardice,*  not  allowing  the  excuse  they  had  devised  for 
themselves  by  following  the  Panama,  which  Drake  dismissed 
with  Juan  Griego  and  his  other  pilot  on  board.  Drake  now 
made  all  speed  to  the  north,  the  pinnace  keeping  close  in- 
shore, the  ship  about  a  league  and  half  from  land.  After 
some  days  they  stopped  a  vessel  bound  for  Callao,  from 
which  they  "  took  a  lamp  and  a  fountain  of  silver,"  and 
learnt  that  she  had  seen  the  treasure  ship  three  days  before. 
At  Payta  they  boarded  another,  and  were  told  that  the 
Cacqfuego  had  left  that  port  two  days  ago.  Neither  of  these 
vessels  did  they  detain,  but  taking  from  the  latter  some  pro- 
visions and  a  negro,  hastened  on.  On  the  morrow  t  they 
captured  a  ship  bound  for  Panama,  and  sent  the  crew  and 
passengers,  among  whom  were  two  friars,  ashore.  In  this 
prize  they  found  forty  bars  of  silver,  eighty  pounds  weight  of 
gold,  and  a  golden  crucifix,  "  set  with  goodly  great  emeralds". 
This  booty  cost  one  of  the  men  his  life  ;  he  had  secreted  two 
plates  of  gold,  denied  it  when  accused,  and  was  hanged  when 
they  were  found  upon  him. 

They  crossed  the  line  on  24th  February  ;  and  Drake  pro- 
mised to  give  his  chain  of  gold  to  the  man  who  should  have 
the  good  fortune  first  to  descry  the  golden  prize,  for  which 
all  eyes  were  eagerly  looking  out.  On  St.  David's  Day  they 


*  "  Aunque  yvan  en  ellos  gente  honrada,  de  miedo  se  bolvieron,  y  Don 
Francisco  de  Toledo  castigo  por  ello  a  muchos"  (Herrera,  385).  Nunho 
da  Sylva  relates  the  excuse,  and  says  nothing  of  the  cowardice. 

t  Hakluyt,  735,  747.     Burney,  336. 

17 


258  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

made  Cape  St.  Francisco  in  latitude  0°  40 '  N.,  and  if  Drake 
had  been  a  Welshman,  the  day  would  have  been  rendered 
doubly  dear  to  him,  for  at  three  in  the  afternoon  a  certain 
John  Drake,  going  into  the  top,  espied  the  object  of  their 
long  chase  about  four  leagues  to  seaward.  And  here  the 
Portuguese  pilot  describes  what  Hakluyt  calls  "a  pretty 
device  to  make  their  ship  sail  more  swiftly  ".  "  Because  the 
English  ship  was  somewhat  heavy  before,  whereby  it  sailed 
not  as  they  would  have  it,  they  took  a  company  of  bolijas,  or 
Spanish  pots  for  oil,  and  filling  them  with  water,  hung  them 
by  ropes  at  the  stern  of  the  ship  to  make  her  sail  the  better." 
The  device  was  not  wanted  ;  for  the  Spanish  captain,  Juan 
de  Anton,*  made  towards  the  English  shipt  to  know  what 
she  was,  thinking  her  to  be  one  of  the  ships  that  used  to  sail 
along  the  coasts  and  traffic  in  the  country.  When  they  were 
near  enough  Drake  hailed  them  to  strike,  and  the  other 
refusing,  "with  a  great  piece  he  shot  her  mast  overboard, 
and  having  wounded  the  master  with  an  arrow,  the  ship 
yielded ".  They  took  possession,  sailed  with  her  further 
into  the  sea  all  that  night,  and  the  next  day  and  night, 
making  all  the  way  they  could.  Being  then  at  safe  distance 
from  the  coast,  they  stopped,  and  lay  by  their  prize  four  days, 
taking  out  her  cargo  and  transferring  it  to  their  own  ship. 
They  found  in  her  great  riches,  as  jewels  and  precious  stones, 
thirteen  chests  full  of  reales  of  plate,  eighty  pounds  weight  of 
gold,  and  twenty-six  tons  of  silver  :  300  bars  of  the  silver  be- 
longed to  the  king,  and  the  rest  was  the  property  of  private 
merchants.  The  whole  value  was  estimated  at  360,000 
pieces  of  gold,  that  of  the  silver  alone  being  212,000/.  ;  and 
the  captors  congratulated  themselves  that  their  ship  might 
now  well  be  called  the  Golden  Hind.  A  little  of  the  ex- 

*  Santona  ? 

t  Herrera  says  that  had  it  not  been  for  this  mistake  the  English 
would  not  have  captured  her,  because  the  South  Sea  ships  were  excellent 
sailers,  better  than  any  others  in  the  world  (385). 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  259 

ultation  of  success  was  shown  upon  this  occasion.  Among 
other  plate,  two  very  fair  gilt  bowls  of  silver  were  found,  be- 
longing to  the  pilot,  to,  whom  Drake  said,  "  Sennor  pilot,  you 
have  here  two  silver  cups,  but  I  must  needs  have  one  of 
them  !  "  The  pilot,  who  knew  that  need  has  no  law,  and 
that  the  adventurer  who  addressed  him  had  just  then  as 
little,  assented,  "because  lie  could  not  otherwise  choose," 
and  gave  the  other  also  to  the  steward  of  the  general's  ship. 
In  a  better  spirit  Drake  called  for  the  register  of  the 
treasure  on  board,  and  wrote  a  receipt  in  the  margin  for  the 
whole  amount.* 

Many  a  witticism  was  passed  upon  the  unseemly  name  f 
of  their  unfortunate  prize,  which,  at  the  end  of  four  days, 
was  dismissed,  and  three  men  put  on  board,  whom  Drake 
had  taken  on  the  way  for  pilots.  Drake  gave  the  captain 

*  C.  Suarez  de  Figueroa,  209  :  Lope  de  Vega  also  relates  this,  and  says 
that  the  Spaniards  themselves  were  amused  at  it. 
— tomaste  la  rica  presa  opima 
De  un  millon  y  seyscientos  mil  ducados ; 
Donde  Espana  ha  tenido  en  mas  estima 
Aquellos  tus  donayres  celebrados, 
Quando  al  maestre  y  del  navio  ministro 
Pediste  de  la  plata  el  gran  registro. 

Las  margenes  del  qual  por  recibidas 
Satisfaciendo  con  estrafias  veras, 
Firmaste  de  tu  nombre  las  partidas, 
Como  si  dueno  de  la  plata  fueras. 
Hasta  las  letras  oy  estan  corridas 
De  que  esta  burla  a  su  registro  hizieras, 
Bolviste  el  libro,  que  fue  en  tanto  estrago 
Para  el  dueno  gentil  recibo  y  pago. 

Dragontea,  canto  i. 

t "  When  this  pilot  departed  from  us,  his  boy  said  thus  unto  our 
general :  '  Captain,  our  ship  shall  be  called  no  more  the  Cacafuego,  but 
the  Cacaplata,  and  yours  shall  be  called  the  Cacafuego ' ;  which  pretty 
speech  of  the  pilot's  boy  ministered  matter  of  laughter  to  us,  both  then 
and  long  after  "  (Hakluyt,  736). 


260  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

a  letter  of  safe-conduct,  in  case  he  should  fall  in  with  the 
Elizabeth  or  the  Man/gold.  This  letter,  which  has  been  pre- 
served by  the  Portuguese  pilot,  is  remarkable  for  its  kind- 
ness and  religious  feeling.  The  contents,  as  retranslated 
in  Hakluyt  from  the  Portuguese  or  Spanish  version,  were 
these  : — 

"  Master  Winter,  if  it  pleaseth  God  that  you  should  chance 
to  meet  with  this  ship  of  Senor  Juan  de  Anton,  I  pray  you 
use  him  well,  according  to  my  word  and  promise  given  unto 
them  ;  and  if  you  want  anything  that  is  in  this  ship  of  Senor 
Juan  de  Anton,  I  pray  you  pay  them  double  the  value  of  it, 
which  I  will  satisfy  again  ;  and  command  your  men  not  to  do 
her  any  hurt ;  and  what  composition  or  agreement  we  have 
made,  at  my  return  into  England  I  will,  by  God's  help,  per- 
form ;  although  I  am  in  doubt  that  this  letter  will  never  come 
to  your  hands.  Notwithstanding  I  am  the  man  I  have  pro- 
mised to  be, — beseeching  God,  the  Saviour  of  all  the  world, 
to  have  us  in  His  keeping,  to  whom  only  I  give  all  honour, 
praise,  and  glory.  What  I  have  written  is  not  only  to  you, 
Master  Winter,  but  also  to  M.  Thomas,  M.  Charles,  M.  Caube, 
and  M.  Anthony,  with  all  our  other  good  friends,  whom  I 
commit  to  the  tuition  of  Him  that  with  His  blood  redeemed 
us  ;  and  am  in  good  hope  that  we  shall  be  in  no  more  trouble, 
but  that  He  will  help  us  in  adversity ;  desiring  you,  for  the 
passion  of  Christ,  if  you  fall  into  any  danger,  that  you  will 
not  despair  of  God's  mercy,  for  He  will  defend  you,  and  pre- 
serve you  from  all  danger,  and  bring  us  to  our  desired  haven  : 
to  whom  be  all  honour,  glory,  and  praise,  for  ever  and  ever. 
Amen.  * 

"  Your  sorrowful  captain, 

"  Whose  heart  is  heavy  for  you, 

"  FRANCIS  DRAKE." 

*  Hakluyt,  747. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  261 

The  general  had  now  no  other  object  in  these  seas ;  *  how 
to  make  his  way  home  with  this  great  booty  was  the  next 
consideration.  To  return  by  the  strait  was,  on  many  accounts, 
unadvisable  ;  the  season  was  unfavourable,  and  they  knew 
the  difficulties  and  dangers  of  that  passage  :  moreover,  the 
Spaniards  expecting  them  to  take  that  course,  would  be 
likely  both  to  have  despatched  ships  in  quest  of  them,  and 
a  force  to  intercept  them  there.  This  was  no  vain  surmise  : 
the  whole  coast  of  Chili  and  Peru  was  in  such  alarm,  that  a 
stop  was  put  to  all  maritime  trade ;  for  it  was  known  that 
Drake  expected  to  be  joined  by  his  two  consorts,  and  in  every 
port  the  people  were  under  arms  to  resist  them.  All  the 
consequences  of  such  an  invasion,  and  more  than  all,  were 
apprehended  by  the  Spanish  authorities :  they  thought  that 
nothing  less  than  the  King  of  Spain's  dominion  in  those  seas, 
and  the  properties  and  lives  and  souls  of  the  inhabitants, 
were  at  stake,  f  It  was  not  Drake's  business  now  to  encoun- 
ter any  danger  that  could  be  avoided  ;  but  greater  proof  of 
his  ability  as  a  seaman,  and  of  his  enterprising  genius,  was 
never  given  than  at  this  time  ;  for  instead  of  at  once  resolving 
to  follow  the  course  of  Magellan,  and  so  compass  the  globe, 
he  conceived  the  hope  of  rivalling  that  great  navigator  by 
exploring  a  passage  between  the  two  great  seas,  at  the 
opposite  extremity  of  America.  J  This  he  propounded  to 
his  ship's  company.  "  All  of  us,"  says  one,  who  writes  as  if 
he  had  been  present,  "  willingly  hearkened  and  consented  to 
our  general's  advice  ;  which  was,  first,  to  seek  out  some  con- 
venient place  to  trim  our  ship,  and  store  ourselves  with  wood 

*  "  Thinking  himself,  both  in  respect  of  his  private  injuries  received 
from  the  Spaniards,  as  also  of  their  contempts  and  indignities  offered  to 
our  country  and  prince  in  general,  sufficiently  satisfied  and  revenged, 
and  supposing  that  her  majesty,  at  his  return,  would  rest  satisfied  with 
this  service  "  (Hakluyt,  736). 

t  Viage  del  Sarmiento,  4. 

J  World  Encompassed.     Burney,  339. 


262  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

and  water,  and  such  provisions  as  we  could  get  ;  and  thence 
forward  to  hasten  on  our  intended  journey  for  the  discovery 
of  the  said  passage,  through  which  we  might  with  joy  return 
to  our  longed  homes."  * 

They  now  sailed  for  the  coast  of  Nicaragua,  which  they 
made  on  16th  March,  "near  a  small  island  named  Canno," 
two  leagues  from  the  mainland ;  there  they  found  a  small 
bay,  wherein  they  anchored,  at  five  fathom  deep,  close  by 
the  land,  and  near  a  fresh  water  stream.  On  the  20th,  a 
vessel  was  seen  attempting  to  pass  close  by.  The  pinnace 
was  sent  in  chase,  and  brought  her  in.  She  was  laden  with 
sarsaparilla,  butter,  and  honey,  and  other  things.  The  sarsa- 
parilla  they  threw  ashore  ;  and  used  the  vessel  as  a  receptacle 
for  their  stores,  while  they  laid  their  own  ship  down  to  ex- 
amine her  bottom.  The  island  afforded  them  wood  and  fish, 
and  would  have  supplied  alligators  and  monkeys  if  they  had 
chosen  to  take  any  on  board.  While  they  remained  here 
they  felt  the  shock  of  an  earthquake.  In  eight  days  the  re- 
pairs, wooding  and  watering  were  completed,  and  they  sailed 
westward,  taking  Avith  them  their  prize  ;  which,  however, 
after  keeping  two  days  longer,  they  dismissed,  detaining 
some  of  the  men  to  serve  as  pilots,  and  taking  "  the  sea  cards, 
wherewith  they  should  make  their  voyage,  and  direct  them- 
selves in  their  course  ".t  And  so  sailing  until  6th  April, 
about  evening,  they  discovered  a  ship  that  held  two  leagues 
to  seaward  from  the  land  ;  and  before  the  next  day,  in  the 
morning,  they  were  hard  by  her,  and  suddenly  fell  upon  her 
while  her  men  slept.  She  was  apparently  from  Manilla, 

*  Camden  (p.  252)  is  mistaken  in  saying  that  the  viceroy  had  at  this 
time  sent  ships  to  fortify  the  strait.  He  could  not  do  this  till  the  Panama 
fleet  arrived ;  and  the  expedition  appointed  for  this  service  was  not  ready 
to  sail  from  Callao  till  Oct.  n  (Vlagc  del  Sarmicnto,  pp.  4,  40). 

t  Admiral  Burney  says :  "  Whether  these  were  charts  of  those  seas 
or  only  the  cards  of  steering  compasses  was  not  explained  ".  I  have  no 
doubt  that  the  former  are  intended. 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  263 

laden  with  "  linen  cloth  (which  probably  means  muslins), 
fine  China  dishes  of  white  earth,  and  great  store  of  China 
silks  ;  of  all  which,"  says  the  relater,  "  we  took  as  we  listed  ". 
He  adds,  that  the  owner  of  the  ship  was  on  board,  who  was 
a  Spanish  gentleman  ;  and  that  the  general  took  from  him  a 
falcon  of  gold,  with  a  great  emerald  in  the  breast  thereof. 
They  took  a  negro  out  of  this  vessel,  and  dismissed  her  with 
all  her  crew,  one  man  excepted,  whom  they  detained  to  show 
them  some  watering  place.  He  brought  them  into  the  haven 
of  Guatulco.  They  landed  there,  in  happy  hour  for  some 
negroes,  upon  whom  the  criminal  court  was  then  sitting  in 
judgment  for  having  conspired  to  set  the  town  on  fire. 
Judges  and  prisoners  were  conveyed  on  board  ;  and  the  chief 
judge  was  made  to  write  to  the  inhabitants,  ordering  them 
to  leave  the  town,  while  the  English  might  remain  here. 
There  were  but  seventeen  Spaniards  residing  here ;  and 
neither  they  nor  the  coloured  population  had  much  to  lose, 
for  the  adventurer  who  tells  us  that  the  town  was  ransacked 
boasts  of  no  other  plunder  than  a  pot  as  big  as  a  bushel  full 
of  silver  reales,  and  a  gold  chain  and  some  jewels  which  one 
"  Thomas  Moon  took  from  a  Spanish  gentleman,  whom  he 
caught  as  he  was  flying  out  of  the  place  ". 

Drake  remained  here  nearly  a  fortnight ;  and  before  he 
departed  he  released  all  his  prisoners,  and  put  the  Portuguese, 
Nunho  da  Sylva,  on  board  a  ship  in  the  harbour,  to  find  his 
way  to  Portugal  as  he  could.*  From  Guatulco  they  steered 

*  This  is  injuriously  represented,  as  if  the  poor  man  had  been  left  in 
an  enemy's  country.  It  was  hardship  enough  for  him  to  lose  his  ship 
and  his  goods,  and  be  carried  from  the  Cape  de  Verds  through  the  strait 
and  to  the  coast  of  Nicaragua.  But  he  could  not  have  been  dismissed 
at  any  point  which  would  have  been  more  convenient  for  himself;  and 
in  the  relation  which  he  drew  up  for  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  he 
makes  no  complaint  of  his  treatment.  It  is  very  much  to  his  honour, 
and  something  to  that  of  Drake  and  his  men,  that  there  is  not  in  this 
plain  and  evidently  faithful  relation  the  slightest  expression  of  prejudice 
or  resentment  against  the  English. 


264  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

"  directly  off  to  sea/'  and  sailed  (the  accounts  say)  500  leagues 
in  longitude  to  get  a  favourable  wind.  On  3rd  June,  having 
sailed  in  different  directions  1400  leagues,  without  seeing 
land,  they  had  arrived  in  latitude  42°  N.  A  great  change  in 
the  temperature  was  now  felt ;  the  people  were  benumbed 
with  the  piercing  cold,  which  increased  to  that  extremity  on 
sailing  two  degrees  farther  north,  that  meat,  as  soon  as  it  was 
removed  from  the  fire,  would  presently  be  frozen,  and  the 
ropes  and  tackling  of  the  ship  were  quite  stiffened.  Contrary 
winds  forced  them  to  run  in  with  the  land,  which  they  then 
unexpectedly  descried ;  for  they  had  not  supposed  that 
America  in  that  latitude  extended  so  far  to  the  west.  "They 
stood  toward  the'  shore,  and  anchored  in  an  open  ill-sheltered 
bay.  The  wind  was  strong  and  in  gusts  ;  upon  any  inter- 
mission, there  came  a  thick  stinking  fog,  in  which  they  were 
enveloped,  till  it  was  dispersed  by  the  renewed  strength  of 
the  wind.  They  could  not  remain  here  ;  and  the  direction 
of  the  wind,  with  the  severity  of  the  cold,  not  only  dis- 
couraged them  from  persisting  in  the  attempt  to  go  farther 
north,  but  commanded  them  to  the  southward,  whether  they 
would  or  no."  So  they  drew  back  from  latitude  48°,  to 
which  they  had  advanced,  ten  degrees,  "  in  which  height  it 
pleased  God  to  send  them  into  a  fair  and  good  bay,  with  a 
good  wind  to  enter  the  same ".  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  this  bay  was  that  which  is  now  called  Port  San 
Francisco.* 

There  were  huts  close  to  the  water  side.  The  day  after 
they  anchored  many  natives  showed  themselves  on  the  shore, 
and  a  single  man  was  sent  off  in  a  canoe.  Immediately  he 
began  to  speak,  though  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the 
ship,  and  continued  to  do  so  as  he  paddled  on,  till  having 
drawn  as  near  as  he  thought  fit  upon  this  first  advance,  he 
stopped,  made  a  long  and  earnest  address  accompanied  by 

*  Burney,  343.     Hakluyt,  440. 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  265 

gesticulations  not  more  intelligible  than  the  harangue  ;  and 
when  he  had  finished,  returned  with  great  show  of  reverence 
to  the  shore.  Soon  after  he  repeated  the  same  ceremony  in 
the  same  manner  ;  and  presently  a  third  time,  but  he  then 
brought  a  bunch  of  feathers,  resembling  those  of  a  crow, 
neatly  fastened  together,  clean  and  handsomely  cut ;  and  also 
a  small  basket  made  of  rushes,  and  filled  with  an  herb  which 
they  called  tabah  :  *  these  he  tied  to  a  short  stick,  and  cast 
them  into  the  ship's  boat.  In  return  Drake  directed  some 
presents  to  be  put  on  a  plank  in  the  water,  and  pushed 
towards  him  ;  but  he  refused  to  touch  them,  and  would 
receive  nothing  except  a  hat,  which  being  thrown  from  the 
ship,  he  took  up.  No  intercourse  followed  upon  this  cere- 
mony ;  both  parties,  however,  seemed  to  consider  that  a 
good  understanding  had  been  established  by  it,  and  to  have 
acted  accordingly  in  good  faith.  The  natives  were  not  dis- 
trustful, because  they  had  only  once  been  visited  by 
Europeans,  thirty-seven  years  before,  when  Joam  Rodrigues 
Cabrillo,f  a  Portuguese  by  birth,  was  sent  by  the  viceroy 
of  New  Spain  to  explore  that  coast  :  he  happened  to  be  a 
humane  good  man,  as  well  as  a  skilful  navigator  ;  and  the 
whole  of  his  intercourse  with  the  natives  had  been  of  the 
most  friendly  kind.  Drake  knew  not  that  any  such  earlier 
discovery  had  been  made  of  these  parts  ;  but  he  felt  the 
beneficial  consequences  of  his  predecessor's  conduct ;  and 
neither  he  nor  his  people  did  anything  during  their  tarriance 
to  counteract  the  favourable  impression  which  Cabrillo  had 
made. 

*  The  author  of  the  "famous  voyage"  says  tobacco  (Hakluyt,  441). 
I  have  followed  Admiral  Burney  in  using  the  name  by  which  the  natives 
called  it ;  but  that  it  was  tobacco  I  have  no  doubt.  For  the  Californians, 
though  they  had  not  discovered  the  art  of  preparing  any  fermented 
liquor,  used  to  intoxicate  themselves  at  their  feasts  with  the  smoke  of 
this  wild  herb  (Notlcia  de  la  California,  t.  i.,  p.  79). 

t  Burney,  i.,  220-224.  Herrera,  Dec.  7.  i.  5.  c.  3,  4.  Noticia  dc  la 
California,  i.,  181-183. 


266  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

He  was  not,  however,  unmindful  of  that  caution  which 
ought  always  to  be  observed  among  any  people  whose  char- 
acter is  not  well  known,  and  especially  among  savages.  It 
was  necessary  to  lighten  the  ship  in  order  to  come  at  a  leak 
which  she  had  sprung.  She  was  anchored,  therefore,  close 
to  the  shore,  and  Drake  landed  his  men,  with  tents,  and 
such  things  as  were  necessary  for  foi-tifying  their  temporary 
encampment.  The  natives  upon  perceiving  this  collected  in 
arms,  and  in  large  companies  ;  yet  their  demeanour  was  that 
of  men  who  had  prepared  themselves  to  resent  wrong,  not  to 
offer  it ;  and  when  signs  were  made  to  them  to  lay  aside 
their  bows  and  arrows  they  did  so,  accepted  the  gifts  which 
were  offered,  and  in  return  presented  the  general  with 
feathers,  nets,  and  skins.  They  retired  at  evening,  to  all 
appearance,  well  satisfied  ;  but  when  they  had  reached  their 
dwellings  loud  lamentations  were  distinctly  heard  from  thence, 
though  the  distance  was  not  less  than  three  parts  of  a  mile, 
and  the  voices  of  the  women  were  distinguished,  whose  miser- 
able shrieking  rose  above  the  deep  and  doleful  outcries  of 
the  men.  During  the  two  following  days  no  one  came  near 
the  tents,  and  Drake  is  said  to  have  fortified  them  by  build- 
ing a  stone  wall  round.  On  the  third  day,  a  more  numerous 
assemblage  than  had  yet  been  seen  convened  on  the  nearest 
eminence,  from  whence  one  of  their  orators  delivered  with 
violent  enunciation  a  long  speech,  his  words  falling  "  so  thick 
one  on  the  neck  of  the  other,  that  he  could  hardly  fetch  his 
breath  again  ".  When  he  had  ended,  all  the  natives  bowed 
their  heads,  and  sung  out  oh  in  a  solemn  and  lengthened 
tone,  whereby  it  was  supposed  that  they  signified  their 
assent  to  all  that  had  been  said.  The  men  then  left  their 
bows  on  the  ground,  descended  to  the  encampment,  and 
offered  bunches  of  feathers  and  baskets  of  tobacco  to  the 
general,  which  he  accepted,  and  made  them  presents  in 
return.  But  the  women,  meantime  remaining  on  the  hill, 
"  tormented  themselves  lamentably  "  :  they  tore  their  cheeks 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  267 

and  bosoms,  uttered  pitiable  cries,  threw  off  their  upper 
garment,  and  holding  their  hands  over  their  heads,  dashed 
themselves  on  the  ground,  repeating  this  till  they  were 
covered  with  blood.  The  English  did  not  behold  this  miser- 
able sight  without  compassion,  and  Drake  felt  the  more, 
because  he  and  his  people  were  persuaded  that  the  natives 
took  them  for  gods,  and  meant  this  as  a  religious  act  of  pro- 
pitiation. A  proper  sense  of  piety  prompted  him  to  the 
wisest  measure  that  could  have  been  taken.  He  ordered  all 
his  people  to  prayers,  and  divine  service  was  performed  with 
an  earnestness  which  the  natives  understood.  The  effect 
which  he  had  hoped  for  was  produced,  a  stop  was  put  to  their 
self-lacerations  and  other  acts  of  violence  :  they  "  seemed  to 
be  greatly  affected  at  what  they  witnessed  "  ;  that  is,  they 
regarded  it  with  awe,  and  at  every  pause  in  the  service  they 
chanted  out  their  solemn  oh.  When  it  was  over,  and  they 
rose  to  depart,  they  restored  all  the  presents  which  had  been 
made  them,  and  no  one  could  be  persuaded  to  take  away 
with  him  a  single  thing.* 

The  news  having  spread  into  the  country,  more  natives 
flocked  to  the  place,  and  two  heralds  made  the  general 
understand  that  their  chief,  or  hioh,  as  he  was  called,  was 
coming  to  visit  him,  but  that  he  desired  to  have  some  token 
sent  him  that  his  coming  might  be  in  peace.  They  were 
dismissed  with  what  they  asked  for  ;  and  forthwith  the  hioh, 
who  was  "  of  a  goodly  stature  and  comely  personage,"  ad- 
vanced toward  the  fort  with  a  princely  majesty,  the  people 
crying  continually  after  their  manner,  and  as  they  drew  near 
so  did  they  strive  to  behave  in  their  actions  with  comeli- 
ness. One  "  of  a  large  body  and  goodly  aspect "  led  the 
way,  bearing  a  club  of  dark-coloured  wood,  to  which  were 
fastened  two  coronals,  "  a  less  and  a  bigger,  made  of  net- 
work, and  artificially  wrought  with  feathers  of  many  colours". 

*  Burney,  345-348.     Hakluyt,  441. 


268  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

Three  chains  also  were  suspended  from  it,  "  of  a  marvellous 
length,  and  made  of  a  bony  substance,  *  every  part  thereof 
being  very  little,  thin,  finely  burnished,  with  a  hole  pierced 
through  the  middle,  the  number  of  links  making  one  chain 
being  in  a  manner  infinite.  Few  be  the  persons  that  are 
admitted  to  wear  them,  and  those  persons  are  stinted  in  the 
number,  by  which  it  seems  their  rank  was  denoted."  Next 
came  the  hioh,  wearing  a  coronal  like  those  which  were 
borne  before  him,  and  a  cloak  of  what  the  English  took  for 
rabbit  skins.  About  100  "tall  and  warlike  men  accompanied 
him,  with  similar  cloaks  but  of  different  skins  ".  Some  wore 
feathered  coats,  others  had  their  heads  "  covered  with  a  very 
fine  down,  which  grows  in  that  country  upon  an  herb  much 
like  our  lettuce  ".  All  had  their  faces  painted,  each  after 
his  own  fashion.  Each  brought  something  for  a  present. 
"  The  naked,  common  sort  of  people  followed,"  every  one 
having  his  face  painted,  some  with  white,  some  with  black, 
and  other  colours,  "  and  having  feathers  in  their  hair,  which 
they  gathered  up  in  a  bunch  behind.  Women  and  children 
brought  up  the  train,  each  bringing  a  round  basket  or  two 
with  bags  of  tobacco,  broiled  fish,  and  a  root  called  petah,  of 
which  meal  was  made,  to  be  either  baked  or  eaten  raw. 
Even  the  children  carried  each  a  present."  + 

Drake,  seeing  so  numerous  a  body  of  natives,  drew  up  his 
men  within  the  "  fenced  place,  making  against  their  approach 
a  very  warlike  show ".  The  Californians,  "  being  trooped 

*  A  marginal  note  in  Hakluyt  says,  "  These  are  like  chains  of  Esurnoy 
in  Canada  and  Hochelage,"  that  is,  strings  of  wampum.  Langsdorff 
says,  that  the  Indians  at  this  place  still  retain  the  art  of  making  the 
pieces  of  which  these  strings  are  composed  with  marvellous  exactness, 
all  of  the  same  size,  and  boring  them  without  an  iron  instrument.  They 
are  cut  from  the  shell  of  a  kind  of  mussel,  which  he  did  not  see.  One 
of  them  is  represented  in  the  plates  to  the  German  edition  of  Langsdorffs 
work  (Rcise  um  die  Welt,  ii.,  143). 

t  Burney,  348-350.     Hakluyt,  441. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  269 

together  in  their  order/'  first  made  a  general  salutation, 
which  was  followed  by  a  general  silence.  The  club  bearer 
then  pronounced  with  a  loud  and  manly  voice,  after  the 
dictation  of  one  who  stood  close  to  him,  an  oration  which 
seemed  to  the  English  to  continue  half  an  hour,  and  at  its 
conclusion  the  whole  train  chanted  that  long  oh,  which  was 
interpreted  to  signify  amen,  so  be  it  !  Men  and  women  then 
descended  the  hill  (leaving  the  children),  and  advanced  in 
order  towards  the  camp  ;  their  demonstrations  were  so  peace- 
ful that  Drake  allowed  them  to  enter ;  the  club  or  sceptre 
bearer  (as  he  is  dignified  by  the  relater)  "  began  a  song, 
observing  his  measures  in  a  dance,  and  that  with  a  stately 
countenance ;  the  hioh  with  his  guard,  and  every  degree  of 
persons  following,  did  in  like  manner  sing  and  dance,  but  the 
women  only  danced  and  kept  silence ".  When  they  were 
within  the  camp,  they  continued  their  song  and  dance  a 
reasonable  time.  Then,  in  the  words  of  the  earliest  account, 
"  they  made  signs  to  our  general  to  sit  down,  to  whom  the 
king  and  divers  others  made  several  orations,  or  rather 
supplications,  that  he  would  take  their  province  and  kingdom 
into  his  hand  and  become  their  king,  making  signs  that  they 
would  resign  unto  him  their  right  and  title  of  the  whole  land, 
and  become  his  subjects.  In  which  to  persuade  us  the  better, 
the  king  and  the  rest  with  one  consent,  and  with  great 
reverence,  joyfully  singing  a  song,  did  set  the  crown  upon 
his  head,  enriched  his  neck  with  all  their  chains,  and  offered 
unto  him  many  other  things,  honouring  him  by  the  name  of 
hioh,  *  adding  thereunto,  as  it  seemed,  a  sign  of  triumph  ; 
which  thing  our  general  thought  not  meet  to  reject,  because 

*  "  These  honours,"  says  Admiral  Burney,  "  paid  to  a  stranger,  have 
more  than  a  shade  of  resemblance  to  the  custom  which  has  been  found 
among  so  many  Indian  nations,  of  exchanging  names  with  those  whose 
alliance  or  friendship  they  desire.  The  general,  to  have  manifested  an 
equal  return  of  consideration,  might  have  decorated  his  visitor  with  some 
ornament,  and  have  saluted  him  by  the  name  of  Drake  "  (p.  350). 


270  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

he  knew  not  what  honour  and  profit  it  might  be  to  our 
country.  Wherefore,  in  the  name  and  to  the  use  of  her 
majesty,  he  took  the  sceptre,*  crown,  and  dignity  of  the  said 
country  in  his  hands  ;  wishing  that  the  riches  and  treasure 
thereof  might  so  conveniently  be  transported  to  the  enrich- 
ing of  her  kingdom  at  home,  as  it  aboundeth  in  the  same."  f 
The  natives  accompanied  this  act  of  surrender  with  a  song 
and  dance  of  triumph,  "because  (says  another  relater)  they 
were  not  only  visited  of  gods  (for  so  they  still  judged  us  to 
be),  but  the  great  and  chief  god  was  now  become  their  god, 
their  king  and  patron,  and  themselves  the  only  happy  and 
blessed  people  in  all  the  world  ".  J 

That  the  natives  meant  to  make  a  surrender  of  their 
country  by  these  ceremonies  is  what  none  but  men  pre- 
possessed with  notions  which  were  common  to  all  Europeans 
in  that  age  could  have  supposed  ;  but  that  they  regarded 
the  English  as  beings,  if  not  of  superior  nature,  yet  of  such 
superior  knowledge  and  power,  that  it  was  necessary  to 
propitiate  them  by  circumstances  approaching  to  idolatry, 
must  be  inferred  from  the  scene  which  immediately  ensued. 
"The  common  sort  of  people,  leaving  the  king  and  his  guard 
with  our  general,  scattered  themselves  together  with  their 
sacrifices  among  our  people,  taking  a  diligent  view  of  every 
person ;  and  such  as  pleased  their  fancy  (which  were  the 
youngest),  they,  enclosing  them  about,  offered  their  sacrifices 
unto  them  with  lamentable  weeping,  scratching,  and  tearing 

*  The  invariable  custom  adopted  by  Europeans,  of  claiming  and  taking 
formal  possession  of  every  new  land  they  meet  with  (whether  it  is  in- 
habited or  uninhabited  never  entering  into  the  consideration),  no  doubt 
disposed  Drake  to  credit,  if  it  is  true  that  he  did  credit  it,  that  these 
people,  simply,  and  for  no  cause,  value  received,  or  other  consideration, 
made  a  voluntary  gift  of  themselves  and  their  country  to  him,  a  perfect 
stranger  (Burney,  354). 

t  Hakluyt,  441. 

J  World  Encompassed,  76. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  271 

the  flesh  from  their  faces  with  their  nails,  whereof  issued 
abundance  of  blood.  But  we  used  signs  to  them  of  disliking 
this,  and  stayed  their  hands  from  force,  and  directed  them 
upwards  to  the  living  God,  whom  only  they  ought  to  wor- 
ship." Such,  too,  as  had  sores,  craved  help  of  the  strangers, 
as  of  persons  who  assuredly  they  thought  could  heal  them. 
Whereupon,  the  writer  says,  "  we  gave  them  lotions,  plasters, 
and  ointments,  agreeing  to  the  state  of  their  griefs,  beseech- 
ing God  to  cure  their  diseases.  Every  third  day  they  brought 
their  sacrifices  unto  us,  until  they  understood  our  meaning 
that  we  had  no  pleasure  in  them.  Yet  they  could  not  be 
long  absent  from  us,  but  daily  frequented  our  company  to 
the  hour  of  our  departure,  which  departure  seemed  so  griev- 
ous unto  them,  that  their  joy  was  turned  into  sorrow.  They 
entreated  us  that,  being  absent,  we  would  remember  them, 
and  by  stealth  provided  a  sacrifice,  which  we  misliked."* 

The  Californians  were  in  a  ruder  state  than  many  of  the 
North  American  nations.  The  people  whom  Drake  saw 
were  a  burrowing  tribe  :  their  houses  or  dens  were  circular, 
roofed  with  timber,  the  centre  forming  a  kind  of  spire,  t  near 
which  "  an  opening  that  resembled  the  scuttle  of  a  ship 
served  the  double  purpose  of  door  and  chimney  ".  They 
were  not  so  far  advanced  as  to  use  the  hammock ;  but  slept, 
like  our  British  ancestors,  upon  rushes,  around  a  central  fire. 
Most  of  the  men  were  nearly  naked  ;  the  women  wore  a 
loose  garment  round  the  waist,  made  of  bulrushes,  "  combed 
after  the  manner  of  hemp  "  :  over  the  shoulders  they  had  a 
deer  skin.  Deer  were  very  numerous  :  in  an  excursion 
which  Drake  made  to  some  of  their  villages  in  the  interior, 
he  saw  herds  of  a  thousand  in  a  company,  "  being  most  large 

*  Hakluyt,  442. 

t  "  Their  houses,"  says  the  old  relation,  "  are  digged  round  about  with 
earth,  and  have  from  the  uttermost  brims  of  the  circle  clefts  of  wood  set 
upon  them,  joining  close  together  at  the  top  like  a  spire  steeple,  which 
by  reason  of  that  closeness  are  very  warm  "  (p.  441). 


272  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

and  fat  of  body  ".  "  The  whole  country  was  like  a  warren 
of  a  strange  kind  of  conies,  their  bodies  in  bigness  as  be 
the  Barbary  conies,  their  heads  as  the  heads  of  ours,  the 
feet  of  a  wunt  (or  mole),  and  the  tail  of  a  rat,  being  of  great 
length  ;  under  her  chin  on  either  side  a  bag,  into  the  which 
she  gathered  her  meat,  when  she  hath  filled  her  belly  abroad." 
The  skins  of  these  creatures  were  much  esteemed,  "  for  their 
king's  coat  was  made  of  them  ".  Drake  named  the  country 
New  Albion,  "  in  respect  of  the  white  banks  and  cliffs  which 
lie  towards  the  sea,"  and  also  for  old  England's  sake.  He 
set  up  a  monument  of  the  queen's  "right  and  title  to  the 
same,  namely,  a  plate  nailed  upon  a  fair  great  post,  where- 
upon was  engraven  her  majesty's  name,  the  day  and  year  of 
our  arrival  there,  with  the  free  giving  up  of  the  province  and 
people  into  her  majesty's  hands,  together  with  her  highness's 
picture  and  arms  in  a  piece  of  sixpence  of  current  English 
money  under  the  plate,  where  under  was  also  written  the 
name  of  our  general  ".  Nova  California  is  still  named  New 
Albion  in  English  maps  ;  but  no  consequences,  either  evil  or 
good,  have  resulted  from  the  possession  thus  confidently 
taken.*  That  part  of  the  Americas  has  even  to  this  time 
escaped  from  all  the  evils  of  conquest,  and  the  attempts  that 
have  been  made  to  civilise  it  have  been  in  the  spirit  of  that 
religion  which  was  proclaimed  with  the  announcement  of 
peace  on  earth,  good  will  towards  men.  The  Jesuits,  who 
were  as  beneficially  employed  in  America  as  they  were 
mischievously  in  Europe,  established  missions  there,  in  which, 

*  "  It  seemeth  that  the  Spaniards  hitherto  had  never  been  in  this  part 
of  the  country,  neither  did  they  ever  discover  the  land  by  many  degrees 
to  the  southwards  of  this  place  "  (Hakluyt,  442).  The  English  knew 
nothing  at  that  time  of  Cabrillo's  voyage,  nor  indeed  of  anything  that 
the  Spaniards  had  done  in  that  direction.  They  too  were  dreaming  of 
Eldorados,  and  thought  there  was  "  no  part  of  the  earth  here  to  be 
taken  up  wherein  there  is  not  some  special  likelihood  of  gold  or  silver  " 
(Ibid.). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  273 

though  they  attempted,  and  consequently  effected,  less  than 
in  Paraguay  and  among  the  Chaquitos,  they  reclaimed  very 
many  hordes  from  a  savage  life,  and  reduced  them  to  a  state 
of  contented  pupilage,  in  which  their  bodily  wants  were 
amply  provided  for.  Upon  the  abolition  of  that  order  the 
Franciscans  were  substituted  for  them  in  these  parts,  and  the 
Californian  missions  appear  to  have  been  the  only  ones  that 
were  not  either  utterly  ruined  or  miserably  deteriorated  by 
the  change. 

After  remaining  five  weeks  in  port  Drake  took  his  departure, 
and  as  long  as  the  ship  continued  in  sight,  the  natives  kept 
fires  on  the  tops  of  the  hills.  The  design  of  seeking  for  a 
passage  by  the  north  of  America  was,  with  general  consent, 
given  up,  seeing  that  the  northern  summer  was  so  far  ad- 
vanced, and  that  the  wind  was  then  blowing  from  the  north- 
west ;  and  it  was  determined  to  follow  the  example  of  Mag- 
ellan, and  steer  for  the  Moluccas.  After  taking  "  good  store 
of  seals  and  birds  "  from  the  Farellones,  which  are  near  the 
entrance  of  Port  St.  Francisco,  they  sailed  sixty-eight  days 
without  seeing  land,  and  then  fell  in  with  some  inhabited 
islands,  which,  from  the  conduct  of  the  natives,  they  named 
the  Island  of  Thieves, — another  remarkable  coincidence  with 
the  circumstances  of  Magellan's  voyage.  These  people  began 
by  fair  trading :  then  took  the  English  articles  and  would 
make  no  return  ;  and,  lastly,  when  the  English  refused  to 
deal  any  more  with  such  customers,  attacked  the  ships  with 
stones,  wherewith  they  had  come  well  provided.  A  great 
gun  was  fired  over  their  heads  :  it  frightened  them  away  ; 
but  when  they  found  that  they  were  not  hurt,  they  returned 
more  audaciously  to  the  unprovoked  attack,  and  "could  not 
be  got  rid  of  till  they  were  made  to  feel  smart  as  well  as 
terror ".  There  is  little  doubt  that  these  were  the  Pelew 
Islands.  Drake  was  not  clear  of  them  till  3rd  of  October. 
On  the  16th  he  made  the  Philippines,  and  on  3rd  of  No- 
vember had  sight  of  the  Moluccas,  and  steered  for  Tidore, 

18 


274  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

where  it  was  his  intention  to  anchor  ;  but  a  boat  came  off 
from  the  Island  Motir,  and  Portuguese  enough  was  spoken 
by  those  who  came  in  it  to  make  him  understand  that  the 
Portuguese  had  been  driven  out  from  Ternate,  and  had  taken 
up  their  quarters  in  Tidore,  and  to  invite  him  to  change  his 
destination  and  go  to  Ternate,  when  they  understood  that  he 
was  not  a  friend  to  the  Portuguese.  Thither,  accordingly,  he 
went ;  and  sending  a  velvet  cloak  as  a  present  to  the  king, 
requested  to  be  furnished  with  provisions,  and  to  trade  for 
spices.  * 

The  king,  who  had  already  been  told  "  what  good  things 
he  might  receive  by  traffic,"  prepared  forthwith  to  visit  the 
ship.  He  sent  before  him  "  four  great  and  large  canoes,  in 
every  one  whereof  were  certain  of  his  greatest  states  that 
were  about  him,  attired  in  white  lawn  of  cloth  of  Calicut, 
having  over  their  heads  from  the  one  end  of  the  canoe  to  the 
other  a  covering  of  thin  perfumed  mats,  borne  up  with  a 
frame  made  of  reeds  for  the  same  use,  under  which  every  one 
did  sit  in  his  order,  according  to  his  dignity,  to  keep  him 
from  the  heat  of  the  sun  ;  divers  of  whom  being  of  good  age 
and  gravity  did  make  an  ancient  and  fatherly  show.  There 
were  also  divers  young  and  comely  men  attired  in  white,  as 
were  the  others.  The  rest  were  soldiers,  which  stood  in 
comely  order,  round  about  on  both  sides  ;  without  whom  sat 
the  rowers  in  certain  galleries,  which  being  three  on  a  side 
all  along  the  canoes  did  lie  off  from  the  side  thereof  three  or 
four  yards,  one  being  orderly  builded  lower  than  another,  in 
every  of  which  galleries  were  the  number  of  fourscore  rowers. 
These  canoes  were  furnished  with  warlike  munition,  every 
man,  for  the  most  part,  having  his  sword  and  target,  with  his 
dagger,  besides  other  weapons,  as  lances,  calivers,  darts, 
bows  and  arrows  ;  also  every  canoe  had  a  small  cast  base  (or 
cannon)  mounted  at  the  least  one  full  yard  upon  a  stock  set 

*  Burney,  356-358.     Hakluyt,  739. 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  275 

upright.  Thus  coming  near  tlic  ship  in  order  they  rowed 
about  it,  one  after  another,  and  passing  by,  did  their  homage* 
with  great  solemnity,  the  great  personages  beginning  with 
great  gravity,  and  fatherly  countenance,  signifying  that  the 
king  had  sent  them  to  conduct  the  ship  into  a  better  road." 
The  king  soon  arrived,  and  was  received  with  a  salute  of 
great  guns,  with  trumpets  sounding,  and  such  politic  display 
of  state  and  strength  as  Drake  knew  it  was  advisable  to  ex- 
hibit. He  and  his  suite  were  "passing  well  contented  with 
the  presents  which  were  made  them ;  and  taking  his  leave, 
as  the  ship  anchored,  he  promised  to  repeat  his  visit  the  next 
day,  and  said  that  provisions  should  be  supplied  ".t 

That  same  night  provisions  were  sent,  consisting  of  rice, 
fowls,  "  unperfect  and  liquid  sugar,"  sugar  canes,  "  a  fruit 
which  they  call  figo,"  cloves,  and  "  meal,  which  they  call 
sagu,  made  of  the  tops  of  certain  trees,  tasting  in  the  mouth 
like  sour  curds,  but  melting  like  sugar,  whereof  they  make 
certain  cakes,  which  may  be  kept  the  space  of  ten  years,  and 
yet  then  good  to  be  eaten  ".  But  instead  of  repeating  his 
visit,  as  he  had  promised,  the  king  sent  his  brother  on  the 
morrow  to  invite  the  general  ashore,  and  remain  on  board  as 
hostage  for  his  safe  return.  The  breach  of  promise  made 
Drake  "mislike"  this  invitation,  and  his  whole  company 
utterly  refused  to  let  him  accept  it.  Not,  however,  to  ex- 
press any  suspicion,  that  should  it  prove  needless  might  justly 
give  offence,  he  sent  some  of  his  officers  with  presents  in  his 
stead.  They  were  received  in  great  state,  in  a  large  and  fair 
house,  near  the  castle  which  this  prince  had  taken  from  the 

*  Here,  too,  Drake's  people  were  possessed  with  the  notion  of  an  in- 
tended surrender  of  the  rights  of  sovereignty.  The  first  relater  says, 
"  the  king  was  moved  with  great  liking  toward  us,  and  sent  to  our 
general  with  special  message,  that  he  should  have  what  things  he  needed 
and  would  require,  with  peace  and  friendship  ;  and,  moreover,  that  he 
would  yield  himself,  and  the  right  of  his  island,  to  be  at  the  pleasure 
and  commandment  of  so  great  a  prince  as  we  served"  (p.  739). 

t  Hakluyt,  739.     Burney,  358. 


276  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

Portuguese.  About  1000  persons  were  assembled,  among 
whom  were  seven  ambassadors  *  from  different  countries. 
The  king  came  in,  after  a  while,  with  twelve  guards,  and 
under  a  rich  canopy,  embossed  with  gold.  "  From  his  waist 
down  to  the  ground  was  all  cloth  of  gold,  and  the  same  very 
rich  ;  his  legs  were  bare,  but  on  his  feet  were  shoes  of  Cor- 
dovan skin.  In  the  attire  of  his  head  were  finely  wreathed 
hooped  rings  of  gold  ;  and  about  his  neck  he  had  a  chain  of 
perfect  gold,  the  links  whereof  were  great  and  one  fold 
double.  On  his  fingers  he  had  six  very  fair  jewels  ;  and 
sitting  in  his  chair  of  estate,  at  his  right  hand  stood  a  page 
with  a  fan  in  his  hand,  breathing  and  gathering  the  air  to 
the  king.  The  fan  was  in  length  two  feet,  and  in  breadth 
one,  set  with  eight  sapphires,  richly  embroidered,  and  knit 
to  a  staff  three  feet  in  length,  by  which  the  page  did  hold 
and  move  it."  No  treachery  had  been  intended :  the  inter- 
view ended  well  ;  and  the  English  were  offered  an  exclusive 
trade  with  Ternate  and  its  numerous  dependent  isles,  t  if 
they  would  enter  into  engagements  of  amity  and  commerce 
with  him. 

Sultan  Baboe,  or  more  properly  Baab-Ullah,  by  whom  this 
proposal  was  made,  was  a  more  politic  and  powerful  prince 
than  any  of  the  twenty-four  sultans  who  had  preceded  him 
in  the  sovereignty  of  those  islands.  His  father,  Sultan  Hairun, 
had  been  assassinated  in  his  own  palace  by  the  Portuguese, 


*  Two  Turks,  liegers,  the  old  relation  says,  and  one  Italian,  and 
"  four  grave  persons,  apparelled  all  in  red  down  to  the  ground,  and 
attired  on  their  heads  like  the  Turks,  and  these  were  said  to  be  Romans, 
and  liegers  there  to  keep  continual  traffic  with  the  people  of  Ternate  " 
(p.  740).  Who  these  may  have  been  it  is  impossible  to  guess,  farther 
than  that  they  were  Mahommedans. 

f  Seventy  they  are  said  to  be  in  Hakluyt.  They  were  commonly 
accounted  seventy-two,  but  Valentyn  enumerates  twenty  more,  besides 
more  than  a  hundred  uninhabited  ones,  of  which  the  birds  and  turtles 
are  in  full,  but  not  peaceful,  possession. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  277 

mutual  wrongs  and  mutual  intolerance  having  exasperated 
them  against  each  other.  The  history  of  the  Portuguese  in  the 
Moluccas,  far  unlike  that  of  the  mother-country  and  its  other 
conquests  or  colonies)  may  be  described  as  a  series  of  crimes, 
with  little  to  mitigate  them,  and  nothing  to  redeem  the 
perpetrators  from  abhorrence  and  execration.  *  They  cut 
the  body  of  Hairun  in  pieces,  salted  them,  and  when  Baab- 
Ullah  offered  even  to  become  a  Christian  if  they  would  give 
him  the  dishonoured  remains  of  his  murdered  father,  they 
cast  them  into  the  sea.  The  sultan  had  his  revenge,  but  it 
was  that  of  a  brave  and  honourable  man  :  he  besieged  them 
in  their  fort  St.  Paulo,  compelled  them,  by  famine,  to  sur- 
render, received  the  keys  in  a  casket  of  finely  wrought  silver, 
and  made  the  army  hut  themselves  upon  the  beach  till  oppor- 
tunity might  offer  of  a  passage  to  their  own  country.  A 
galleon  arrived  ;  but  those  on  board  regarded  the  capitula- 
tion as  so  shameful,  that  they  refused  to  take  their  country- 
men on  board,  and  there  they  must  have  remained,  if  the 
people  of  Tidore  had  not,  in  hatred  to  the  Ternatans,  trans- 
ported them  to  their  island,  and  allowed  them  to  construct 
a  fortress  there  ;  and  though  Baab-Ullah  pursued  them 
thither,  and  defeated  them  and  their  allies  in  battle,  they 
maintained  themselves  there,  t  These  events  occurred  only 
six  years  before  Drake's  arrival,  and  they  explain  the  readi- 
ness with  which  the  sultan  proposed  to  enter  into  an  alliance 
with  the  English.  Powerful  as  he  then  was,  he  knew  that 
he  might  possibly  one  day  stand  in  need  of  European  aid  ; 
and  in  the  eastern  islands  the  sultans  seem  always  to  have 
been  merchant  princes.  But  the  English  did  not  yet  extend 
their  views  of  commerce  so  far,  and  Drake  had  not  come 
there  "to  spy  the  land,"  even  with  mercantile  intentions. 

*  My  knowledge  of  it  is  derived  from  their  own  historians  ;  and  if 
there  is  a  wickeder  history  than  that  of  the  Portuguese  in  the  Moluccas, 
it  has  not  come  within  the  course  of  my  reading. 

t  Valentyn,  Beschryving  dcr  Moluccas,  i.,  206,  207. 


278  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

His  first  object  was  to  discover  the  weakness  of  Peru  ;  having 
succeeded  in  that,  to  go  round  the  world  was  not  only  a 
point  of  ambition  but  his  best  way  home. 

Among  the  persons  who  came  on  board  the  Golden  Hind 
during  the  six  days  that  she  remained  at  Ternate  was  a 
Chinese,  who  informed  Drake,  through  an  interpreter,  that 
he  was  related  to  the  family  of  the  reigning  emperor,  but 
had  been  unjustly  accused  of  a  capital  crime,  and  was  afraid 
that  if  it  came  to  trial,  innocent  though  he  was,  he  should 
not  be  able  to  make  his  innocence  appear.  He  had,  there- 
fore, solicited  and  obtained  leave  to  expatriate  himself,  upon 
condition  that  if  he  could  bring  home  any  important  intelli- 
gence, he  should  be  allowed  to  live  in  his  native  country, 
otherwise  he  must  pass  his  life  in  exile.  Now,  he  said,  he 
accounted  himself  a  happy  man,  in  that  he  had  seen  and 
spoken  with  the  English,  thinking  this  was  a  thing  for  which, 
perhaps,  he  might  find  favour  in  China  ;  and  he  endeavoured 
to  persuade  Drake  to  go  thither,  not  doubting  but  that  it 
would  be  a  means  to  obtain  him  advancement  and  honour. 
But  Drake's  business  was  to  secure  both  the  wealth  and  the 
glory  which  he  had  acquired,  by  returning  home  with  as 
little  delay  as  possible ;  and  the  poor  Chinese  departed 
sorrowfully,  when  he  found  that  his  persuasions  did  not 
succeed.* 

Having  stored  himself  with  provisions,  and  laid  in  as  large 
a  quantity  of  cloves  as  convenient  stowage  could  be  found 
for,  Drake  sailed  on  9th  of  November  ;  and  on  the  14th 
anchored  at  a  small  uninhabited  island  near  the  eastern  part 
of  Celebes.  There  he  erected  tents,  intrenched  them  to  be 
prepared  for  unwelcome  visitors  if  any  should  arrive,  set  up 
a  forge,  and  repaired  the  ship  carefully.  Four  weeks  were 
passed  in  this  occupation  without  molestation  of  any  kind. 
They  had  to  provide  themselves  with  water  from  an  adjacent 

*  World  Encompassed,  93.     Burney,  359. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  279 

island  ;  in  all  other  respects  this  was  most  commodious.  It 
was  covered  "with  wood  of  a  large  and  high  growth,  straight, 
and  without  boughs,  save  only  in  the  head  or  top,  whose 
leaves  are  not  much  differing  from  our  broom  in  England. 
Amongst  these  trees,  night  by  night,  through  the  whole 
land,  did  show  themselves  an  infinite  swarm  of  fiery  worms 
flying  in  the  air,  whose  bodies  being  no  bigger  than  our 
common  English  flies  make  such  a  show  and  light,  as  if  every 
twig  and  tree  had  been  a  burning  candle."  Such  is  the  ex- 
aggerated description  which  one  of  these  adventurers  has 
given  of  a  very  striking  and  beautiful  sight.  "  In  this  place 
breedeth  also  wonderful  store  of  bats,  as  big  as  large  hens  "  ; 
and,  better  than  such  ugly  poultry,  "  a  kind  of  cray  fish,  of 
such  a  size  that  one  was  sufficient  to  satisfy  four  hungry 
men".  These,  which  seem  to  be  exaggerated  in  size,  were 
land  crabs,  and  "  very  good  and  restoring  meat  ".  "  They 
are,"  says  another  relater,  "  as  far  as  we  could  perceive, 
utter  strangers  to  the  sea,  living  always  on  the  land,  where 
they  work  themselves  earths  ;  or  rather  they  dig  huge  caves 
under  the  roots  of  the  largest  trees,  where  they  lodge  by 
companies  together.  Sometimes,  when  we  come  to  take 
them,  for  want  of  other  refuge,  they  would  climb  into  the 
trees  and  hide  themselves,  where  we  were  enforced  to  follow 
them."  * 

From  hence  they  sailed  toward  the  west,  and  thereby  got 
entangled  among  the  islands  and  shoals  near  the  coast  of 
Celebes.  With  the  hope  of  escaping  from  these,  they  held 
a  southern  course  ;  but  on  9th  of  January,  when  they  thought 
themselves  in  a  clear  sea,  early  in  the  first  watch,  the  ship 
running  under  full  sail,  with  the  wind  large,  and  blowing 
moderately  fresh,  came  at  once  upon  a  rocky  shoal,  and 
stuck  fast.  "  Boats  were  got  out  to  examine  if  an  anchor 
could  be  placed  in  any  direction,  by  which  they  might 

*  Hakluyt,  740.     Burney,  361. 


280  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

endeavour  to  draw  the  ship  off  into  deep  water  ;  but  at  the 
distance  of  only  a  boat's  length  no  bottom  could  be  found 
with  all  their  lines.  The  ship  had  not  become  leaky  in  con- 
sequence of  the  shock  ;  but  she  remained  all  night  fixed,  and 
another  examination  after  daylight  was  as  fruitless  as  the 
former."  There  she  continued  till  four  in  the  afternoon. 
The  general,  "  as  he  had  always  hitherto  shown  himself  coura- 
geous, and  of  a  good  confidence  in  the  mercy  and  protection 
of  God,  so  now  he  continued  in  the  same  ;  and  lest  he  should 
seem  to  perish  wilfully,  both  he  and  his  men  did  their  best 
endeavour  to  save  themselves.  Those  endeavours  were  all 
vain ;  and  it  was  to  God's  special  mercy  that  they  were 
alone  beholden  for  their  preservation,  when  no  human  effort 
could  avail.  In  a  state  which  was  hopeless,  as  well  as  help- 
less, the  crew  were  summoned  to  prayers ;  and  when  that 
duty  was  performed  they  tried  what  could  be  done  by  lighten- 
ing the  ship.  Three  tons  of  cloves  were  thrown  out,  eight  of 
the  guns,  and  a  quantity  of  meal  and  pulse  ;  but  none  of  the 
treasure,  though  that  was  £he  heaviest  part  of  the  cargo.* 

*  Fuller  says  otherwise  in  a  most  characteristic  passage.  The  ship,  he 
says,  struck  twice  on  a  dangerous  shoal,  "  knocking  twice  at  the  door  of 
death,  which  no  doubt  had  opened  the  third  time.  Here  they  stuck, 
having  ground  too  much,  and  yet  too  little  to  land  on  ;  and  water  too 
much,  and  yet  too  little  to  sail  in.  Had  God,  who,  as  the  wise  man 
saith,  holdeth  the  winds  in  His  fist,  but  opened  His  little  ringer  and  let 
out  the  smallest  blast,  they  had  undoubtedly  been  cast  away ;  but  there 
blew  not  any  wind  all  the  while.  Then  they,  conceiving  aright  that  the 
best  way  to  lighten  the  ship  was  first  to  ease  it  of  the  burthen  of  their 
sins  by  true  repentance,  humbled  themselves  by  lasting  under  the  hand 
of  God ;  afterward  they  received  the  communion,  dining  on  Christ  in 
the  sacrament,  expecting  no  other  than  to  sup  with  Him  in  heaven. 
Then  they  cast  out  of  their  ship  six  great  pieces  of  ordnance  ;  threw 
overboard  as  much  wealth  as  would  break  the  heart  of  a  miser  to  think 
on't ;  with  much  sugar,  and  packs  of  spices,  making  a  caudle  of  the  sea 
round  about.  Then  they  betook  themselves  to  their  prayers,  the  best 
lever  at  such  a  dead  lift  indeed,  and  it  pleased  God  that  the  wind,  for- 
merly their  mortal  enemy,  became  their  friend"  (Holy  State,  127). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  281 

Xo  visible  benefit  was  produced.  The  ship  had  grounded  on 
a  shelving  rock ;  where  she  lay  there  was  on  one  side  only 
six  feet  depth  at  low  water,  and  to  float  her  it  required 
thirteen.  The  wind  blowing  fresh  directly  against  the  other 
side  kept  her  upright  during  the  time  she  was  left  by  the  tide  ; 
but  when  it  was  nearly  at  the  lowest  the  wind  slackened, 
and  the  ship  losing  this  prop  fell  toward  the  deep  water :  her 
keel  with  the  shake  was  freed  from  the  rocks  ;  and,  not  less 
to  the  surprise  than  to  the  joy  of  every  one  aboard,  she  was 
once  more  afloat.  Thus  were  they  delivered  at  the  very  time 
when  the  tide  was  least  favourable,  and  when  all  efforts  were 
thought  useless."* 

"  Having  suffered  many  dangers  by  winds  and  shoals," 
they  fell  in,  on  the  8th  of  ^February,  with  "  the  fruitful  island 
of  Barateva,"  of  which  they  say  that,  "to  confess  a  truth, 
since  the  time  that  we  first  set  out  of  our  country  of  England, 
we  happened  upon  no  place,  Ternate  only  excepted,  wherein 
we  found  more  comforts,  and  better  means  of  refreshing ". 
The  people  they  found  comely,  just  in  dealing,  and  courteous 
to  strangers.  From  thence  they  set  their  course  for  Java ; 
which  island,  according  to  them,  "was  governed  by  five 
rajahs,  living  at  that  time  in  such  unity,  as  if  they  had 
one  spirit  and  one  mind ".  The  people,  by  their  account, 
dwelt  together  as  harmoniously  as  their  chiefs.  "  They  have 
a  house  in  every  village  for  their  common  assembly  ;  eveiy 
day  they  meet  twice,  men,  women,  and  children,  bringing 
with  them  such  victuals  as  they  think  good ;  some  fruits, 

*  Burney,  363.  This  excellent  seaman  follows  the  author  of  the 
World  Encompassed  in  this  detail,  wherein  I  have  followed  him — safe 
always  with  such  a  guide.  The  account  in  Hakluyt  (p.  741)  says,  that 
they  lightened  the  ship  ;  "  and  then  the  wind  (as  it  were  in  a  moment 
by  the  special  grace  of  God)  changing  from  the  starboard  to  the  larboard 
of  the  ship,  we  hoisted  our  sails,  and  the  happy  gale  drove  our  ship  off 
the  rocks  into  the  sea  again,  to  the  no  little  comfort  of  all  our  hearts, 
for  which  we  gave  God  such  praise  and  thanks  as  so  great  a  benefit 
required  ''. 


282  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

some  rice  boiled,  *  some  hens  roasted,  some  sagu ;  having  a 
table  made  three  feet  from  the  ground,  whereon  they  set 
their  meat,  that  every  person  sitting  at  the  table  may  eat, 
one  rejoicing  in  the  company  of  another."  It  is  a  mournful 
reflection  that  in  proportion  as  we  become  acquainted  with 
the  real  condition  and  character  of  distant  nations,  the  more 
there  is  to  subtract  from  the  first  favourable  opinion  that  is 
formed  of  them. 

Here  Drake  was  informed  that  not  far  off  there  were 
ships  as  large  as  his  own,  and  he  was  warned  to  beware  of 
them ;  though  he  must  previously  have  known  his  danger 
as  he  drew  near  the  Portuguese  settlements,  this  warning 
is  said  to  have  made  him  hasten  his  departure  from  Java. 
From  thence  he  steered  for  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  which 
his  men  thought  "a  most  stately  thing,  and  the  fairest  cape 
they  had  seen  in  the  whole  circumference  of  the  earth  ". 
They  landed  on  the  west  side  in  search  of  water,  and  finding 
no  spring  must  have  been  distressed  if  they  had  not  provi- 
dently collected  rain  water  in  good  time.  They  supplied 
themselves  at  Sierra  Leone,  and  concluded  their  prosperous 
voyage  at  Plymouth  after  two  years  and  nearly  ten  months  ; 
arriving  on  Monday  by  their  own  reckoning,  they  found  that 
it  was  Sunday  in  England.  Drake  immediately  repaired  to 
court,  and  was  graciously  received  there,  though  the  treasure 

*  They  boil  their  rice  in  an  earthen  pot,  made  in  form  of  a  sugar  loaf, 
being  full  of  holes,  as  our  pots  which  we  water  our  gardens  withal ;  and 
it  is  open  at  the  great  end,  wherein  they  put  their  rice  dry,  without  any 
moisture.  In  the  meantime  they  have  ready  another  great  earthen  pot,  set 
fast  in  a  furnace,  boiling,  full  of  water,  whereinto  they  put  their  pot  with 
rice,  by  such  measure  that  the  grains,  swelling,  become  soft  at  the  first, 
and  by  their  swelling,  stopping  the  holes  of  the  pot,  admit  no  more  water 
to  enter  ;  but  the  more  they  are  boiled  the  harder  and  more  firm  sub- 
stance they  become,  so  that  in  the  end  they  are  a  firm  and  good  bread; 
of  the  which  with  oil,  butter,  sugar,  and  other  spices,  they  make  divers 
sorts  of  meats,  very  pleasant  of  taste,  and  nourishing  to  nature 
(Hakluyt,  741). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  283 

which  he  brought  home  was  placed  in  sequestration,  in  case 
it  should  be  found  necessary  to  answer  such  demands  as  would 
be  made  for  it.  Her  own  right  of  navigating  the  ocean  in 
all  parts  Elizabeth  firmly  asserted  to  the  Spanish  ambassador, 
and  as  firmly  denied  any  right  which  the  Spaniard  laid  claim 
to  in  the  Indies  by  virtue  of  the  pope's  grant.  And  though 
she  yielded  so  far  as  to  pay  a  considerable  sum  of  money  to 
an  ostensible  procurator  of  certain  merchants  who  claimed 
it,  enough  seems  to  have  been  retained  to  make  it  a  profitable 
adventure  for  the  captors.  Drake  was  rewarded  with  such 
honours  as  he  had  well  deserved.  The  queen  gave  orders 
that  his  ship  should  be  drawn  up  in  a  little  creek  near 
Deptford,  and  there  preserved  as  a  monument  of  the  most 
memorable  voyage  that  the  English  had  ever  yet  performed. 
"  Having,  as  it  were,  thus  consecrated  it,  she  honoured  it  and 
him  by  going  on  board  to  partake  of  a  banquet  there ;  and 
on  that  occasion  *  Drake  knelt  to  her,  and  rose  up  Sir 
Francis.  The  good  fortune  which  had  attended  the  Golden 
Hind  on  her  voyage  round  the  world  did  not  forsake  that 

*  On  this  occasion  also  the  Westminster  scholars  set  up  the  following 
verses  upon  the  mainmast :  — 

"  PLUS  ULTRA,  Herculeis  inscribas,  Drace,  columnis, 
Et  magno,  dicas,  Hercule  major  ero  ". 

On  Hercules'  pillars,  Drake,  thou  may'st  plus  ultra  write  full  well, 
And  say,  I  will  in  greatness  that  great  Hercules  excel. 

"  Drace,  pererrati  novit  quem  terminus  orbis, 

Quemque  semel  mundi  vidit  uterque  polus, 
Si  taceant  homines,  facient  te  sidera  notum, 
Sol  nescit  comitis  non  memor  esse  sui." 

Sir  Drake,  whom  well  the  world's  end  knows,  which  thou  didst  compass 

round, 
And  whom  both  poles  of  heaven  once  saw  which  north  and  south  do 

bound, 

The  stars  above  will  make  thee  known  if  men  here  silent  were  ; 
The  sun  himself  cannot  forget  his  fellow-traveller. 


284  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

ship  when  laid  up  in  this  its  last  harbour.  The  bridge  of 
planks  by  which  the  queen  and  her  retinue  went  on  board 
broke  under  the  crowd  of  people  who  stationed  themselves 
upon  it ;  about  1 00  persons  fell,  and  yet  no  one  suffered  any 
serious  injury.  *  The  ship  remained  at  Deptford  till  it  de- 
cayed :  it  was  then  broken  up ;  and  from  one  of  its  planks  a 
chair  was  made,  and  presented  to  the  University  of  Oxford. 

It  was,  probably,  about  this  time  that  Sir  Francis  assumed 
the  arms  of  the  Drakes  of  Ash,  near  Axminster,  which,  as 
he  was  not  able  to  make  out  his  descent  from  that  family, 
was,  "in  those  days,  when  the  court  of  honour  was  in  more 
honour,  a  matter  not  so  easily  digested ".  Bernard  Drake, 
the  representative  of  that  family,  was  a  sea-rover  like  him- 
self; and  instead  of  feeling  that  the  tree  of  his  pedigree 
would  be  rendered  more  illustrious  by  having  the  name  of 
Sir  Francis  Drake  pendent  from  it  than  by  any  fruit  that  it 
had  ever  before  borne,  resented  the  assumption  angrily ;  high 
words  ensued,  and  he  gave  Sir  Francis  a  blow  within  the 
verge  of  the  court :  worse  consequences  might  have  followed 
had  this  outrage  been  offered  in  any  other  place  ;  and  the 
queen,  it  is  said,  not  leaving  the  laws  to  take  cognisance  of 
the  offender,  terminated  the  dispute  by  bestowing  upon  Sir 
Francis  "  a  new  coat  of  everlasting  honour  to  himself  and 
posterity  for  ever".  "  The  field,"  says  Gwillim, f  "is  diamond, 
a  fess  wavy  between  the  two  pole  stars,  Arctic  and  Antarctic, 
pearl.  Such  was  the  worth  of  this  most  generous  and  re- 
nowned knight,  as  that  his  merits  do  require  that  his  coat- 
armour  should  be  expressed  in  that  selected  manner  of 
blazoning  that  is  fitting  to  noble  personages,  in  respect  of  his 
noble  courage  and  high  attempts  achieved."  The  crest  given 
him  was  a  ship  on  a  globe,  under  ruff,  held  by  a  cable  with  a 
hand  out  of  the  clouds,  and  a  wivern  gules,  his  wings  dis- 
played, and  tail  nowed  (being  the  Drake  arms),  hung  by  the 

*  Camden,  253,  254.  f  P.  Si,  ed.  1679. 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE  285 

heels  in  the  rigging, — marking  thereby  the  queen's  displeasure 
towards  the  bearer  of  that  coat.  He,  however,  according  to 
the  tradition  in  his  family,  told  the  queen,  with  no  unbecom- 
ing spirit,  that  though  she  might  give  his  competitor  a  nobler 
coat  of  arms  than  his,  she  could  not  give  him  an  ancienter.  * 
Elizabeth's  displeasure  was  but  for  a  time  ;  and  sparing  as 
she  was  in  the  distribution  of  honours,  it  was  not  long  before 
she  rewarded  the  services  of  this  gentleman,  as  they  well 
deserved,  with  knighthood. 

Whether  this  expedition  were  justifiable  or  not  upon  those 
principles  by  which  all  Christian  states  ought  to  hold  them- 
selves bound,  Drake's  conduct  in  it,  as  a  navigator  and  a 
commander,  is  entitled  to  the  highest  praise.  It  has  been 
said  of  him  that  he  was  a  willing  hearer  of  every  man's 
opinion,  but  commonly  a  follower  of  his  own,  and  this  is  the 
highest  praise  that  can  be  bestowed  upon  a  man  so  competent 
to  form  an  opinion  for  himself.  The  next  great  enterprise 
in  which  he  was  engaged  was  planned  after  Elizabeth  had 
openly  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  United  States.  Philip 
had  then  laid  an  embargo  upon  all  English  ships, goods,  and  sub- 
jects in  his  dominions ;  and  the  queen  authorised  such  as  sus- 
tained loss  by  this  measure  to  indemnify  themselves  by  taking 
and  arresting  all  ships  and  merchandise  belonging  to  the  subjects 
of  Spain  wherever  they  could  find  them.f  Not  waiting  for  the 
war  at  her  own  doors,  she  fitted  out  an  expedition,  consisting  of 
twenty-five  sail  of  ships  and  pinnaces.  Drake  was  appointed 
admiral,  Martin  Frobisher  vice-admiral,  Christopher  Carleill, 
"a  man  of  long  experience  in  the  wars  as  well  by  sea  as 
land,"  general  of  the  land  forces.  The  soldiers  and  seamen 
amounted  to  2300.  They  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  14th 
of  September,  1585,  for  the  coast  of  Spain;  and  after  a  few 
days,  "  for  lack  of  favourable  wind,"  put  in  within  the  isles 
of  Bayona.  No  sooner  had  part  of  the  fleet  anchored  than 
Drake  ordered  the  pinnaces  and  boats  to  be  manned,  got  into 

*  Prince.  t  Monson,  in  Churchill,  Hi.,  155. 


286  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

his  galley,  and  rowed  toward  the  town  of  Bayona,  then  a  con- 
siderable place,  his  intent  being,  says  the  historian  of  the 
voyage,  "with  the  favour  of  the  Almighty,  to  surprise  it". 
They  were  presently  met  by  a  messenger  from  the  governor ; 
the  communication  ended  in  Drake's  despatching  Captain 
Sampson,  one  of  the  two  corporals  of  the  field,  to  demand 
of  the  governor,  "  first,  if  there  were  war  between  Spain  and 
England ;  and,  secondly,  why  the  English  merchants  and 
their  goods  were  embargoed  ?  "  The  governor  replied,  that 
he  knew  of  no  war  between  the  two  nations,  and  it  lay  not 
in  him  to  make  any :  the  embargo  had  been  the  king's 
pleasure,  but  not  with  intent  to  injure  any  man ;  and,  in  fact, 
it  had  been  taken  off  by  the  king's  counter  order  a  week  ago, 
to  certify  which  he  sent  the  English  merchants  then  resident 
there.  But  it  was  with  no  pacific  intention  that  this  arma- 
ment had  been  set  forth.  The  troops  landed,  and  quai-tering 
themselves  as  well  as  they  could,  and  setting  good  guard 
upon  every  approach,  thought  to  rest  themselves  there  for 
the  night.  Wine,  fruit,  and  other  refreshments  were  sent 
from  the  town  to  their  unbidden  and  unwelcome  visitants, 
as  if  they  had  been  friends.  But  about  midnight  the  weather 
began  to  overcast :  it  was  deemed  wiser  to  repair  aboard  than 
make  any  longer  tarriance,  and  before  they  could  recover  the 
fleet  a  storm  arose ;  many  of  the  ships  drove  from  their 
anchorage,  some  were  forced  out  to  sea  in  great  peril,  and 
one  was  driven  to  England.  "The  extremity  of  the  storm 
lasted  three  days."  * 

When  the  fleet  had  re-assembled,  Carleill  was  sent  with 
part  of  it  "to  see  what  he  could  do  above  Vigo".  He  inter- 
cepted many  boats  and  caravels,  in  which  the  inhabitants 
were  removing  their  property  up  into  the  country,  except 
one  boat,  in  which  were  the  plate  and  ornaments  of  the  high 
church.  The  booty  was  of  little  value  to  the  captors,  yet 
the  loss  of  the  people  was  computed  at  more  than  30,000 

*  Cates,  in  Hakluyt,  iii.,  535. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  287 

ducats,  the  ducat  being  5*.  6d.  The  next  day  Drake  joined 
Carleill  in  a  station  above  the  town,  chosen  "  as  well  for  the 
more  quiet  riding  of  his  ship  as  also  for  the  good  commodity 
of  watering,  which  the  place  afforded  full  well ".  Meantime 
the  Governor  of  Galicia,  having  collected  some  2000  foot  and 
300  horse,  hastened  to  this  point,  and  demanded  a  parley 
with  the  English  commander.  Drake  consented,  "  so  it 
might  be  in  boats  upon  the  water  ".  Hostages  were  given  on 
both  sides  ;  and  an  agreement  was  concluded  that  the  English 
•'should  furnish  themselves  with  fresh  water,  to  be  taken 
quietly  by  their  own  people,  and  with  all  other  such  neces- 
saries as  the  place  would  afford,  paying  for  the  same".  This 
done,  the  fleet  sailed  for  the  Canaries.  * 

The  parties  had  regarded  each  other  here  Avith  respect ; 
and  humiliating  as  it  was  for  the  governor  of  such  a  province 
to  have  consented  to  such  an  agreement,  his  presence  pre- 
vented greater  evil,  the  disposition  of  the  English  being  to 
burn  and  destroy,  or  to  extort  a  ransom  as  the  price  of  their 
forbearance.  Great  and  not  unreasonable  alarm  was  excited 
by  their  appearance.  Their  force  was  estimated  at  5000 
troops,  with  30  ships,  besides  many  pinnaces  and  oared 
shallops :  it  was  feared  that  they  were  designed  for  the 
South  Sea ;  and  the  mischief  which  they  might  effect  upon 
the  way  was  forecast  by  the  Marquis  of  Santa  Cruz.  In 
eighteen  days  from  Bayona,  at  this  season,  Drake  might  sack 
Madeira,  the  Canaries,  and  the  Cape  de  Verds ;  forty  days 
more  might  carry  him  to  Rio  Janeiro :  he  might  take  pos- 
session of  the  mouth  of  that  fine  harbour,  which  commands 
the  entrance,  fortify  it,  and  maintain  it  by  leaving  a  garrison 
of  500  men  there  :  he  might  then  pass  the  strait,  enter  the 
South  Sea,  and  attack  Lima.  The  population  of  that  city 
consisted  of  2000  families,  but  they  were  neither  a  warlike 
people,  nor  had  they  been  trained  to  arms ;  and  as  the  place 

*  Gates,  in  Hakluyt,  iii.,  536. 


288  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

was  open,  and  had  no  artillery  for  its  defence,  the  English 
might  take  and  sack  it,  and  proceed  to  make  themselves 
masters  of  the  land  ;  in  furtherance  of  which  views  it  was 
veiy  probable  that  they  would  get  possession  of  Panama.  If 
this  were  not  Drake's  design,  it  might  be  to  sack  St.  Domingo, 
Puerto  Rico,  and  the  coast  of  Tierra-Firma  to  Carthagena  and 
Nombre  de  Dios,  and  by  way  of  Venta  de  Cruz  attack  Panama 
from  that  side.  The  Havannah,  also,  was  in  great  danger, 
the  fortress  being  but  small  and  weak.  The  marquis  advised, 
therefore,  that  despatches  should  be  sent  off  with  all  possible 
diligence  to  the  viceroys  and  governors  in  the  Indies ;  that 
a  fleet  should  be  ordered  out  to  sail  in  pursuit  of  the  English, 
and  give  them  battle ;  that  1000  Catalonian  and  Genoese 
sailors  should  be  distributed  in  this  fleet,  and  6000  soldiers 
levied  for  it,  a  greater  number  being  raised,  to  the  end  that 
those  who  were  chosen  might  be  able  men.* 

Drake,  meantime,  was  on  his  way  to  the  Canaries,  and 
made  first  for  the  Isle  of  Palma,  "  with  intention,"  says 
Gates,  "to  have  taken  our  pleasure  of  that  place,  for  the 
full  digesting  of  many  things  into  order,  and  the  better 
furnishing  our  store  with  such  several  good  things,  as  it 
affordeth  very  abundantly".  But  he  complains  "we  were 
forced  by  the  vile  sea-gate,  which  at  that  present  fell  out, 
and  by  the  naughtiness  of  the  landing-place,  being  but  one, 
and  that  under  the  favour  of  many  platforms,  well  furnished 
with  great  ordnance,  to  depart  with  the  receipt  of  many  of 
their  cannon  shot ;  but  the  only  or  chief  mischief  was  the 
dangerous  sea  surge,  which  at  shore  all  along  plainly  threatened 
the  overthrow  of  any  boats  as  should  have  attempted  land- 
ing". They  then  tried  the  Island  of  Hierro,  and  landed 
about  1000  men :  the  inhabitants  came  to  them ;  and,  by 
means  of  a  young  Englishman  who  resided  there,  represented 
"  their  state  to  be  so  poor,  that  they  were  all  ready  to  starve  ". 

*  Hakluyt,  530,  534. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  289 

This  poverty  was  their  defence ;  and  the  expedition,  thus  a 
second  time  disappointed,  proceeded  for  the  Cape  de  Verds.* 
Arrived  at  the  principal  of  those  islands,  they  anchored 
between  the  towns  of  Playa  and  Santiago.  Carleill  was 
landed  there  with  1000  men,  marched  toward  the  latter 
place,  being  the  capital,  during  the  night,  halted  at  some 
two  miles'  distance  till  break  of  day,  and  then  advancing 
"hard  to  the  walls"  saw  no  enemy  to  resist  him,  the  inhabit- 
ants having,  at  sight  of  the  fleet,  fled  into  the  interior.  Two 
companies  of  thirty  men  each  were  then  sent  to  enter  the 
town,  the  whole  of  which,  being  in  a  valley,  was  completely 
seen  from  the  high  ground  on  which  the  troops  had  arrived ; 
the  great  ensign  was  also  sent,  "  which  had  nothing  on  it  but 
the  plain  English  cross,  to  be  placed  toward  the  sea,  that  our 
fleet  might  see  St.  George's  cross  flourish  on  the  enemy's 
fortress.  Order  was  given  that  all  the  ordnance  throughout 
the  town,  and  upon  all  the  platforms,  which  were  about 
fifty  pieces,  all  ready  charged,  should  be  shot  off  in  honour 
of  the  queen's  majesty's  coronation  day,  being  the  17th 
November,  after  the  yearly  custom  of  England,  which  was 
so  answered  again  by  all  the  ships  in  the  fleet,  being  now 
come  near,  as  it  was  strange  to  hear  such  a  thundering  noise 
last  so  long  together."  The  town  was  in  form  like  a  triangle, 
having  cliffs,  "  as  it  were,  hanging  over  it,"  on  the  east  and 
west ;  both  heights  were  fortified,  though  no  attempt  had 
been  made  to  defend  the  works.  On  the  south  was  the  sea  ; 
and  at  the  north  end  the  valley,  in  which  the  town  is  built, 
becomes  so  narrow,  that  it  was  estimated  not  to  be  above  ten 
or  twelve  score  over.  A  stream  came  down  the  valley,  and 
formed  a  pond  near  the  sea-side,  at  which  the  ships  were 
watered  with  great  ease.  Above  the  town  the  valley  ex- 
panded, and  was  wholly  converted  into  gardens  and  orchards. 
Carleill  remained  on  the  heights  till  the  deserted  town  was 
quartered  out  for  the  lodging  of  the  whole  army ;  that  done, 

*  Hakluyt,  536. 

19 


290  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

he  took  possession,  and  set  such  sufficient  guard  in  every  part 
that  there  was  no  cause  for  any  present  fear.* 

Here  the  English  continued  a  fortnight,  finding  no  treasure 
nor  any  booty  of  greater  value  than  provisions,  and  "  trash 
for  the  Indian  trade  ".  None  of  the  inhabitants  came  near 
them,  till  one  day  a  Portuguese  approached  with  a  flag  of 
truce  ;  and  being  received  by  Captains  Sampson  and  Goring, 
first  asked  what  countrymen  they  were,  and  then  put  the 
pithy  question,  whether  there  was  war  between  England  and 
Spain  ?  Their  answer  was,  that  they  knew  not ;  but  that  if 
he  would  go  to  the  general  he  could  best  resolve  him  of  that 
particular.  This  he  refused,  as  having  no  such  commission 
from  the  governor.  They  then  told  him  that  if  the  governor 
desired  to  take  a  course  for  the  good  of  the  place  and  the 
people,  "  his  best  way  was  to  present  himself  unto  our  noble 
and  merciful  general,  Sir  Francis  Drake,  whereby  he  might 
be  assured  to  find  favour  both  for  himself  and  the  inhabitants  ; 
otherwise,  within  three  days,  we  should  march  over  the  land, 
and  consume  with  fire  all  inhabited  places,  and  put  to  the 
sword  all  such  living  souls  as  we  should  chance  upon  ".  Some 
cause  of  complaint  the  English  had  against  the  people  of  this 
island,  for  having  broken  their  promise  to  "  old  Master  William 
Hawkins  of  Plymouth,"  a  few  years  before,  and  murdered 
many  of  his  men  ;  and  to  this  they  imputed  the  fear  which 
prevented  the  authorities  from  opening  any  negotiation,  and 
the  inhabitants  from  holding  any  communication  with  them. 
A  week  after  their  arrival,  Drake  marched  with  600  men  to 
a  village  called  St.  Domingo,  twelve  miles  inland,  where  he 
had  heard  that  the  governor,  the  bishop,  and  all  the  chief 
inhabitants,  had  retired  :  it  was  deserted  before  they  arrived  ; 
but  when,  after  waiting  awhile,  not  only  to  rest  themselves, 
but  to  see  whether  any  would  come  to  confer  with  them, 
they  marched  back,  the  islanders  showed  themselves  with 

*  Hakluyt,  537. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  291 

some  force  both  of  horse  and  foot,  yet  not  in  such  strength 
as  to  venture  or  abide  an  attack  ;  "  so  in  passing  some  time 
at  gaze  with  them,  it  waxed  late  before  the  men  reached 
Santiago ".  The  invaders  had  expected  that  either  the 
governor  or  the  bishop,  whose  authority  they  believed  to  be 
great,  or  the  people  either  of  town  or  country,  would  entreat 
them  to  leave  some  part  of  their  needful  provision,  "  or  at 
least  to  spare  the  city  at  their  departure "  ;  that  is,  they 
expected  that  a  ransom  would  be  offered,  and  they  took 
"  great  discontentment  and  scorn  "  at  a  conduct  which  disap- 
pointed their  hopes.  The  wisest  course  that  the  islanders 
could  take  with  such  enemies  was  thus  to  disappoint  them, 
it  being  better  to  suffer  any  immediate  havoc  that  might  be 
made  than,  by  purchasing  a  respite,  to  attempt  a  repetition 
of  such  visits.  But  they  provoked  the  invaders  by  murdering 
a  boy,  whom  they  caught  straggling,  and  by  mutilating  his 
body  "  in  a  most  brutish  and  beastly  manner".  In  revenge 
for  this  the  invaders  burnt  every  house  in  the  town,  and 
every  house  which  they  saw  in  their  incursions,  except  the 
hospital :  that  they  left  uninjured ;  and  there  and  in  other 
places  affixed  a  paper,  declaring  the  reason  why  they  had 
exercised  this  vengeance.  Having  thus  inflicted  upon  the 
islanders  all  the  evil  they  could,  they  re-embarked  leisurely, 
but  cautiously,  and  set  sail,  not  having  suffered  the  slightest 
loss.  * 

Unpunished,  however,  they  did  not  depart ;  for  though, 
till  then,  not  a  man  had  been  lost  by  sickness,  there  now 
began  among  them  such  mortality,  that  in  the  course  of  a  few 
days  between  200  and  300  died.  "The  sickness,"  says 
Gates,  "showed  not  his  infection  till  we  were  departed 
thence,  and  then  seized  our  people  with  extreme  hot  burning 
and  continual  agues,  whereof  veiy  few  escaped  with  life,  and 
those  for  the  most  part  not  without  great  alteration  and 
decay  of  their  wits  and  strength  for  a  long  time  after."  Upon 

*  Hakluyt,  537,  538. 


292  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

some  of  the  dead  marks  appeared  which  were  taken  for 
plague  spots.  The  first  land  which  they  made  after  a  passage 
of  eighteen  days  was  Dominica  :  not  thinking  it  safe  to  make 
any  tarriance  there,  because  of  the  character  of  the  Caribs, 
though  they  exchanged  beads  and  such  trifles  which  they 
had  brought  from  Santiago  for  "great  store  of  tobacco  and 
cassavi  bread,"  they  proceeded  to  St.  Christopher,  which  at 
that  time  was  uninhabited,  and  there  spent  some  days  of 
Christmas,  to  refresh  the  sick,  and  to  cleanse  and  air  the 
ships.  There  a  counsel  was  held ;  and  it  was  determined 
that  they  should  make  for  the  great  Island  of  Hispaniola, 
"as  well  for  that  they  knew  themselves  then  to  be  in  their 
best  strength,  as  also  the  rather  allured  thereunto  by  the 
glorious  fame  of  the  city  of  St.  Domingo,  being  the  ancientest 
and  chief  inhabited  place  in  all  the  tract  of  country  there- 
abouts ". 

The  city  of  St.  Domingo  is  the  oldest,  and  was  once  the 
most  considerable  Spanish  city  in  the  New  World.  Bartolome 
Columbus  founded  it  so  early  as  the  year  1496,  and  called  it 
Nueva  Isabella,  removing  to  it  the  inhabitants  of  the  earlier 
settlement  named  after  the  Queen  of  Castille.  He  placed  it 
on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  Ozama,  where  a  copious  fountain 
supplied  it  with  good  water,  that  of  the  river  being  salt  or 
brackish  for  some  leagues  up.  The  first  inhabitations  were 
hastily  constructed  with  wood  and  reeds,  and  were  nearly  de- 
stroyed in  1502  by  a  hurricane.  Shortly  afterwards  Ovaiido 
removed  it  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  Ozama.  In  the  first 
years  of  the  conquest  a  city  was  moved  almost  as  easily  as 
a  camp ;  and  such  removals  were  sometimes  made  with  no 
worthier  motive  than  the  desire  of  a  new  governor  to  gain 
reputation  at  the  expense  of  his  predecessors.  By  this  motive 
Ovando  is  thought  to  have  been  influenced  *  when  he  aban- 

*  Oviedo,  lib.  iii.,  c.  10,  f.  31.     Yet,  in  an  earlier  part  of  his  most  valu-    I 
able  work  (lib.  ii.,  c.  13,  f.  19),  Oviedo  says  that  the  foundations  were  not 
originally  laid  on  the  present  site,  because  Bartolome  Columbus  was 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  293 

cloned  a  well-chosen  and  commodious  site  for  one  which  was 
exposed  to  morning  fogs,  and  where  fresh  water  was  wanting. 
That  want  he  meant  to  supply  by  bringing  an  aqueduct  from 
the  river  Haina ;  and  the  foundations  of  the  city  were  laid 
by  him  in  a  manner  and  upon  a  scale  worthy  of  the  Spaniards 
in  their  best  days.  In  the  next  generation  it  was  said,  that, 
space  for  space,  no  city  in  the  mother  country  was  better  built, 
Barcelona  alone  excepted ;  that  the  emperor  Charles  V.  was 
often  lodged  in  Spain  in  worse  houses  than  were  to  be  found 
in  this  capital ;  that  the  palace  of  the  viceroy,  Diego 
Columbus,  far  exceeded  that  of  any  subject  in  Spain ;  and 
that  the  streets  having  been  built,  according  to  a  regular  plan, 
upon  convenient  ground,  and  laid  out  by  cord  and  compass, 
excelled  those  of  any  other  place  that  its  earliest  historian 
Oviedo  had  ever  seen.*  The  first  cross  which  Columbus — 
in  evil  hour  for  the  Indians— planted  on  the  island  was  pre- 
served in  the  cathedral,  enclosed  in  a  silver  case,  richly  inlaid, 
and  secured  in  a  tabernacle  with  three  locks,  the  keys  of 
which  were  kept  by  three  of  the  dignitaries  of  the  church. 
To  that  cathedral,  also,  the  remains  of  Columbus,  pursuant 
to  his  will,  were  translated  from  Seville,  and  there  they 
rested  on  the  right  of  the  high  altar  till,  upon  the  scandalous 
cession  to  France  of  the  Spanish  part  of  Hispaniola,  the  brazen 
coffin  wherein  they  were  deposited  was  removed  to  the  Ha- 
vannah  by  the  direction  of  his  representative  the  Duque  de 
Veragua,  who,  on  that  occasion,  manifested  a  feeling  in  which 
the  miserable  Charles  IV.  and  his  profligate  ministers  were 
wanting.f 

unwilling  to  disturb  the  cacica  Catalina  and  the  Indians  who  were  settled 
on  that  side  of  the  river.  "  The  city  was  called  St.  Domingo,"  he  says, 
"  not  only  because  the  adelantado  came  to  found  it  on  a  Sunday  (Domin- 
go), which  Sunday  also  was  St.  Domingo's  day,  but,  moreover,  because 
his  father's  name  was  Domenico  y  en  su  memoria  el  fib  llamar  Sancto 
Domingo  a  este  ciudad.''' 

*  Historia,  Natural  et  General,  f.  31.     Sommario  (in  Ramasio,  Hi.,  46). 

t  Walton's  Spanish  Colonies,  i.,  144. 


294  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

Proceeding  with  the  determination  of  attacking  this  city, 
and  not  knowing  how  greatly  it  was  fallen  from  its  high 
estate,  Drake  came  up  with  a  small  frigate,  on  the  way, 
bound  for  the  same  port ;  and  having  "  duly  examined  the 
crew,  learnt  from  them  that  it  was  a  barred  harbour,  com- 
manded by  a  strong  castle ;  but  that,  about  two  miles  to  the 
westward  of  it,  there  was  a  convenient  landing-place,"  to 
which  one  of  the  men  offered  to  pilot  him.  The  troops, 
accordingly,  embarked  in  pinnaces  and  boats, — Drake  going 
in  his  namesake,  the  barque  Francis,  as  admiral :  thus  they 
lay  all  night  at  sea,  bearing  small  sail  ;  and  on  the  morrow, 
being  New  Year's  Day,  safely  *  disembarked  about  daybreak. 
Having  seen  them  landed,  Drake  returned  to  the  fleet, 
"  bequeathing  them  to  God  and  the  good  conduct  of  Master 
Carleill ".  About  noon  they  approached  the  city,  from 
whence  some  150  brave  horse  began  to  present  themselves. 
But  the  invaders  played  upon  them  with  small  shot,  and 
supported  that  fire  "  with  good  proportion  of  pikes  in  all 
parts"  ;  and  the  Spaniards,  having  viewed  the  very  superior 
force  which  threatened  them  all  round,  found  it  necessary  to 
let  them  proceed  toward  the  two  sea-ward  gates  :  both  gates 
were  manned,  and  ordnance  planted  there,  and  some  troops 
of  small  shot  in  ambuscade  by  the  wayside.  Carleill  divided 
his  force,  consisting  of  some  1200  men,  into  two  bodies,  giving 
Captain  Powell  the  command  of  one :  they  were  to  enter 
both  gates  at  the  same  time  ;  and  he  swore  to  Powell,  "  that, 
with  God's  good  favour,  he  would  not  rest  till  they  met  in 
the  market-place  ".f 

The  artillery  was  discharged  with  some  effect,  though  not 
much :  the  first  man  that  fell  was  very  near  Carleill,  who 
"  began  forthwith  to  advance  both  his  voice  of  encourage- 

*  "  At  that  time,"  says  Gates,  "  nor  yet  is  known  to  us  any  landing- 
place  where  the  sea  surge  does  not  threaten  to  overset  a  pinnace  or 
boat "  (p.  539). 

f  Hakluyt,  539, 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  295 

ment  and  pace  of  marching,"  hastening  all  he  could  to 
prevent  the  Spaniards  from  reloading  their  guns ;  and, 
notwithstanding  the  ambuscade,  his  men  "  marched,  or  rather 
ran,  so  roundly  into  them,  that  pell-mell  they  entered  the 
gates,  and  gave  them  more  care  every  man  to  save  himself 
by  flight  than  reason  to  stand  any  longer  to  their  broken 
defence  ".  Forthwith  the  victorious  adventurers  made  their 
way  to  the  Plaza  Mayor,  or  market-place  ;  "a.  place  of  very 
fair,  spacious,  square  ground:"  there  Powell,  with  the  other 
detachment,  met  them.  They  strengthened  it  and  its  avenues 
with  barricadoes,  and  secured  themselves  there  as  the  most 
convenient  position,  thinking  the  city  "  far  too  spacious  for 
so  small  and  weary  a  troop  to  undertake  to  guard.  The 
castle  was  abandoned  that  night ;  some  of  the  garrison  being 
made  prisoners,  and  others  fleeing,  by  the  help  of  boats,  to 
the  other  side  of  the  haven,  and  so  into  the  country.  Next 
day,  the  English  quartered  a  little  more  at  large,  but  not 
into  the  half  part  of  the  town ;  and  so,  making  substantial 
trenches,  and  planting  all  the  ordnance  that  each  part  was 
correspondent  to  other,"  they  held  the  town  a  month.  * 

It  was  a  great  marvel  and  no  less  disappointment  both  to 
the  adventurers  and  the  sleeping  partners  of  the  concern, 
that  such  a  famous  and  goodly  built  city,  so  well  inhabited 
of  gallant  people,  should  afford  no  greater  riches  than  was 
found  there ;  for  at  that  time  it  was  not  understood,  in 
England,  that,  as  the  conquests  on  the  main  became  of  more 
importance,  Hispaniola  had  declined ;  and  that  its  native 
population  had  been  consumed,  and,  consequently,  that  its 
mines  had  ceased  to  be  productive.  The  colonists  had  opened 
a  surer  source  of  prosperity  i$  the  cultivation  of  their  fer- 
tile soil ;  but  gold  and  silver  money  had  disappeared  (as 
at  this  time  in  Brazil),  the  only  currency  which  was  found 
was  in  copper,  and  that  in  great  quantity.  "We  found 

*  Hakluyt,  540. 


296  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

here,"  says  Gates,  "  great  store  of  strong  wine,  sweet  oil, 
vinegar,  olives,  and  other  such  like  provisions,  excellent 
wheat  meal,  packed  up  in  wine  pipes  and  other  casks,  and 
other  commodities,  as  woollen  and  linen  cloth,  and  some 
silks ;  all  which  were  brought  out  of  Spain,  and  served  us 
for  great  relief.  (Good  store  of  brave  apparel  our  soldiers 
also  found  for  their  relief.)  There  was  but  little  plate,  or 
vessel  of  silver,  in  comparison  of  the  great  pride  in  other 
things  of  this  town ;  because,  in  these  hot  countries,  they 
use  much  of  those  earthen  dishes,  finely  painted  or  varnished, 
which  they  call  porcellana,  which  is  had  out  of  the  East 
India ;  and  for  their  drinking  they  use  glasses  altogether, 
whereof  they  make  excellent,  good  and  fair,  in  the  same 
place.  But  yet  some  plate  we  found,  and  many  other  good 
things,  as  their  household  garniture,  very  gallant  and  rich, 
which  had  cost  them  dear,  although  unto  us  they  were  of 
small  importance."  * 

The  Spaniards  here  were  more  ready  to  treat  f  for  the 
ransom  of  their  city  than  the  Portuguese  had  been  in  the 
Cape  de  Verds.  There  was,  in  the  gallery  of  the  governor's 
palace,  "  painted,  in  a  very  large  scutcheon,  the  arms  of  the 
King  of  Spain  ;  and  in  the  lower  part  of  the  scutcheon  a 
terrestrial  globe,  whereon  a  horse  was  represented  as  in  the 
act  of  leaping  from  it,  with  a  scroll  proceeding  from  his 
mouth,  and  displaying  these  words,  Non  siifficit  orbis, — The 
world  sufficeth  not".  The  invaders,  who  looked  upon  this 
"  as  a  very  notable  mark  and  token  of  the  unsatiable  am- 

*Hakluyt,  541. 

t  Faria  y  Sousa  ascribes  this  to  the  pusillanimity  of  Christoval  de 
Ovalle,  president  of  the  audience  there.  He  had  been  advised  of  the 
danger  (according  to  this  historian)  in  time  to  have  provided  for  defence ; 
but  disbelieving  or  disregarding  the  information,  he  was  half  dead  with 
fear  when  he  saw  the  English  in  the  island,  and  actually  died  when  told 
that  they  were  making  search  for  him  (Europa  Portugtieqa,  t.  iii.,  p.  1.,  c. 
2,  §  27). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  297 

bition  of  the  Spanish  king  and  nation/'  could  not  refrain 
from  pointing  it  out  to  the  Spaniards  who  came  to  negotiate 
with  them,  nor  from  sarcastically  inquiring  what  was  intended 
by  such  a  device ;  at  which  they  "  would  shake  their  heads, 
and  turn  aside  their  countenance  in  some  smiling  sort,  with- 
out answering  anything,  as  greatly  ashamed  thereof.  For  by 
some  of  our  company,"  says  Gates,  "  it  was  told  them,  that 
if  the  Queen  of  England  would  resolutely  prosecute  the  war 
against  the  King  of  Spain,  he  should  be  forced  to  lay  aside 
that  proud  and  unreasonable  reaching  vein  of  his,  for  he 
should  find  more  than  enough  to  do  to  keep  that  which  he 
had  already,  as  by  the  present  example  of  their  lost  town 
they  might,  for  a  beginning,  perceive  well  enough.''  * 

This  was  in  no  commendable  spirit  of  bravery  ;  and  the 
enmity  with  which  the  Spaniards  and  English  then  regarded 
each  other  needed  nothing  to  exasperate  it.  Drake  had 
sent  out  a  negro  boy,  with  a  white  flag :  there  could  be  no 
mistake  concerning  it,  for  the  same  flag  was  used,  in  like 
manner,  by  the  Spaniards  themselves ;  but  some  of  their 
officers  fell  in  with  the  bearer  and  ran  him  through  the  body 
with  a  horseman's  spear.  The  poor  boy  returned  to  the 
general,  wounded  as  he  was,  told  his  story,  and  died  in  his 
presence.  Upon  this  Drake,  "  being  greatly  passioned," 
ordered  the  provost  marshal  to  take  two  friars,  who  were 
among  his  prisoners,  under  a  guard,  to  the  place  where  the 
boy  had  been  hurt,  and  there  hang  them  both.  Another 
Spaniard  he  set  at  liberty  to  declare  to  the  authorities  where- 
fore this  execution  was  done  ;  and  to  tell  them,  farther,  that 
until  the  party  who  had  thus  murdered  his  messenger  were 
delivered  into  his  hands  for  condign  punishment,  there 
should  no  day  pass  wherein  there  should  not  two  prisoners 
be  hanged,  until  all  who  were  in  his  hands  were  consumed. 
This  terrible  message,  and  the  dreadful  proof  which  had  been 

*  Hakluyt,  540. 


298  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

given  of  Drake's  determination  to  carry  his  words  into  effect, 
made  them  send  the  offender,  on  the  following  day,  to  be 
delivered  into  his  hands  ;  "  but  it  was  thought  a  more  honour- 
able revenge  to  make  them  there,  in  his  sight,  perform  the 
execution  themselves  ; "  and  this  was  done.* 

The  treaty  concerning  the  ransom  proceeded  slowly,  and 
"  upon  disagreements,"  the  invaders  still  spent  the  early 
mornings  in  firing  the  houses  without  their  intrenchment ; 
and  they  found  it  "  no  small  travail  to  ruin  them  ;  being  very 
magnificently  built  of  stone,  with  high  lofts ".  For  many 
successive  days,  200  sailors,  from  daybreak  till  nine  o'clock, 
when  the  heat  began,  did  nothing  but  labour  to  fire  these 
houses  ;  the  same  number  of  troops  being  drawn  out  to  pro- 
tect them  during  this  work  of  devastation.  "  Yet,"  says 
Gates,  "  did  we  not,  and  could  not,  consume  so  much  as  one 
third  part  of  the  town  ;  and  so  in  the  end, — what  wearied 
with  firing,  and  what  hastened  by  some  other  respects, — we 
were  contented  to  accept  of  25,000  ducats,  of  5*.  6d.  each, 
for  the  ransom  of  the  rest."  f 

The  expedition  then  stood  over  to  the  main,  and  kept 
along  the  coast  till  they  came  in  sight  of  Carthagena.  That 
city,  which  was  then  the  principal  fortress  in  all  that  country, 
and  contained  about  450  families,  was  built  upon  a  sandy 
peninsula,  formed  by  the  sea  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other 
by  a  great  lake,  which  communicates  with  the  harbour.  The 
mouth  of  the  harbour  lay  some  three  miles  westward  of  the 
town,  and  the  fleet  entered,  about  three  in  the  afternoon, 
without  any  resistance,  or  meeting  with  any  impediment.  In 
the  evening,  Carleill  landed,  toward  the  harbour  mouth  ;  the 
plan  being  that  the  land  forces  should  advance  about  mid- 
night, "  as  easily  as  foot  might  fall,"  along  the  sea-wash  of 
the  shore,  while  the  fleet  drew  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards 
by  a  false  attack  upon  a  little  fort  at  the  entrance  of  the 

*  Hakluyt,  540.  t  Ibid. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  299 

inner  haven.  When  the  troops  were  within  two  miles  of  the 
town,  some  hundred  hoi-semen  fell  in  with  them  ;  but  the 
ground  being  bushy,  even  to  the  water-side,  was  unfavourable 
for  these  enemies,  and  upon  the  first  volley  they  turned  about, 
and  hastened  back  to  give  the  alarm.  At  the  same  time  the 
English  heard  a  firing  in  the  harbour,  where,  if  anything 
more  than  a  feint  was  intended,  nothing  was  done  :  the  place 
was  strong,  and  a  chain  drawn  across  the  narrow  entrance ; 
but  little  or  no  harm  was  received.  The  troops,  meantime, 
advanced  till  they  came  to  the  neck  of  the  peninsula,  about 
half  a  mile  from  the  town.  The  strait  was  about  fifty  paces 
over ;  "  fortified  clean  across  with  a  stone  wall,  well  and 
orderly  built,  with  flanking  in  every  part,  and  a  ditch ". 
There  was  only  so  much  space  left  as  might  serve  for  ordin- 
ary passage  ;  but  this  opening  was  now  fortified  with  a  good 
barricade  of  barrels  "  filled  with  earth,  full  and  thick,  as  they 
might  stand  on  end  one  by  another ;  some  part  of  them 
standing  even  in  the  main  sea.  This  place  of  strength  was 
furnished  with  six  great  pieces,  demi-culverins  and  rakers, 
which  shot  directly  in  front  upon  the  assailants  ;  and  without 
the  wall,  on  the  inner  side  of  the  strait,  they  had  brought 
two  great  galleys,  with  their  prows  to  the  shore,  and  eleven 
pieces  of  ordnance,  thus  flanking  the  approach.  On  board 
these  the  English  estimated  that  there  were  from  300  to  400 
harquebussiers,  and,  to  defend  the  barricade,  300  shot  and 
pikes."  * 

The  Spaniards,  being  thus  ready  to  receive  their  sturdy 
visitors,  spared  not  their  shot ;  but  they  expended  most  of  it 
in  vain ;  for  they  were  too  eager  to  wait  till  they  could  see 
the  enemy ;  and  while  they  fired  in  the  darkness,  Carleill 
advanced  along  the  lowest  ground,  close  to  the  water's  edge, 
where  the  tide,  too,  had  somewhat  fallen.  He  had  ordered 
his  men  not  to  fire  till  they  should  come  to  the  wall-side  ;  so, 
"  with  pikes  roundly  together,"  they  approached,  and  finding 

*  Hakluyt,  541. 


300  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

the  barricade  of  barrels,  strongly  as  it  was  manned,  the  best 
place  where  to  make  their  assault,  they  assailed  it.  "  Down 
went  the  butts  of  earth,  and  pell-mell  came  our  swords  and 
pikes  together,  after  our  shot  had  given  their  first  volley,  even 
at  the  enemy's  nose."  The  English  pikes  were  somewhat 
longer  than  theirs,  and  the  English  were  also  better  armed,  for 
very  few  of  the  Spaniards  wore  any  defensive  armour :  this 
want,  and  the  disadvantage  of  their  pikes,  was  felt  when  it 
came  thus  to  the  push.  Their  standard-bearer,  fighting  man- 
fully to  the  last,  fell  by  Carleill's  hands  :  they  gave  way  ;  and 
the  assailants,  giving  them  no  time  to  breathe,  followed  them 
into  the  town.  At  every  street's  end  they  had  raised  bar- 
ricadoes  of  earth-work,  with  trenches  in  front,  which  were 
better  made  than  defended  ;  the  little  resistance  which  they 
attempted  there  being  soon  overcome,  with  trifling  loss. 
They  had  stationed  many  Indian  archers  "  in  corners  of  ad- 
vantage, with  their  arrows  most  villainously  empoisoned  ;  so 
that  if  they  did  but  break  the  skin,  the  party  so  touched, 
unless  it  were  by  great  marvel,  died  ".  Some  were  likewise 
"  mischieved  to  death  by  small  sticks,  sharply  pointed,  of  a 
foot  and  a  half  long,  fixed  in  the  ground,  with  the  points 
poisoned,  right  in  the  way  from  the  place  where  they  landed 
toward  the  town  ;  but  by  keeping  the  shore,  the  invaders 
escaped  the  greater  part  of  these  ".  The  chief  commander 
of  the  Spaniards  was  wounded  and  taken  by  Captain  Goring ; 
and  when  the  English  had  established  themselves  in  the 
market-place  no  farther  opposition  was  attempted,  the 
Spaniards  retiring  into  the  interior,  whither  they  had  previ- 
ously removed  their  families  and  their  treasure.  They  had 
been  warned  of  their  danger  twenty  days  before,  and  had 
employed  the  time  diligently  in  preparing  both  for  defence 
and  for  the  consequences  of  defeat.  * 

Having  taken  the  city,  the  adventurers  pursued  the  same 
course  as  at  St.  Domingo  ;  and  though,  "  upon  discontent- 

*  Hakluyt,  542,  545. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  301 

ments,  and  for  want  of  agreeing  in  the  first  negotiations  for 
a  ransom,  they  touched  the  town  in  its  outparts,  and  con- 
sumed much  with  fire/'  yet  some  of  the  humanities  of  war 
were  observed  here.  "  There  passed  divers  courtesies/'  says 
Gates,  "  between  us  and  the  Spaniards,  as  feasting  and  using 
them  with  all  kindness  and  favour "  ;  so  that  the  governor 
and  the  bishop,  and  divers  other  gentlemen  of  the  better  sort, 
came  to  visit  the  general.  One  day  the  sentinel  on  the 
church  tower  descried  two  small  barques  standing  in  for  the 
harbour ;  upon  which  Captains  Moon  and  Varney  embarked, 
with  a  party  of  sailors,  in  two  pinnaces,  thinking  to  take 
them  before  they  came  so  near  the  shore  as  to  be  apprised, 
by  signals,  that  the  town  was  in  possession  of  an  enemy. 
The  alarm,  however,  was  given  in  time  ;  the  barques  ran 
ashore  ;  the  men  hid  themselves  among  the  bushes,  where 
they  were  presently  joined  by  those  who  had  made  signals  to 
them,  and  from  thence  fired  upon  the  English,  who,  without 
any  regard  of  danger,  had  boarded  the  vessels,  and  were 
"  standing  all  open  in  them ".  Varney  was  killed  by  this 
discharge,  and  some  five  or  six  others  mortally  wounded, 
Captain  Moon  among  them,  who  was  the  same  person  that 
struck  the  first  blow  at  a  Spaniard  in  the  South  Sea.* 

This  was  the  only  loss  which  the  English  sustained  from 
the  enemy  while  they  occupied  Carthagena ;  but  the  disease 
which  they  had  brought  with  them  from  the  Cape  de  Verds 
still  continued  ;  and,  though  its  ravages  were  not  so  great  as 
at  the  first,  it  reduced  their  numbers,  and,  in  a  still  greater 
degree,  their  strength  ;  few  or  none  of  those  who  escaped 
with  life  remaining  fit  for  service,  t  In  consequence  of  this 

*  Hakluyt,  544. 

t  "  Yea,  many  of  them  were  much  decayed  in  their  memory  ;  insomuch 
that  it  was  common,  when  one  was  heard  to  speak  foolishly,  to  say  he  had 
been  sick  of  the  calenture.  The  original  cause  thereof  is  imputed  to  the 
evening,  or  first  night  air,  which  they  term  la  serena  ;  wherein  they  say, 
and  hold  very  firm  opinion,  that  whoso  is  then  abroad  in  the  open  air  shall 


302  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

mortality,  Drake  consulted  his  land  captains  what  course  they 
thought  most  expedient  now  to  be  undertaken.  The  first 
question  proposed  to  them  was  touching  the  keeping  of  the 
town  against  the  present  force  of  the  enemy,  or  that  which 
might  come  out  from  Spain.  Upon  this  their  opinion  was, 
that,  though  they  had  not  above  700  men  who  could  answer 
present  service,  the  residue  (some  150)  being  altogether  un- 
able to  stand  them  in  any  stead  ;  yet,  being  victualled  and 
munitioned,  they  might  well  keep  the  town.  But  it  was  for 
the  sea  captains,  they  said,  to  give  their  resolution  how  they 
would  undertake  the  safety  and  service  of  the  ships  upon  the 
arrival  of  any  Spanish  fleet. 

The  second  point  was,  "  whether  it  were  meet  to  go 
presently  homeward,  or  make  farther  trial  of  their  fortune, 
thereby  to  seek  after  that  bountiful  mass  of  treasure,  for 
recompense  of  their  travails,  which  was  generally  expected 
at  their  coming  forth  from  England  ".  To  this  they  replied, 
"  that  it  was  well  known  how  they,  both  officers  and  soldiers, 
had  entered  into  this  action  as  voluntary  men,  without  any 
imprest  or  gage  from  her  majesty,  or  anybody  else  ;  and 
that,  hitherto,  they  had  discharged  the  parts  of  honest  men  ; 
for,  by  the  great  blessing  and  favour  of  their  good  God,  they 
had  taken  three  notable  towns,  wherein  all  men  thought 
very  great  treasures  would  have  been  found  :  for  Santiago 
was  the  chief  city  of  all  the  islands  and  traffic  thereabouts  ; 
St.  Domingo  was  the  chief  city  of  Hispaniola,  and  the  head 
government  not  only  of  that  island,  but  of  Cuba,  and  all  the 
islands  about  it,  and  all  such  inhabitations  of  the  firm  land 
as  were  next  unto  it, — a  place,  too,  magnificently  built,  and 
which  entertained  great  trade  of  merchandise  :  lastly,  this 
city  of  Carthagena,  which  could  not  be  denied  to  be  one  of 
the  chief  places  of  most  especial  importance  to  the  Spaniards 

certainly  be  infected  to  the  death,  not  being  of  the  Indian  or  natural  race 
of  that  country.  Our  men  were  thus  subjected  to  the  infectious  air " 
(Hakluyt,  543). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  303 

of  all  on  this  side  the  West  India.  All  these  cities,  with  the 
goods  and  prisoners  taken  in  them,  and  the  ransoms  of  them 
all  put  together,  were  found  far  short  to  satisfy  the  expecta- 
tions which,  by  the  generality  of  the  enterprisers,  were  first 
conceived.  They  considered  the  slenderness  of  the  strength 
to  which  they  were  reduced  ;  as  well  in  respect  of  the  small 
number  of  able  bodies,  as  not  a  little  in  regard  of  the  slack 
disposition  of  the  greater  part  of  those  which  remained,  very 
many  of  the  better  minds  and  men  being  either  consumed  by 
death  or  weakened  by  sickness  and  hurts.  And,  lastly,  see- 
ing that  no  enterprise  was  laid  down  convenient  to  be  under- 
taken with  their  reduced  strength,  and  withal  of  such 
certain  likelihood  as  might,  with  God's  good  success,  which 
it  might  please  Him  to  bestow,  promise  to  yield  them  any 
sufficient  contentment,  they  concluded  that  it  was  better  to 
hold  sure  the  honour  already  gotten,  and  return  with  it  to 
their  gracious  sovereign  and  country,  from  whence,"  said 
they,  "if  it  shall  please  her  majesty  to  set  us  forth  again, 
with  her  orderly  means  and  entertainment,  we  are  most  ready 
and  willing  to  go  through  anything  that  the  uttermost  of  our 
strength  and  endeavour  shall  be  able  to  reach  unto  :  but, 
therewithal,  we  do  advise  and  protest,  that  it  is  far  from 
our  thoughts  either  to  refuse,  or  so  much  as  seem  to  be 
weary  of  anything  which  for  the  present  shall  be  farther 
required  or  directed  to  be  done  by  us  from  our  general."  * 

Being  thus  convinced  that,  in  all  prudence,  they  must  give 
over  the  intended  enterprise  against  Nombre  de  Dios,  and 
so  overland  to  Panama,  where  they  "  should  have  stricken 
the  stroke  for  the  treasure  and  full  recompense  of  their 
tedious  travails,"  they  took  into  consideration  the  third  and 
last  point,  which  was  touching  the  ransom  of  the  city.  Their 
demand  had  been  100,000/.  :  an  offer  had  been  made  of 
27,000/.  or  28,000/.,  and  they  thought  it  better  to  accept  this 
than  to  break  off  by  standing  upon  the  first  demand,  "  which," 

*  Hakluyt,  543,  544. 


304  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

said  they,  "  seems  a  matter  impossible  for  the  present  to  be 
performed  by  them ;  and,  to  say  truth,  we  may  now,  with 
much  honour  and  reputation,  better  be  satisfied  with  that 
sum  offered  by  them  at  first  (if  they  will  now  be  contented 
to  give  it)  than  we  might  at  that  time  with  a  great  deal 
more,  inasmuch  as  we  have  taken  our  full  pleasure,  both  in 
the  uttermost  sacking  and  spoiling  of  all  their  household 
goods  and  merchandise,  as  also,  in  that  we  have  consumed 
and  ruined  a  great  part  of  their  town  with  fire ".  Farther, 
they  considered  that  there  were  in  that  voyage  a  great  many 
poor  men  who  had  ventured  their  lives,  and  divers  of  them 
spent  their  apparel  and  such  other  little  provision  as  their 
small  means  enabled  them  to  prepare  ;  "  which  being  done 
upon  such  good  and  allowable  intention  as  this  action  carried 
with  it  against  the  Spaniard,  our  greatest  and  most  dangerous 
enemy,  so  (said  they)  we  cannot  but  have  an  inward  regard 
to  help  toward  the  satisfaction  of  this  their  expectation,  and 
by  procuring  them  some  little  benefit  to  encourage  them,  and 
to  nourish  their  ready  and  willing  disposition  both  in  them 
and  in  others  by  their  example,  against  any  other  time  of  like 
occasion.  But  because  it  may  be  supposed  that  herein  we 
forget  not  the  private  benefit  of  ourselves,  and  are  thereby 
the  rather  moved  to  incline  ourselves  to  this  composition, 
we  declare  hereby,  that  what  part  or  portion  soever  it  be  of 
this  ransom  for  Carthagena,  which  should  come  unto  us,  we 
do  freely  give  and  bestow  the  same  wholly  upon  the  poor 
men  who  have  remained  with  us  in  the  voyage,  meaning  as 
well  the  sailor  as  the  soldier,  and  wishing  with  all  our  hearts 
it  were  such,  or  so  much,  as  might  seem  a  sufficient  reward 
for  their  painful  endeavour."  * 

This  paper  was  signed  by  Carleill  as  lieutenant-general, 
and  by  all  the  land  captains ;  and  conformably  to  their 
opinion,  a  ransom  of  110,000  ducats  was  accepted.  Cartha- 
gena, though  not  half  the  size  of  St.  Domingo,  yielded  so 

*  Hakluyt,  544. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  305 

much  larger  a  sum,  because  its  harbour  and  its  position 
rendered  it  a  most  important  place,  and  it  was  inhabited  by 
rich  merchants  ;  whereas  St.  Domingo  was  chiefly  inhabited 
by  lawyers  and  "  brave  gentlemen/'  being  the  seat  of  that 
coui't  before  which  all  appeals  were  brought  from  the  islands 
and  from  the  neighbouring  main.  The  officers  had  dealt 
generously  towards  their  own  people  in  the  affair  of  this 
ransom  ;  but  in  their  subsequent  conduct  toward  the  Span- 
iards they  cannot  be  held  free  from  reproach  :  for  after  they 
had  received  the  money,  and  evacuated  the  town,  they 
stationed  some  of  their  soldiers  in  the  convent  of  St.  Fran- 
cisco, which  was  a  little  way  off  on  the  harbour  side,  and  told 
the  Spaniards  that  neither  that  building  nor  a  block-house  at 
the  mouth  of  the  inner  harbour  was  included  in  the  com- 
position :  thus  they  extorted  from  the  convent  another  thousand 
crowns,  and  demanded  as  much  more  for  the  block-house ; 
the  townsmen  declared  that  they  were  not  able  to  pay  them, 
"  having  stretched  themselves  to  the  utmost  of  their  power  ; 
and  Drake,  therefore,  undermined  the  fort,  and  blew  it 
up  ".* 

They  sailed  from  Carthagena  on  the  last  of  March,  and 
after  two  or  three  days  put  back  ;  a  great  ship  which  they 
had  taken  at  St.  Domingo,  and  laden  with  ordnance,  hides, 
and  other  spoil,  having  sprung  so  great  a  leak,  that  she  was 
hardly  kept  from  foundering.  Several  days  were  spent  in 
distributing  the  cargo  of  this  vessel  among  the  other  ships  : 
then  they  departed  once  more  ;  and  on  the  27th  of  April 
reached  Cape  St.  Antonio,  the  westernmost  part  of  Cuba. 
Failing  to  find  fresh  water  there,  they  made  for  Matanzas, 
which  is  to  the  east  of  the  Havannah.  But  in  the  course  of 
a  fortnight,  through  lack  of  favourable  weather,  they  were 
brought  again  to  Cape  St.  Antonio.  By  this  time  their  want 
of  water  was  such,  that  they  made  more  careful  search,  and 
found  in  sufficient  quantity  what  they  supposed  to  be  rain  water 

*  Hakluyt,  545. 
20 


306  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

newly  fallen  and  collected  in  pits  made  in  marshy  ground,  some 
300  paces  from  the  shore.  "  Here/'  says  Gates,  "  1  do  wrong 
if  I  should  forget  the  good  example  of  the  general,  who,  to 
encourage  others,  and  to  hasten  the  getting  water  aboard, 
took  no  less  pains  himself  than  the  meanest.  Throughout 
the  expedition,  indeed,  he  had  everywhere  shown  so  vigilant 
a  care  and  foresight  in  the  good  ordering  of  his  fleet,  ac- 
companied with  such  wonderful  travail  of  body,  that,  doubt- 
less, had  he  been  the  meanest  person,  as  he  was  the  chiefest, 
he  had  deserved  the  first  place  of  honour.  And  no  less 
happy  do  we  account  him  for  being  associated  with  Master 
Carleill  his  lieutenant-general,  by  whose  experience,  prudent 
counsel,  and  gallant  performance,  he  achieved  so  many  and 
happy  enterprises,  and  by  whom  also  he  was  very  greatly 
assisted  in  setting  down  the  needful  orders,  laws,  and  course 
of  justice,  and  the  due  administration  of  the  same  upon  all 
occasions."  No  difference  of  any  kind,  indeed,  seems  to  have 
occurred  between  Drake  and  any  of  his  officers  during  this 
expedition.  From  thence  they  made  for  the  coast  of  Florida, 
not  touching  anywhere,  but  keeping  the  shore  in  sight,  till 
on  28th  of  May  they  descried  a  scaffold  raised  upon  four  high 
masts,  for  a  lookout  to  the  seaward.  Upon  this  Drake 
manned  the  pinnaces  and  landed,  "  to  see  what  place  the 
enemy  held  there,  no  one  in  the  armament  having  any  know- 
ledge of  it".  * 

Having  marched  about  a  mile  up  the  river  St.  Augustine, 
they  saw  the  Fort  of  San  Juan  de  Pinos  on  the  opposite  side, 
newly  erected  by  the  Spaniards,  and  not  yet  completed. 
Carleill  would  fain  have  crossed  with  four  companies,  and  in- 
trenched himself  so  near  the  fort  as  to  play  upon  it  with  his 
muskets,  till  a  battery  could  be  planted  ;  but,  because  the 
sailors  were  not  at  hand  to  make  trenches  at  this  time,  the 
intention  was  abandoned.  Not  to  be  inactive,  however,  he 
crossed  during  the  night  with  a  few  chosen  men  in  a  small 

*  Hakluyt,  546, 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  307 

skiff,  to  espy  what  guard  the  enemy  kept,  and  to  explore  the 
ground.  Though  he  did  this  as  covertly  as  might  be,  the 
Spaniards  took  the  alarm  ;  and  supposing  that  the  whole 
force  was  approaching  to  the  assault  fired  off  some  of  their 
pieces,  and  then  with  all  speed  abandoned  the  work,  and 
made  the  best  of  their  way  to  the  city  (so  called)  of  St. 
Augustine,  where  there  was  a  garrison  of  1.50  men.  Carleill 
returned,  knowing  nothing  of  their  flight.  He  was  presently 
followed  by  a  French  fifer,  who,  having  been  prisoner  in  the 
fort,  gladly  seized  the  opportunity  to  escape,  and  came  over 
the  river  in  a  small  boat,  playing  "  the  tune  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange's  song  ".  When  the  guard  called  out  to  him,  he  told 
them  who  he  was  and  what  had  happened,  and  offered  either 
to  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  or  return  to  the  fort 
with  those  who  chose  to  believe  him  and  go  thither.  There 
was  no  reason  to  doubt  his  tale  :  both  Drake  and  Carleill 
crossed  forthwith  with  as  many  boats  as  were  at  hand,  leaving 
orders  for  the  rest  to  follow.  A  few  Spaniards,  "  bolder  than 
the  rest,"  had  remained  after  their  companions,  and  fired  two 
guns  at  them  ;  but  on  shore  the  English  went,  and  entered 
the  place  without  finding  any  man  there.  When  the  day 
appeared,  they  saw  that  it  was  built  entirely  of  timber,  "  the 
walls  being  none  other  than  whole  masts  or  bodies  of  trees 
set  upright,  and  close  together  in  manner  of  a  pale  ".  "  The 
ditch  had  not  yet  been  made,  nor  was  the  work  in  other 
respects  finished  ;  so  as  to  say  the  truth,  the  Spaniards  had 
no  reason  to  keep  it,  being  subject  both  to  fire  and  easy  assault. 
There  were  fourteen  great  pieces  of  brass  ordnance  planted 
on  a  platform,  which  was  constructed  of  large  pine  trees,  laid 
across,  one  on  another,  and  some  little  earth  between.  The 
garrison,  who  were  150  in  number,  had  retired  in  such  haste, 
that  they  left  behind  them  the  treasure  chest  containing 
about  2000/."  * 

*  Hakluyt.     Gabriel  de  Cardenas,  Ensaio  Chronologico  a  la  Historia 
de  Florida,  161,  162. 


.108  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

Drake,  no  doubt,  felt  some  satisfaction  when  he  learnt 
from  the  Frenchman  that  the  Governor  of  Florida,  at  this 
time,  was  D.  Pedro  Menendez,  Marquez  de  Aviles,  nephew 
of  that  Menendez  whom  he  erroneously  supposed  to  have 
been  the  general  of  the  fleet  by  which  Hawkins  had  been  so 
treacherously  attacked  at  St.  Juan  de  Ulloa,  and  from  which 
he  had  at  that  time  himself  so  narrowly  escaped.  An  oppor- 
tunity for  taking  vengeance  upon  one  nearly  related  to  the 
imagined  offender  seemed  now  to  be  afforded  him  ;  and  he 
would,  without  delay,  have  marched  to  attack  the  adelantado 
in  his  capital,  the  city  of  St.  Augustine,  if  the  march  had 
been  practicable  ;  but,  by  reason  of  rivers  and  broken  ground 
between  the  two  places,  it  was  necessary  again  to  embark  in 
the  pinnaces  and  ascend  the  great  river.  When  they  landed, 
as  it  appears  not  far  from  the  city,  some  of  the  Spaniards 
showed  themselves,  fired  a  few  shot,  and  presently  withdrew. 
They  were  pursued,  and  the  sergeant-major,  Anthony  Powell, 
leaping  upon  one  of  their  horses  which  they  had  left,  ad- 
vanced rashly  beyond  his  company  in  pursuit,  over  ground 
which  was  overgrown  with  a  species  of  high  grass  :  seeing 
this,  a  Spaniard  laid  wait  for  him,  and  shot  him  through  the 
head  ;  and  before  any  could  come  to  his  rescue  his  body  had 
been  pierced  with  many  wounds,  as  if  in  insult  and  hatred.  He 
was  much  lamented,  "  being  in  very  deed  an  honest,  wise 
gentleman,  and  a  soldier  of  good  experience,  and  of  as  great 
courage  as  any  man  might  be  ".  This  was  the  only  loss  that 
the  English  experienced  in  their  descent.  The  adelantado 
had  prudently  withdrawn  in  time  to  collect  the  whole  of  his 
forces  at  St.  Matheo,  and  the  city  was  left  without  a  single 
inhabitant.  It  is  described  as  being  then  a  prosperous  settle- 
ment, with  its  council-house,  church,  and  other  edifices  and 
gardens  all  round  about,  all  which  were  burnt  and  laid  waste 
by  the  invaders  in  vengeance.  * 

*  Hakluyt,  547.     Cardenas,  162. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  309 

About  twelve  leagues  to  the  north,  the  Spaniards  had 
another  settlement  called  St.  Helena,  with  a  garrison  of  equal 
force,  maintained  "  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  keep  all 
other  nations  from  inhabiting  any  part  of  all  that  coast," — a 
purpose  deemed  as  important  by  them  as  it  was  judged  to  be 
arrogant  and  unreasonable  by  the  English.  It  was  resolved, 
"  in  full  assembly  of  captains,"  to  attack  this  place  also,  and 
from  thence  proceed  in  search  of  Raleigh's  recently  planted 
colony  in  Virginia.  But  when  they  came  opposite  St.  Helena, 
the  shoals  were  found  too  dangerous  for  them  to  attempt  an 
entrance  without  a  pilot,  and  under  unfavourable  circum- 
stances of  wind  and  weather.  Abandoning,  therefore,  this 
design,  they  kept  coasting  on  till,  on  9th  of  June,  "  upon 
sight  of  one  special  great  fire,"  Drake  sent  his  skiff  to  shore, 
and  found,  as  he  had  hoped,  some  of  his  countrymen  there, 
by  whose  direction  he  reached  the  place  which  they  made 
their  port,  and  wrote  from  thence  to  their  governor,  Master 
Ralph  Lane,  who  was  then  in  his  fort  at  Roanoak.  On  the 
morrow,  Lane  came  with  some  of  his  company  ;  and  Drake, 
understanding  the  state  of  their  affairs,  liberally  proposed, 
with  the  consent  of  his  captains,  to  leave  them  a  ship,  a 
pinnace,  boats,  men,  and  a  month's  provision,  for  prosecuting 
their  discovery  of  the  country  and  coasts,  and  as  much  more 
provision  as  might  suffice  for  their  voyage  home,  if,  at  the 
month's  end,  they  thought  good  to  return ;  or,  if  they  were 
satisfied  that  they  had  already  sufficiently  explored  the  land, 
he  offered  them  all  a  passage,  being  103  persons.  They 
thankfully  accepted  the  first  of  these  proposals,  and  a  ship 
was  delivered  to  them  ;  but,  before  the  provisions  could  be 
put  on  board,  a  storm  came,  to  the  great  danger  of  the  whole 
fleet,  while  some  of  the  ships  being  of  too  great  draught  to 
enter  the  harbour,  were  at  anchor  in  a  wild  road,  about  two 
miles  from  shore.  Many  cables  parted,  many  anchors  were 
lost ;  and  some  vessels,  which  had  lost  all,  were  driven  out 
to  sea,  and  never  again  joined  company  till  they  met  in 


310  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

England :  that  which  should  have  been  left  with  the  colony 
was  one.  Drake,  notwithstanding  the  loss  which  had  been 
thus  sustained,  offered  them  another  ship,  but  one  which, 
being  considerably  larger,  was  not  so  well  suited  to  their 
purposes.  For  this  reason,  and  because  no  small  part  of  his 
stores,  and  some  of  the  persons  on  whose  services  most  re- 
liance had  been  placed,  were  in  the  ship  of  which  he  had 
been  thus  deprived,  Lane,  and  those  with  whom  he  advised, 
thought  the  only  course  that  remained  for  them  was  to  accept 
the  proffered  passage,  as  a  providential  deliverance,  "  by  the 
very  hand  of  God,  as  it  seemed,  stretched  out  to  take  them 
thence  ".  They  were  taken  on  board  ;  and,  after  a  passage 
of  thirty  days,  the  fleet  in  good  safety  arrived  at  Portsmouth.  * 
The  booty  obtained  in  this  expedition  was  valued  at  60,000/., 
"  whereof  the  companies  which  travelled  in  the  voyage  were 
to  have  20,000/.,  the  adventurers  the  other  forty  ;  and  of  the 
20,000/.  it  was  computed  that  some  six  pounds  would  come 
to  a  single  share  "  :  240  pieces  of  artillery,  the  far  greater 
number  brass,  were  part  of  the  spoil.  The  loss  of  men  in  the 
voyage  amounted  to  about  750, — three  parts  of  them  by  sick- 
ness. It  is  said  that  tobacco  was  first  f  brought  into  England 
by  the  men  who  returned  from  Virginia  with  Drake  at  this 
time.  The  expedition  was  more  creditable  to  the  resolution 
with  which  it  was  conducted  than  to  the  councils  wherein  it 
was  concerted.  Little  hurt  was  done  to  the  King  of  Spain, 
who  was  rather  awakened  than  weakened  by  it,  but  great 
and  cruel  injury  was  inflicted  upon  individuals  :  they  were 
thereby  made  to  hate  the  English,  not  as  heretics  only,  but 

*  Hakluyt,  264,  548. 

t  Camden,  324.  "  Certainly,"  he  says,  "  from  that  time  forward  it  be- 
gan to  grow  into  great  request,  and  to  be  sold  at  a  high  rate ;  whilst,  in 
a  short  time,  many  men  everywhere,  some  for  wantonness,  some  for 
health's  sake,  with  insatiable  desire  and  greediness,  sucked  in  the  stink- 
ing smoke  thereof  through  an  earthen  pipe,  which  presently  they  blew 
out  again  at  their  nostrils ;  insomuch  as  tobacco  shops  are  now  as  ordin- 
ary in  most  towns  as  tap-houses  and  taverns." 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  311 

as  a  people  who  were  the  vikingar  of  the  age  ;  and  the 
Spanish  government  received  a  lesson  which  taught  it  the 
necessity  of  fortifying  its  distant  ports,  and  increasing  its 
maritime  strength.  *  Drake,  however,  suffered  no  loss  of 

*  Monson  says  :  "  The  fleet  was  the  greatest  of  any  nation,  except  the 
Spaniards,  that  had  ever  been  seen  in  those  seas  since  the  first  discovery 
of  them;  and  if  the  action  had  been  as  well  considered  of  before  their 
going  from  home,  as  it  was  happily  performed  by  the  valour  of  the  under- 
takers, it  had  more  annoyed  the  King  of  Spain  than  all  other  actions  that 
ensued  during  the  war  "  (p.  155).  In  his  opinion,  the  queen  had  then  "  a 
notable  opportunity  to  annoy  and  weaken  the  Spaniards  by  keeping  the  three 
towns  which  had  been  taken  :  she  was  rich  in  those  days,  and  her  sub- 
jects no  less  able  than  willing  to  contribute  to  what  she  proposed,  they 
were  so  much  devoted  to  her  in  their  hearts  "  ;  she  might  have  bound  the 
States  of  Holland  to  any  conditions  she  pleased  against  the  Spaniards 
at  that  time ;  whereas,  from  that  time  till  her  death,  "  notwithstanding 
%ve  were  drawn  into  the  war  by  them,  yet  they  traded  peaceably  into  the 
King  of  Spain's  dominions,  and  never  offered  to  annoy  the  Spaniards  by 
any  act  oi  hostility  at  sea,  but  supplied  them  with  ships  and  intelligence 
against  us  ".  He  thought,  also,  that,  in  point  both  of  reputation  and 
profit,  the  places  ought  to  have  been  maintained,  as  a  motive  and  mean 
for  prosecuting  the  victories  thus  begun  (p.  240). 

Monson  was  mistaken,  both  in  his  opinion  and  on  the  grounds  upon 
which  he  founded  it.  At  no  time  during  her  reign  was  Elizabeth  rich. 
How  greatly  the  measures  of  her  otherwise  vigorous  government  were 
crippled  by  necessary  parsimony  was,  perhaps,  not  so  well  known  to  him 
as  it  no%v  is ;  but  he  might  have  seen  that  if  Drake  had  attempted  to 
keep  possession  of  those  places,  which  are  among  the  most  unwholesome 
for  Europeans  of  any-Sn  the  world,  the  consequences  would  have  been  as 
fatal  as  they  were  at  Puerto  Rico.  I  have  elsewhere  explained  the 
conduct  of  the  Dutch.  But  Monson  felt  and  thought  rightly  when  he 
said :  "  Whosoever  makes  an  enterprise  on  a  town  in  America,  with  an 
intention  not  to  keep  it,  will  do  no  more  than  a  malicious  person  that 
seeks  the  destruction  of  his  neighbour  in  setting  his  house  a-fire,  without 
any  other  prospect  in  so  doing  but  mischief  and  revenge.  I  confess  we 
shall  damnify  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  so  sacked  and  spoiled,  as  the 
owner  of  a  house  burnt  will  be  damnified  ;  but  it  is  no  more  loss  or 
prejudice  to  the  King  of  Spain,  or  to  the  bordering  countries,  than  to  the 
neighbour  of  the  man  that  shall  have  his  house  burnt ;  for  every 
bears  his  own  particular  loss  "  (p.  241). 


312  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

reputation  in  this  voyage  :  he  had  bravely  and  ably  executed 
the  service  on  which  he  was  sent,  overcoming  the  enemy 
everywhere,  and  yielding  only  to  an  evil  against  which  the 
skill  of  man  was  of  as  little  avail  as  his  strength.  When, 
therefore,  Elizabeth,  in  the  year  1587,  was  assured  that 
preparations  were  making  upon  a  great  scale  in  the  Spanish 
ports,  for  the  invasion  of  England,  and  thought  it  wiser  to 
prevent  the  danger  than  wait  for  it,  she  appointed  Drake  to 
command  the  fleet  which  was  equipped  for  that  intent.  It 
consisted  of  four  ships  of  the  navy  royal,  namely,  the  Bona- 
ventura,  in  which  he  went  as  general ;  the  Lion,  Captain 
William  Borough,  who  was  comptroller  of  the  navy ;  the 
Dreadnought,  Captain  Thomas  Venner ;  and  the  Rainbow, 
Captain  Henry  Bellingham ;  to  these  two  of  the  queen's 
pinnaces  were  "  appointed  as  handmaids  ".  Certain  tall  ships 
of  the  city  of  London  were  added,  and  the  whole  armament 
amounted  to  some  thirty  sail.  * 

Sailing  from  Plymouth  early  in  April,  they  met  on  the 
16th,  in  latitude  40°,  two  Middleburg  ships  coming  from 
Cadiz,  from  whom  they  learnt  that  great  store  of  warlike 
provision  had  been  collected  in  that  and  the  adjacent  ports, 
ready  for  transport  to  Lisbon.  For  Cadiz,  therefore,  Drake 
made  with  all  possible  speed,  and  on  the  19th  entered 
the  road.  Sixty  ships  and  many  other  small  vessels  were 
lying  there,  little  expecting  such  an  attack,  and  yet  not  un- 
prepared for  defence,  having  the  fortresses  to  protect  them, 
and  also  some  galleys.  Six  of  these  vessels  assailed  the  in- 
vaders in  front  of  the  town,  but  were  soon  compelled  to 
retire  under  the  fortress.  Two  from  St.  Mary's,  and  two 
from  Puerto  Real,  came  boldly  to  the  fight  and  shot  freely, 
"  but  altogether  in  vain,"  so  that  they  hastened  back  with  no 
little  loss.  A  great  Ragusan  ship  of  1000  tons,  carrying  40 
guns,  and  very  richly  laden,  was  sunk  early  in  the  action. 
Before  night  Drake  was  master  of  the  road,  and  there  he 

*  Hakluyt,  ii.,  part  ii.,  121. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE  313 

continued  till  the  morning  of  the  21st,  with  so  little  loss  as 
to  be  thought  at  the  time  "  not  worth  mentioning "  ;  with 
little  ease,  "  by  reason  of  their  continual  shooting  from  the 
galleys,  the  fortresses,  and  the  shore,  where  continually  at 
convenient  places  they  planted  new  ordnance "  ;  but  also 
with  no  little  triumph,  for  never  was  daring  service  more 
resolutely  performed.  Drake  had  two  objects  in  view,  which 
were  not  very  compatible  at  this  time :  to  sink,  burn,  and 
destroy  for  the  public  good  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to 
secure  as  much  as  he  could  for  the  benefit  of  the  merchant 
adventurers,  who  bore  by  much  the  larger  part  in  this  ad- 
venture. The  labour  which  lay  upon  the  sailors  day  and 
night  during  the  six  and  thirty  hours  after  the  action,  in 
discharging  the  stores  from  their  prizes,  was  so  great,  that  it 
was  a  pleasant  sight  to  them  when  the  Spaniards  set  fire  to 
the  ships  which  they  could  no  longer  defend  ;  though  the 
greatest  danger  to  which  the  conquerors  were  exposed  was 
when  the  ships  thus  fired  were  drifted  toward  them  in  flames 
by  the  tide. 

About  thirty  vessels  were  burnt,  sunk,  or  taken  in  this 
daring  enterprise.  Among  them  were  four  large  Biscayans, 
taking  in  stores  for  the  armament  at  Lisbon,  and  another  of 
1000  tons,  laden  for  the  West  Indies.  Some  twenty  French 
ships,  and  some  Spanish  ones  that  could  pass  the  shoals, 
escaped  to  Puerto  Real,  where  about  forty  others  were  lying 
in  sight  of  the  English.  Wrhen  Drake  left  the  road,  satisfied 
as  he  well  might  be  with  the  success  of  his  attempt,  ten 
galleys  came  out  after  him,  "  as  it  were  in  disdain,  to  make 
some  pastime  with  their  ordnance  "  :  the  wind  just  at  this 
time  scanted,  so  that  the  fleet  cast  about,  stood  in  with  the 
shore,  and  anchored  within  a  league  of  the  town  ;  but  the 
galleys,  alert  as  they  had  seemed  to  be,  suffered  them  to 
ride  quietly  there ;  and  thus  brought  themselves  into  disrepute 
with  the  English  sailors.  *  The  loss  which  had  been  inflicted 

*  The  author  of  the  relation  in  Hakluyt  says:  "We  now  have  had 


314  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

upon  the  Spaniards  was  great :  the  insult  and  humiliation 
were  greater ;  and  Philip  pursued  his  plans  of  vengeance  with 
exacerbated  hatred.  Drake,  having  despatched  advice  of  his 
triumphant  proceeding  to  England,  turned  back  along  the 
coast,  and  captured  and  burnt  nearly  100  vessels  before  he 
came  to  Cape  St.  Vincent's,  dealing  "  favourably  with  the 
men,  and  setting  them  ashore  "  ;  but  he  destroyed  all  the 
fishing  boats  and  nets,  "  to  their  great  hindrance,"  and  in 
the  hope  of  spoiling  the  tunny-fishery  for  that  year.  Near 
the  Cape  a  landing  was  made  ;  and  that  he  might  ride  there 
in  harbour  at  his  pleasure,  he  assaulted  the  Castle  of  Sagres, 
and  took  that  fortress  with  three  others,  some  by  force,  some 
by  surrender.  He  then  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus, 
anchored  near  Cascaes,  sent  to  the  Marquis  of  Santa  Cruz, 
who,  as  general  of  the  armada,  was  with  his  galleys  in  the 
river,  preparing  for  the  invasion  of  England,  told  him  who 
he  was,  and  said  he  was  then  ready  to  exchange  bullets  with 
him.  The  marquis,  according  to  the  English  account,  replied 
that  he  was  not  then  ready  for  him,  nor  had  any  such  com- 
mission from  his  king.  But  the  insult  here,  and  at  Cadiz,  is 
said  to  have  "  bred  such  a  corrosion  in  his  heart,  that  he 
never  enjoyed  good  days  after,"  and  within  few  months  died 
of  chagrin,  happy  in  thus  being  removed  before  the  invincible 
armada  went  to  its  destination.  * 

What  Drake  had  done  delayed  the  sailing  of  that  arma- 
ment  for  the  current  year.     The  public  service  had  been 

experience  of  galley-fight ;  wherein  I  can  assure  you,  that  only  these 
four  of  her  majesty's  ships  will  make  no  account  of  twenty  galleys,  if 
they  be  alone,  and  not  busied  to  guard  others.  There  were  never  galleys 
that  had  better  place  and  fitter  opportunity  for  their  advantage  to  fight 
with  ships :  but  they  were  still  forced  to  retire ;  we  riding  in  a  narrow- 
gut  (the  place  yielding  no  better),  and  driven  to  maintain  the  same, 
until  we  had  discharged  and  fired  the  ships,  which  could  not  conveniently 
be  done  but  upon  the  flood,  at  which  time  they  might  drive  clear  of  us  " 
(p.  122). 

*  Hakluyt,  122,  123. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  31$ 

thus  effectually  performed  ;  but  he  knew  that  if  nothing 
more  were  done,  it  would  not  give  satisfaction  to  the  mer- 
chant adventurers,  who  expected  some  immediate  and 
tangible  profit  upon  their  disbursements.  He  shaped  his 
course,  therefore,  toward  the  Azores,  having  obtained  intelli- 
gence that  the  San  Philipe,  a  Portuguese  carrack  from  India, 
had  wintered  at  Mozambique,  and  was  expected  to  reach 
Lisbon  in  the  passing  month.  His  stores  were  becoming 
low,  and  his  people  importunate  to  return  ;  but  he  with  fair 
speeches,  of  which  no  man  was  more  a  master,  persuaded, 
and  prevailed  with  them  to  cruise  yet  a  few  days  longer  off 
the  islands.  And  on  this  occasion  fortune  made  him  large 
amends  for  all  former  losses  and  disappointments,  for  he  fell 
in  with  and  easily  captured  the  prize  he  looked  for.  This, 
says  the  writer  of  the  voyage,  was  the  first  carrack  that  ever 
•was  taken  coming  from  the  East  Indies,  which  the  Portugals 
took  for  an  evil  sign,  because  the  ship  bore  the  king's  own 
name.  The  whole  company  assured  themselves  now,  that 
every  man  would  have  a  sufficient  reward  for  his  travail,  and 
thereupon  they  all  resolved  to  return  home,  with  the  willing 
consent  of  their  general.  He  dismissed  the  prisoners  in 
certain  vessels,  with  all  the  courtesies  and  humanities  of  war ; 
and  sailing  then  for  England,  the  whole  fleet  arrived  safely 
with  their  prize  at  Plymouth,*  "  to  their  own  profit  and 

*  "  And  here,  by  the  way,  it  is  to  be  noted,  that  the  taking  of  this 
carrack  wrought  two  extraordinary  effects  in  England :  first,  that  it 
taught  others  that  carracks  were  no  such  bugs  but  that  they  might  be 
taken  (as  since,  indeed,  it  hath  fallen  out  in  the  taking  of  the  Madre  de 
Dios,  and  firing  and  sinking  of  others) ;  and,  secondly,  in  acquainting 
the  English  nation  more  generally  with  the  particularities  of  the  exceed- 
ing riches  and  wealth  of  the  East  Indies ;  whereby  themselves  and  their 
neighbours  of  Holland  have  been  encouraged,  being  men  as  skilful  in 
navigation,  and  of  no  less  courage  than  the  Portugals,  to  share  with 
them  in  the  East  Indies,  where  their  strength  is  nothing  so  great  as 
heretofore  hath  been  supposed  "  (Hakluyt,  122). 

Lediard  says :  "  The  taking  of  this  ship  was  of  a  greater  advantage 


316  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

due  commendation,"  says  one  of  the  happy  company,  "  and 
to  the  great  admiration  of  the  whole  kingdom  ".  * 

The  service  which  in  this  voyage  he  had  performed  at 
Cadiz,  and  all  along  the  coast  to  the  Tagus.  Drake  called 
singeing  the  King  of  Spain's  beard.  This  was  said  in  the 
mirthful  spirit  of  a  sailor ;  and  with  that  spirit  of  local 
patriotism,  from  which  so  many  great  and  good  actions  have 
arisen,  he  expended  no  trifling  part  of  the  riches  which  he 
had  won  in  supplying  Plymouth  with  fresh  water :  the  in- 
habitants had  till  then  been  enforced  to  fetch  it  from  a 
mile's  distance.  The  head  of  the  spring  from  which  it  was 
now  to  be  brought  is  between  seven  and  eight  miles  distant 
in  a  direct  line  ;  but  by  indentings  and  circlings  it  was  to  be 
conveyed  twenty-four  miles,  t  through  valleys,  wastes,  and 
bogs  ;  and  what  was  most  troublesome,  through  a  mighty 
rock,  thought  to  be  impenetrable.  He,  nevertheless,  "  made 
the  way  he  could  not  find,  and  overcoming  the  difficulty. 
finished  the  enterprise  to  the  continual  commodity  of  the 
place,  and  his  own  perpetual  honour ".  "  And  fine  would 
have  been  the  diversion,"  says  the  good  old  vicar  of  Berry 
Pomeroy,  "when  the  water  was  brought  somewhat  near  the 
town,  to  have  seen  how  the  mayor  and  his  brethren,  in  their 

to  the  English  merchants  than  the  value  of  her  cargo  to  the  captors  ;  for. 
by  the  papers  found  on  board,  they  so  fully  understood  the  rich  value 
of  the  Indian  merchandises,  and  the  manner  of  trading  into  the  eastern 
world,  that  they  afterwards  set  up  a  gainful  trade  and  traffic,  and  es- 
tablished a  company  of  East  India  merchants  "  (i.,  229). 

*  Hakluyt,  123.     Monson,  156.     Lediard,  i.,  228. 

f  Prince  says  thirty.  "  Various  mills  were  erected  on  the  stream  for 
the  use  of  the  town  at  Sir  Francis's  expense.  He  vested  the  property 
hi  the  mayor  and  commonality,  and  their  successors  for  ever.  The 
water  is  brought  to  a  reservoir  above  the  town,  and  from  thence  dis- 
tributed by  leaden  pipes.  The  lessee  pays  a  fine  of  3/.  135.  6d.  for 
twenty-one  years  of  the  water,  and  an  annual  quit-rent  of  i2s.  Persons 
who  use  more  water  than  private  families  pay  a  double  quit-rent,  and 
brewers  a  fourfold  one  "  (Beauties  of  England  and  Wales,  iv.,  148). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  317 

formalities,  went  out  to  meet  it,  and  bid  it  welcome  thither  ; 
and  being  thus  met,  they  all  returned  together  ;  the  gentle- 
men of  the  corporation,  accompanied  with  Sir  Francis  Drake, 
walked  before,  and  the  stream  followed  after  into  the  town, 
where  it  has  continued  so  to  do  ever  since."  Perhaps  the 
day  of  that  peaceful  triumph  was  the  happiest  of  Drake's 
public  life. 

His  next  service  was  as  vice-admiral  in  that  fleet  by  which, 
with  the  aid  of  the  elements,  the  mighty  preparations  of  the 
Spaniards  were  frustrated,  their  invincible  armada  dispersed, 
and  England  providentially  saved  from  a  most  formidable 
invasion.  In  the  ensuing  year  he  was  employed  as  admiral 
in  an  expedition  sent  to  Portugal,  in  the  vain  hope  of  es- 
tablishing the  claim  of  a  pretender  to  that  kingdom.  In 
this  adventure  the  government  took  little  part,  acting  upon 
a  system  of  parsimonious  policy,  as  if  it  risked  nothing,  so  it 
avoided  the  risk  of  expense,  and  considered  not  how  greatly 
the  national  interests  and  national  character  must  be  affected 
by  the  issue,  and  that  that  issue  could  not  be  fortunate  unless 
adequate  means  were  applied.  The  journey  of  Portugal  (as 
this  expedition  was  at  the  time  called)  was  undertaken  chiefly 
at  the  charge  of  Drake  and  Sir  John  Norris,  grandson  of  that 
Xorris  who  was  unjustly  executed  with  Anne  Boleyn.  Eliza- 
beth always  rightly  regarded  his  family  as  entitled  to  more 
than  ordinary  favour  on  that  account  ;  and  this  Sir  John  and 
his  brethren  (six  in  all)  were  "  men  of  haughty  courage,  and 
great  experience  in  the  conduct  of  military  affairs; — persons," 
says  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  *  "  of  such  renown  and  worth,  as 
future  times  must  out  of  duty  owe  them  the  debt  of  an 
honourable  memory ".  No  English  soldier  in  that  age  had 
seen  more  service  than  this  Sir  John.  He  had  been  trained 
under  Coligny  in  the  religious  wars  in  France,  served  in 
Ireland  while  yet  very  young  under  Walter,  Earl  of  Essex, 
held  various  commands  in  the  Low  Countries  till  he  became 

*  Scot's  Somers  Tracts,  i.,  267. 


318  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

general  of  the  English  forces  there  ;  and  in  the  year  of  the 
armada,  when  an  invasion  was  expected,  was  made  "  marshal 
of  the  field  in  England  ".  There  were  others  who  engaged 
in  the  charge  of  the  expedition,  but  fewer  than  had  been 
expected ;  and  some  of  those  who  subscribed  their  names, 
thinking  that  the  scheme  would  never  be  brought  to  bear, 
but  that  they  might  gain  credit  by  displaying  a  readiness  to 
encourage  it,  withheld  their  money  when  they  saw  that 
serious  preparations  were  made,  and  10,000/.  was  thus  with- 
drawn from  the  sum  on  which  the  leaders  had  calculated. 
And  this  was  not  the  only  nor  the  most  serious  defalcation 
from  the  means  which  had  been  looked  for.  Six  hundred 
English  horse  from  the  Low  Countries  were  withheld  for 
other  service,  and  seven  out  of  thirteen  old  companies  from 
the  same  school  of  war  :  the  Dutch,  instead  of  supplying  six 
men  of  war  and  ten  companies,  sent  only  four  companies  ;  * 
and  the  government,  which  had  promised  twelve  pieces  of 
cannon,  gave  only  a  third  part  of  that  number,  t 

When  the  expedition  sailed  from  Plymouth  it  consisted  of 
11,000  troops  and  1500  seamen.  There  had  been  some 
weeks'  previous  delay ;  and  when  all  was  ready  contrary 
winds  detained  them  a  whole  month,  living  upon  pi-ovisions 
which  they  could  ill  afford  to  consume  in  inaction.  The 
generals  at  length,  weary  of  these  cross  winds,  "  thrust  to 
sea  in  the  same,  choosing  rather  to  attend  the  change  thereof 
there,  than  by  being  in  harbour  to  lose  any  part  of  the 
better,  when  it  should  come,  by  having  their  men  on  shore  ". 

*  Camden  (429)  says  the  estates  joined  some  ships,  although  they 
were  somewhat  discontented  with  the  English,  because  Wingfield, 
Governor  of  Gertruydenberg,  and  the  English  garrison  in  it,  had  betrayed 
that  town  to  the  Spaniards.  But  these  could  not  have  been  ships  of 
war,  or  their  failure  in  this  point  would  not  have  been  distinctly  stated, 
as  it  is  in  the  relation  ascribed  to  Colonel  Anthony  Wingfield  (Hakluyt, 
ii.,  part  ii.,  133). 

f  Hakluyt,  123.     Camden,  429. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  319 

Two  days  the  wind  continued  cross  ;  and  some  of  the  fleet, 
having  twenty-five  companies  on  board,  parted  company 
during  that  time,  "  either  not  being  able  or  not  willing  to 
double  Ushant".  Nearly  3000  men  thus  forsook  the  ex- 
pedition at  sea,  "whereof  some  passed  into  France,  and  the 
rest  returned  home  ".  The  weather  then  became  favourable  ; 
and  in  five  days  more,  on  the  evening  of  20th  of  April,  the 
troops  disembarked  in  a  bay  something  more  than  a  mile 
from  Corunna.  *  No  attempt  was  made  to  prevent  or  im- 
pede their  landing  ;  t  but  as  they  presently  marched  toward 
the  town,  they  were  encountered  on  the  way :  the  Spaniards, 
however,  retired  within  their  walls,  and  the  invaders  took  up 
their  lodging  for  the  night  in  the  "villages,  houses,  and 
wind-mills  next  adjoining,  and  very  near  round  about  the 
town  ".  They  were  not  disturbed  there  by  the  garrison  : 
but  the  galleon  San  Juan,  one  of  the  few  which  had  escaped 
from  the  general  wreck  of  the  armada,  was  lying  in  the 
harbour  ;  and  with  two  galleys,  and  three  smaller  vessels, 
fired  upon  their  lodgings  during  the  night,  and  as  they  passed 
to  and  fro.  | 

Before  day,  Norris  reconnoitred  the  base  town  :  this,  which 

*  This  place  is  called  the  Groine  in  Hakluyt,  as  it  still  is  by  the 
sailors, — an  easy  corruption  from  Cruna,  the  name  bestowed  upon  it  at 
the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  when  Alonso  IX.  founded  it, 
and  removed  thither  the  inhabitants  of  Burgo  Viejo.  Cruna  is  the 
Galician  word  for  coluna,  a  column  or  pillar  ;  and  it  is  supposed  that 
the  town  took  its  name  from  the  Torre  de  Hercules  at  the  entrance  of 
the  port,  that  well-kno\vn  lighthouse  having  this  appearance  when  seen 
from  a  distance  (Cornide,  Investigaciones  sobre  la  Torre  de  Hercules, 
etc.,  p.  17,  n.). 

Joshua  Barnes  tells  us  that  Logrono  also  was  called  Groing  by  the 
English  (Hist,  of  Edward  III.,  705). 

t  Faria  y  Sousa  says,  however,  that  the  marquis  made  more  resistance 
than  could  be  made,  "  fortificose  lo  major  que  pudo,  y  mas  de  lo  que  se 
podia  resistio  la  desembarcacion  "  (p.  94). 

;  Hakluyt,  138. 


320  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

retains  the  name  of  La  Pexaria,  or  Pescaderia,  from  the  days 
when  it  was  only  of  importance  as  a  fishing  station,  stands 
upon  a  small  tongue  of  land,  and  contained  at  that  time 
1 500  houses.  On  the  land  side  it  was  protected  by  a  wall 
and  a  dry  ditch,  but  on  neither  of  the  water  sides  were  there 
any  defences,  and  Norris  resolved  upon  attempting  it  by 
escalade,  in  two  places.  As  a  preliminary  measure  it  was 
necessary  to  silence  the  enemy's  ships.  Some  artillery  was 
landed  :  as  soon  as  it  opened,  the  galleys  retired  to  Ferrol, 
and  the  other  vessels  ceased  their  fire.  The  rest  of  the  day 
was  spent  in  preparing  for  the  attack.  Twelve  hundred  men 
under  Colonel  Huntley,  and  the  vice-admiral,  Captain  Fenner, 
were  to  be  landed  on  one  side  the  peninsula  on  which 
Corunna  stands,  and  the  long  boats  and  pinnaces  which 
landed  them  were  to  keep  up  a  fire  as  they  approached. 
On  the  other  side,  Captain  Wingfield,  who  was  Norris's 
lieutenant-colonel,  and  Captain  Sampson,  who  held  the  same 
rank  under  Drake,  were  to  enter  with  500  men  at  low  water, 
if  they  found  it  passable  :  otherwise  they  were  provided  for 
the  escalade  ;  and  on  the  land  side  300  men,  under  Colonels 
Bret  and  Umpton,  were  to  set  up  their  ladders  and  scale  the 
wall.  The  three  attacks  were  to  be  made  at  the  same  time. 
In  strict  obedience  to  this  part  of  their  orders,  Wingfield 
and  Sampson  began  the  assault  as  soon  as  the  signal  was 
given  :  they  found  good  resistance,  and  were  twice  beaten 
from  their  ladders,  yet  persevered  in  the  attempt.  Huntley 
and  Fenner  landed,  meantime,  with  no  great  difficulty,  and 
but  little  loss  ;  and  some  of  this  party,  under  Captain  Hinder, 
having  effected  an  entrance,  scoured  the  wall,  clearing  the 
way  for  Bret  and  Umpton  to  enter  without  resistance,  and 
passed  on  till  he  came  in  the  rear  of  those  who  were  resisting 
Wingfield  and  Sampson  :  upon  this  the  defence  was  aban- 
doned. The  Spaniards,  indeed,  knowing  that  if  attacked 
from  the  water  it  was  not  tenable,  had  determined  upon 
withdrawing  the  garrison  and  the  inhabitants  into  the  high 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  321 

town,  should  this  be  the  plan  of  the  assailants  ;  but  in  the 
confusion  and  fear  which  prevailed,  the  signal  for  recalling 
the  troops  from  the  land  side  was  not  made  ;  and  men  whose 
courage  deserved  a  more  generous  treatment  than  they 
underwent  were  sacrificed  through  this  error.  * 

Upon  the  English  having  thus  entered  in  three  places, 
"  with  a  huge  cry,"  the  inhabitants,  they  who  could,  betook 
themselves  to  the  high  town,  which  they  might  with  less 
peril  do,  because  the  assailants,  being  strangers,  knew  not  the 
way  to  cut  them  off.  "  Some,"  says  one  of  the  expedition, 
"  fled  to  the  rocks  in  the  peninsula  ;  some  hid  themselves  in 
chambers  and  cellars ;  some  found  favour  to  be  taken  prisoners ; 
but  the  rest,  to  the  number  of  about  500,  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  common  soldiers,  had  their  throats  cut "  ;  and 
this  seems  to  have  been  perpetrated  and  related  equally 
without  compunction.  The  cellars  were  found  full  of  wine, 
2000  pipes  having  been  collected  there,  toward  the  provision 
for  a  second  armada  ;  and  the  men,  by  inordinate  drinking, 
becoming  reckless  of  danger,  or  incapable  of  perceiving  it, 
exposed  themselves  to  the  shot  from  the  upper  town,  whereby 
many  were  hurt,  t  It  was  thought  that  by  their  excesses  at 

*  Hakluyt,  139. 

f  In  the  only  Spanish  account  of  these  transactions  which  I  have 
been  able  to  consult,  it  is  said  that  the  wine  was  purposely  left ;  and 
that  the  Spaniards,  taking  advantage  of  the  drunkenness  and  consequent 
disorder  thus  produced,  killed  as  many  as  800  stragglers,  whom  the 
succours,  as  they  arrived  from  the  interior,  fell  in  with  and  found  drunk 
and  sleeping.  This  writer  says  :  "  Bebieron  bellamente  los  Ingleses, 
como  valientes  bebedores  ;  y  pareciendoles  que  ya  eran  seriores  de  la 
tierra,  lo  que  menos  cuidado  les  daba  era  la  guerra"  (P.  M.  F.  Felipe 
de  la  Gandara,  Armas  y  Triunfos  del  Reino  de  Galicia.  1672,  p.  470). 

The  author  was  chronista  general  of  that  kingdom.  The  first  part 
of  his  account  cannot  be  reconciled  with  the  English  statements. 
According  to  him  the  invaders  landed  more  than  10,000  men,  and  took 
possession  of  Burgo,  an  open  village  (lugar),  without  walls  or  castle, 
more  than  a  league  from  Corunna :  there  they  began  to  visit  the  drinking 

21 


322  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

this  time  they  brought  on  the  subsequent  sickness  and 
mortality.  From  the  few  prisoners  who  were  taken,  they 
learnt  that  there  were  in  the  town  when  they  arrived  500 
soldiers,  the  poor  remains  of  seven  companies  who  had 
returned  from  "  the  journey  of  England,"  and  that  money 
and  stores  had  been  sent  thither  for  a  second  attempt  at 
invasion.  * 

The  Spaniards  had  been  taken  by  surprise,  which  they 
ought  not  to  have  been  in  any  of  their  great  ports  on  this 
side  the  Straits.  But  the  governor,  who  was  the  Marquez 
de  Zerralbo  don  Juan  Pacheco  Osorio,  prepared  now  with 
a  Spaniard's  determination  for  defence.  His  first  object  was 
to  prevent  the  enemy  from  taking  possession  of  the  galleon  ; 
and  as  this  could  by  no  other  means  be  effected,  he  gave 
orders  for  destroying  it  ;  the  crew,  accordingly,  overcharged 
the  guns,  set  the  ship  on  fire,  and  left  her  in  flames,  "  which 
burnt  in  terrible  sort  for  two  days  together ".  When  she 
had  burnt  to  the  water's  edge,  and  the  English  came  to 
search  her  hull,  they  found  only  sixteen  whole  cannon  out  of 
fifty  :  the  rest  had  burst  in  their  discharge,  as  had  been 
designed,  and  were  taken  out  in  broken  pieces  and  molten 
lumps.  Every  exertion  was  made  for  improving  the  fortifica- 
tions, which  were  strong  but  old.  All  hands  were  employed 
at  this,  and  in  carrying  earth  for  the  ramparts,  which  were 
now  made  ;  and  so  intent  were  they  upon  these  operations, 

houses,  instead  of  making  any  attempt  to  occupy  the  bridge  (at  the  head 
of  the  harbour,  over  the  mouth  of  the  Mandeo),  and  take  a  position,  to 
prevent  succours  from  arriving.  "  They  might  have  done  this  easily," 
he  says,  "  sin  que  pudicra  cntrar  gcnte  par  parte  alguna."  Afterwards 
they  attempted  to  insulate  the  fortress  by  cutting  across  the  isthmus ;  but 
there  were  rocks  in  the  way,  large  reinforcements  had  already  entered,  and 
the  fire  from  the  walls  put  an  end  to  their  operations.  He  makes  no 
mention  whatever  of  the  storming  the  base  town,  nor  of  the  subsequent 
carnage,  but  simply  says  that  they  burnt  the  suburb  called  La  Pescaderia, 
which  contained  1500  houses. 
*  Hakluyt,  140.' 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  323 

that  they  left  the  Puerto  Real,  or  royal  gate,  open,  and 
Corunna,  according  to  the  Galicians,  would  have  been  lost, 
if  a  greater  personage  than  the  governor  had  not  taken  upon 
himself  the  defence  in  this  emergency.  For  the  English 
entered  not  only  without  resistance,  but  without  any  one 
speaking  to  them  or  giving  the  alarm  :  so  strange  a  circum- 
stance made  them  apprehensive  of  some  stratagem  ;  still, 
however,  though  with  all  possible  circumspection,  they  ad- 
vanced up  the  street,  at  the  end  of  which  stood  the  parochial 
church  of  the  upper  town  ;  and  to  whom  should  that 
church  be  dedicated  but  to  the  peculiar  patron  of  Spain 
and  especial  glory  of  Galicia — Santiago  ?  He  did  not  indeed 
appear  in  person :  short  as  the  distance  was  from  Compostella, 
the  occasion  was  not  of  sufficient  importance  for  him  to  leave 
his  shrine  and  mount  his  celestial  white  horse  ;  but  out  of 
his  church  there  issued  a  great  darkness,  and  in  the  midst  of 
that  darkness  a  great  light ;  and  the  light  dazzled,  and  the 
darkness  confused,  and  both  terrified  them  :  they  made  their 
way  out  of  the  gate  with  more  alacrity  than  they  had  entered 
it ;  and  Santiago  achieved  for  his  faithful  devotees  the  only 
one  of  all  his  numerous  victories  in  which  no  blood  was  shed.  * 
This  was  a  modest  miracle  for  the  saint,  the  country,  and 
the  religion.  Another  and  not  less  thaumaturgic  saint  worked 
none  upon  the  occasion,  though  he  might  seem  to  have  been 
more  especially  invited  or  provoked  to  manifest  his  power. 
Without  the  Puerta  de  los  Aires,  and  fronting  it,  was  a 
convent  of  St.  Domingo  :  the  invaders  occupied  it ;  and 
from  the  upper  windows  and  other  parts  of  the  edifice  fired 
into  the  town.  These  things  passed  on  the  day  after  the 
escalade.  On  the  morrow  some  2000  men  from  the  adjacent 
parts  approached  the  gates  as  confidently  as  if  they  had  been 
resolved  to  enter  :  but  they  advanced  without  order  ;  and 
losing  a  few  men  in  the  first  encounter  took  to  flight,  and 

*  Gandara,  471. 


324  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

outstripped  their  pursuers.  A  party  following  up  this  success 
foraged  round  about,  and  brought  back  kine  and  sheep  in 
abundance,  to  the  great  relief  of  the  army,  whose  provisions 
when  they  landed  *  were  well  nigh  exhausted.  Norris 
meant  in  the  ensuing  night  to  take  a  "  long  munition  house 
built  upon  the  wall "  ;  but  the  Spaniards  apprehending  this, 
and  knowing  how  advantageous  a  position  it  would  be  for 
the  enemy,  burnt  it  before  the  attempt  could  be  made.  At 
the  same  time  a  fire  broke  out  in  the  lower  end  of  the  town, 
"  which,  had  it  not  been  by  the  care  of  the  general  heedily 
seen  unto,  and  the  fury  thereof  prevented,  by  pulling  down 
many  houses  which  were  most  in  danger,  had  burnt,"  says 
Wingfield,  "  all  the  provisions  we  found  there,  to  our  wonder- 
ful hindrance  ".t 

Two  demi-cannons  and  two  culverins  were  now  planted 
under  the  garden  of  the  convent,  but  with  little  skill  or  fore- 
sight, for  the  first  or  second  fire  shook  down  the  cross  wall  by 
which  this  battery  was  "  defended  or  gabioned  "  ;  it  then  lay 
open  to  the  enemy.  They  did  not  overlook  their  oppor- 
tunity ;  and  the  lieutenant  of  the  ordnance,  with  some  of  the 
cannoneers,  were  slain  there.  The  battery  was  secured  dur- 
ing the  night.  When  it  was  ready  to  open,  the  general  sent 
to  summon  the  place  :  the  man  who  bore  it  was  fired  at 
from  the  town.  Presently  a  Spaniard  was  hanged  over  the 
wall,  and  a  signal  for  parley  made,  the  object  of  which  was 
to  let  the  English  see  that  this  summary  punishment  had 
been  inflicted  upon  the  person  who  fired  at  the  messenger  ; 
and  they  took  the  opportunity  of  requesting  to  have  "  fair 

*  Wingfield  says  :  "  What  extremity  the  want  of  that  month's  victuals 
which  we  did  eat  during  the  month  we  lay  at  Plymouth  for  a  wind 
might  have  driven  us  unto,  no  man  can  doubt  of  that  knoweth  what 
men  do  live  by,  had  not  God  given  us,  in  the  end,  a  more  prosperous 
wind  and  shorter  passage  into  Galicia  than  hath  been  often  seen,  where 
our  own  force  and  fortune  revictualled  us  largely  "  (Hakluyt,  135). 

t  Hakluyt,  141. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  325 

war/'  promising  it  on  their  part.  They  made  inquiry  con- 
cerning what  prisoners  were  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  but 
would  not  listen  to  any  proposal  for  surrendering.  * 

Norris  had  now  sufficiently  reconnoitred  the  walls  to  see 
that  they  were  almost  everywhere  built  upon  a  rock  :  one 
place,  however,  he  thought  mineable,  and  men  were  presently 
set  to  work  there,  who,  after  three  days'  labour,  and  on  the 
seventh  after  their  entrance  of  the  base  town,  had  bedded 
their  powder, — but,  as  afterwards  appeared,  not  far  enough 
into  the  wall.  The  breach  by  that  time  was  thought  as- 
saultable,  and  companies  were  drawn  out  for  a  simultaneous 
attack  there,  and  at  the  point  where  it  was  expected  that 
the  mine  would  make  an  opening.  But  the  mine  failed,  "by 
reason  the  powder  brake  out  backward  in  a  place  where  the 
cave  was  made  too  high ".  Nothing  therefore  could  be  at- 
tempted that  day.  The  miners  resumed  their  work,  and  by 
the  second  day  after  had  wrought  well  into  the  foundation  of 
the  wall.  The  first  failure  drew  after  it  no  ill  consequence  ; 
not  so  the  partial  success  of  the  second  attempt.  The  ex- 
plosion brought  down  half  the  tower  under  which  the  mine 
had  been  made,  and  opened  a  practicable  breach  :  it  was  im- 
mediately assaulted ;  and  when  the  men  had  gained  the 
summit,  the  other  half  fell  on  them  ;  some  twenty  or  thirty 
were  crushed,  and  the  men  were  "  so  amazed,  not  knowing 
whence  that  terror  came,  that  they  forsook  their  commanders, 
and  left  them  among  the  ruins  of  the  mine ".  The  two 
ensigns  were  shot  in  the  breach,  but  their  colours  were 
rescued  ;  among  those  on  whom  the  tower  fell  "  was  Captain 
Sydenham  pitifully  lost,  who  having  three  or  four  great 
stones  upon  his  lower  parts  was  held  so  fast  that  neither  him- 
self could  stir  nor  any  reasonable  company  recover  him  ;  not- 
withstanding the  next  day,  being  found  to  be  alive,  there 
were  ten  or  twelve  lost  in  attempting  to  relieve  him  ".  It 

*  Hakluyt,  141. 


326  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

is  the  most  honourable  incident  on  the  part  of  the  English, 
during  their  descent  in  Galicia,  that  so  many  should  have 
exposed  and  lost  their  lives  in  endeavouring  to  perform  this 
act  of  forlorn  humanity  toward  their  suffering  countryman  ;  * 
and  the  least  honourable  on  that  of  the  Spaniards  that  they 
should  have  fired  on  men  who  were  exposing  themselves  for 
such  a  motive. 

Meantime  a  breach  which  had  been  made  by  the  poor 
battery  in  the  convent  garden  was  attempted ;  and  the  officers 
brought  their  men  to  the  push  of  the  pike  at  the  summit. 
But  the  Spaniards  had  prepared  all  means  of  defence,  and 
they  were  encouraged  by  the  masculine  exertions  of  the  wife 
of  an  alferez, — Maria  Pita  was  her  name.  With  a  spirit 
which  women  have  more  often  displayed  in  Spain  than  in  any 
other  country,  she  snatched  up  sword  and  buckler,  and  took 
her  stand  among  the  foremost  of  the  defendants  ;  and  so 
much  was  ascribed  by  the  people  to  the  effect  of  her  example, 
that  she  was  rewarded  for  this  service  with  the  full  pay  of  an 
ensign  for  life,  and  the  half  pay  was  settled  upon  her  de- 
scendants in  perpetuity,  t  The  defence,  however,  was  not 
difficult ;  for  the  rubbish  over  which  the  assailants  mounted 
"  slid  outward  from  under  their  feet ;  and  it  then  appeared 
that  half  the  height  of  the  wall  had  received  no  injury  ".  { 

*  Hakluyt,  141. 

f  Gandara,  as  chronista  mayor  of  Galicia,  is  good  authority  for  a  circum- 
stance like  this.  The  story  gained  something  by  travelling  in  its  own 
country.  Faria  y  Sousa  says,  that  this  virago  lost  none  of  her  courage 
at  seeing  her  husband  killed  before  her  eyes,  and  that  she  wounded  an 
English  standard-bearer,  mortally,  with  a  lance  (p.  95.  Gandara,  472). 

I  "  For  let  no  man  think  that  culverin  or  demi-cannon  can  sufficiently 
batter  a  defensible  rampire.  And  of  those  pieces  which  we  had,  the 
better  of  the  demi-cannons,  at  the  second  shot,  broke  in  her  carriages  " 
(Hakluyt,  141). 

The  writer  argued,  that  if  the  battering  pieces  which  were  promised 
for  the  armament,  but  not  supplied,  had  been  there,  the  place  would 
have  been  taken. 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  327 

Thus,  had  there  been  more  spirit  for  renewing  the  assault, 
the  breach  no  longer  appeared  practicable.  From  both 
points  of  attack  the  retreat  lay  through  a  narrow  street  or 
lane,  and  many  were  hurt  there.  *  Whatever  the  loss  may 
have  been,  the  failure  was  so  complete,  that  it  determined  t 
the  general  to  abandon  an  enterprise  which  he  now  con- 
sidered hopeless.  But  to  secure  his  embarkation  it  was 
necessary  to  disperse  a  considerable  force  with  which  the 
Conde  de  Andrade  was  encamped  behind  the  Puente  de 
Burgo,  waiting  there  to  be  joined  by  the  Conde  de  Altamira, 
and  then,  with  united  strength,  to  advance  for  the  relief  of 
the  town.  Norris  accordingly,  leaving  Drake,  with  five 
regiments,  to  guard  their  quarters,  marched,  with  nine,  to 
meet  the  enemy.  His  brother,  Sir  Edward  Norris,  who 
commanded  the  van,  came  in  sight  of  them  some  half  mile 
from  their  camp,  and  beat  them  from  place  to  place  (though 
"  they  had  good  places  of  defence,  and  cross  walls  which  they 
might  have  held  long "),  till  they  came  to  the  bridge,  "  on 
the  foot  of  the  farther  side  whereof  lay  their  camp,  strongly 
intrenched  ".  Sir  Edward  followed  at  the  point  of  the  pikes, 
through  a  heavy  fire  :  the  enemy's  shot  flanked  both  sides 
of  the  bridge,  and  at  the  end  was  a  barricade  of  barrels. 
They  who  should  have  guarded  it  forsook  their  station,  seeing 
this  "  proud  approach  ".  Sir  Edward  entered,  and  charging 
the  first  who  opposed  him,  pike  in  hand,  fell,  "  with  very 
earnestness,  in  over-thrusting,"  and  received  a  grievous  sword 
wound  in  the  head.  The  general,  and  some  other  officers, 

*  Gandara,  in  his  exaggerated  statement,  says,  that  the  English  held 
out  a  signal  for  burying  their  dead,  who  were  found  to  be  1500  ;  and 
that  the  loss  of  the  Spaniards,  from  the  time  that  the  expedition  landed, 
till  it  re-embarked,  amounted  only  to  thirty-five.  I  wish  Wingfield's 
account  of  the  slaughter  in  the  base  town  rested  on  no  better  authority, 
or  could  be  suspected  of  equal  exaggeration. 

t  The  expression  in  Hakluyt  is,  "  it  made  him  grow  to  a  new  resolu- 
tion "  (p.  141). 


328  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

"  most  honourably  "  rescued  him  ;  and  overcoming,  not  with- 
out a  severe  struggle,  the  brave  resistance  that  was  made, 
obtained  then  an  easy  victory  over  the  rest  of  the  army. 
The  standard  was  taken,  and  the  fugitives  hotly  pursued 
for  some  three  miles.  "  How  many,"  says  Wingfield,  "  2000 
men  (for  of  so  many  consisted  our  vanguard)  might  kill  in 
pursuit  of  four  sundry  parties,  so  many  you  may  imagine  fell 
before  us  that  day.  And  to  make  the  number  more  great, 
our  men  having  given  over  the  execution,  and  returning  to 
their  stands,  found  many  hidden  in  the  vineyards  and  hedges, 
whom  they  despatched."  Two  hundred,  also,  were  found  in 
a  convent,  and  were  there  put  to  the  sword,  and  the  convent 
spoiled  and  burnt.  This  was  not  the  "  fair  war,"  for  which 
the  Spaniards  had  asked,  and  which,  by  their  honourable 
conduct  at  the  time  of  asking,  they  had  deserved.  The 
contrary  system  can  be  justified  only  when  reprisals  become 
necessary,  as  the  sole  means  of  putting  a  stop  to  it ;  but  in 
that  age  fair  war  seems,  almost,  to  have  been  the  exception.  * 
After  what  is  called  "the  fury,"  and  might  better  have 
been  termed  the  wickedness  t  "  of  the  execution,"  the  van- 
guard was  sent  one  way,  and  the  main  body  the  other,  "  to 
burn  and  spoil,  so  that  you  might  have  seen  the  country, 
more  than  three  miles'  compass,  on  fire  ".  The  next  day  was 
spent  in  shipping  their  artillery,  J  and  whatever  booty  could 
be  transported ;  and  they  attempted,  during  the  last  night 
of  their  tarriance,  to  burn  that  part  of  the  upper  town  where 

*  Hakluyt,  142.     Camden,  430. 

f  Such  a  carnage  after  the  action  well  deserves  to  be  so  qualified, 
especially  if  the  relater  in  Hakluyt  is  to  be  believed  when  he  says,  that 
"  there  were  slain  in  this  fight,  on  our  side,  only  Captain  Cooper,  and 
one  private  soldier  ". 

J  Their  own  and  those  taken  in  the  base  town,  "  which,"  says  Wing- 
field,  "  had  it  been  such  as  might  have  given  us  any  assurance  of  a 
better  battery,  or  had  there  been  no  other  purpose  of  our  journey  but 
that,  I  think  the  general  would  have  spent  some  more  time  in  the  siege 
of  the  place". 


329 

the  houses  were  built  upon  the  wall  by  the  water  side  ;  but 
the  Spaniards  were  vigilant,  and  made  so  good  a  defence 
that  they  frustrated  this  intention.  At  their  departure,  how- 
ever, the  invaders,  by  their  own  account,  set  fire  to  every 
house  of  the  base  town,  so  that  not  one  was  left  standing 
there.  *  Putting  then  to  sea,  after  contending  nine  days 
with  contrary  winds,  they  reached  the  Berlings,  having  a 
little  before  fallen  in  with  Essex,  who,  with  some  other 
volunteers  of  note,  had  followed  the  expedition  in  a  single 
ship.  By  this  time,  the  troops  had  suffered  much  by  sickness, 
aggravated  by  their  own  excesses  at  Corunna  ;  and  the  loss 
during  the  siege  had  been  considerable,  t  But  this  was  not 
the  only  evil  J  during  the  eighteen  days  of  their  continuance 
there ;  troops  had  been  sent  to  Lisbon,  and  all  persons  of  any 
influence,  who  were  suspected  of  favouring  Antonio,  were 
removed  from  that  city,  and  sent  into  Spain.  Antonio,  in- 
deed, had  been  considered  of  so  little  consequence  in  this 
first  act  of  the  expedition,  that  he  seems  not  to  have  been 

*  Gandara  confirms  this,  but  represents  it  having  been  done  before 
the  attempts  on  the  upper  town  ;  and  he  avoids  all  mention  of  the  action 
at  the  Puente  de  Burgo. 

t  El  Peregrine  Espanol  (Antonio  Perez)  whose  Tratado  Parcznetico 
was  translated  into  French  and  English,  and  widely  circulated  by  the 
Portuguese  emigrants,  says  that  the  greater  part  of  the  troops  died  there, 
and  all  the  best  artillerymen  :  but  he  seems  to  refer  this  loss  rather  to 
the  mortality  than  the  siege  ;  and  his  object  was  to  show  that  the 
expedition  failed  wholly  through  the  misconduct  of  the  English,  and  not 
owing  to  the  weakness  of  Antonio's  partisans. 

I  Sir  William  Monson  says:  "The  landing  at  the  Groyne  was  an 
unnecessary  lingering  and  hindrance  of  the  other  great  and  main 
design  ;  a  consuming  of  victuals  and  weakening  of  the  army  by  the 
immoderate  drinking  of  the  soldiers,  which  brought  a  lamentable  sick- 
ness amongst  them  ;  a  warning  to  the  Spaniards  to  strengthen  Portugal ; 
and  (what  is  more  than  all  this)  a  discouragement  to  proceed  farther, 
being  repulsed  in  the  first  attempt"  (160).  This  is  true,  except  as  to 
the  waste  of  provision.  Monson  himself  says,  that  "  divers  of  the  ships 
had  not  four  days'  victuals  when  they  departed  from  Plymouth  ". 


330  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

consulted  concerning  it,  nor,  indeed,  is  he  noticed  in  the 
accounts  of  it  till  the  fleet  arrived  at  Peniche.  The  troops 
landed  there,  about  a  mile  from  the  town,  with  much 
difficulty,  owing  to  the  wind  and  the  surf,  and  with  the  loss 
of  one  boat,  carrying  twenty-five  men.  Essex  commanded 
this  party  ;  and  when  man  enough  had  been  disembarked  for 
forming  two  troops,  he  left  one  to  protect  the  landing,  and 
advanced  with  the  other  against  some  companies  who  sallied 
from  the  town  to  oppose  him.  The  Spaniards  fled  when  it 
came  to  the  push  of  the  pike  :  he  entered  the  open  town, 
and  summoned  the  castle,  which  the  commandant,  Antonio 
de  Araujo,  readily  surrendered  to  Antonio,  acknowledging 
him  as  his  king.  * 

Here  it  was  agreed  that  the  army  should  proceed  overland 
to  Lisbon,  and  the  fleet  meet  them  in  the  Tagus.  When 
the  army  was  marshalled  and  ready  to  act,  Drake,  "  to  make 
known  the  honourable  desire  he  had  of  taking  equal  parts  in 
all  fortune  with  them,  stood  upon  the  ascent  of  a  hill  by 
which  the  battalions  marched,  and,  with  a  pleasing  kindness, 
took  his  leave  severally  of  the  commanders  of  every  regiment, 
wishing  them  happy  success,  with  a  constant  promise,  that  if 
the  weather  did  not  hinder  him,  he  would  meet  them  at 
Lisbon  with  the  fleet ".  The  non-performance  of  this  en- 
gagement brought  a  reproach  upon  Drake,  who  may,  with 
more  cause,  be  censured  for  having  made  it.  While  the  ai-my 
proceeded  with  little  encouragement  from  the  Portuguese, 
whose  eager  co-operation  they  had  been  led  to  expect,  Drake 
sailed  for  Cascaes  and  took  possession  of  the  town.  The  in- 
habitants, who  abandoned  it  upon  his  landing,  returned  upon 
his  assurances  of  all  peaceable  kindness  if  they  would  ac- 
knowledge Antonio  for  their  king,  and  supply  the  fleet  with 
necessaries  ;  but  the  castle,  having  a  Spanish  garrison,  was 
maintained  against  him.  Here  he  remained,  till  the  army, 
weakened  by  sickness,  unable  for  want  of  artillery  (the  little 

*  Hakluyt,  144. 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  331 

which  they  had  being  in  the  fleet)  to  make  any  serious 
attempt  upon  Lisbon,  knowing  themselves  far  inferior  in 
number  to  the  Spanish  troops  who  were  collected  against 
them,  and  undeceived  as  to  the  influence  and  strength  of  the 
pretender's  adherents,  gave  up  this  ill-planned  and  worse 
conducted  attempt,  and  came  to  join  him  at  Cascaes.  What- 
ever blame  was  afterwards  imputed  to  the  admiral,  those 
who  were  on  the  spot,  and  were  capable  of  forming  a  dis- 
passionate opinion,  must  have  admitted  the  validity  of  the 
motives  which  had  withheld  him  from  entering  the  river. 
The  fleet  must  have  passed  within  culver  shot  of  St.  Julian's, 
which  was  then  accounted  "one  of  the  most  impregnable  forts 
to  seaward  in  Europe  :  this  and  the  other  two  forts  between 
Cascaes  and  Lisbon  Drake  might  have  passed  with  a  reason- 
able gale  "  ;  but  once  in  the  Tagus,  the  coming  out  again 
was  uncertain  :  there  were  galleys  in  the  river  ready  at  any 
advantage  to  have  assailed  him  :  he  would  have  been  exposed 
to  fire  ships  ;  and  if  a  fleet  had  been  brought  against  him  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  he  had  neither  the  hope  of  victoiy 
nor  of  escape,  and  the  destruction  of  the  army  must  have 
followed  upon  the  loss  of  the  ships.* 

The  emigrants  whose  expectations  had  been  so  cruelly 
disappointed,  imputed  Drake's  breach  of  promise  to  his 
regarding  the  interests  of  the  merchant  adventurers  rather 
than  those  of  the  expedition,  because  while  he  remained  at 
Cascaes  many  prizes  were  brought  in  there.  Most  of  these 
were  easterlings,  of  which  not  fewer  than  three  scores 
belonging  to  the  Hanse  towns,  and  laden  with  naval  stores, 
as  was  supposed  for  another  armada,  were  captured.  Some 
were  of  great  burden,  with  little  on  board,  and  evidently 
built  as  ships  of  war  :  it  could  not  be  doubted  that  these 
were  for  the  Spanish  navy.  The  embarkation  of  the  troops 
was  secured  by  forcing  the  Castle  of  Cascaes  to  surrender, 
the  commandant  requiring  only  such  a  display  of  force  as 

*  Camden,  431,  432.     Monson,  160. 


332  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

might  justify  him  in  offering  no  farther  resistance.  It  was 
occupied  then  by  English  troops,  till  the  armament  was  ready 
to  sail,  and  partially  blown  up  at  their  departure.  One 
company  had  been  left  at  Peniche,  together  with  the  sick 
and  wounded  :  some  vessels  were  sent  to  bring  them  away, 
and  advices  were  despatched  to  the  commanding  officer  over- 
land :  the  advice  arrived  in  time,  but  not  the  ships  ;  for  the 
commander,  then  apprised  of  what  had  happened,  and  learn- 
ing also  that  an  enemy's  force  was  hastening  against  him, 
embarked  in  barques  which  were  on  the  spot,  and  with  such 
haste  that  he  neither  brought  away  the  artillery  nor  all  his 
men.  * 

Nine  galleys  from  Andalusia  had  entered  the  Tagus  some 
days  before  the  departure  of  the  English  :  these,  with  the 
twelve  which  were  stationed  there,  followed  the  fleet ;  and 
on  the  following  morning,  taking  advantage  of  a  dead  calm, 
cut  off  some  stragglers,  and  ran  down  some  who  endeavoured 
to  escape  from  them  in  their  boats.  One  hulk  had  Captain 
Minshew  and  his  company  on  board,  and  he  was  seen  fight- 
ing to  the  last  after  his  ship  was  on  fire  :  the  calm  meantime 
was  such,  that  none  of  the  great  ships  could  approach  to 
assist  him,  though  every  effort  was  made  by  towing  them. 
In  this  and  in  another  action  with  a  straggler  the  galleys 
were  so  roughly  handled,  that  they  discontinued  the  pursuit. 
The  expedition  had  been  instructed  to  ply  for  the  Azores  if 
the  wind  were  northerly  ;  but  if  it  blew  from  the  south, 
then  for  the  Isles  of  Bayona.  The  fleet  was  dispersed  in  a 
gale  ;  but  after  seventeen  days  the  two  commanders  and 
good  part  of  the  ships  were  united  off  Vigo.  In  that  interval 
many  men  had  been  cast  overboard  ;  for  not  only  was  the 
sickness  raging  among  them,  but  many  died  of  hunger,  and 
more  must  have  perished  for  lack  of  sufficient  food,  if  the 
mortality  which  carried  off  their  comrades  had  not  left  a 

*  Hakluyt,  149. 


HAWKINS  AND    DRAKE  333 

more  competent  allowance  for  the  survivors.  Not  more  than 
2000  effective  men  were  now  left.  They  were  landed  in  two 
bodies  :  they  approached  the  town  on  two  sides  ;  and  though 
a  strong  barricade  had  been  constructed  at  the  end  of  every 
street,  no  defence  was  attempted.  The  inhabitants  deemed 
it  prudent  to  withdraw  in  time,  and  had  removed  with  them 
everything  of  value,  except  good  store  of  wine.  It  was 
thought  too  hazardous  to  make  a  movement  upon  Bayona, 
whither  they  had  fled,  and  where  they  knew,  from  one  of 
their  Corunna  prisoners,  that  there  was  a  strong  garrison. 
The  English  contented  themselves  with  spoiling  the  country 
for  some  seven  or  eight  miles,  burning  the  villages  and  the 
standing  corn  :  then,  after  setting  fire  to  every  house  in  the 
town,  they  re-embarked.  * 

Still  the  commanders  clung  to  the  hope  of  returning  with 
some  booty  that  might  compensate  for  the  loss  incurred  in 
this  luckless  expedition.  It  was  agreed  that  Drake  should 
draft  the  able  men  into  twenty  of  the  best  ships,  and  sail  for 
the  Azores  for  the  chance  of  falling  in  with  the  Indian  fleet, 
while  Norris  with  the  rest  of  the  armament  should  return 
home.  They  parted  with  this  understanding  :  on  the  second 
night  there  arose  a  greater  storm  than  any  they  had  en- 
countered since  they  left  England ;  both  squadrons  were 
dispersed  ;  and  when  Norris,  twelve  days  afterwards,  reached 
Plymouth,  he  found  that  Drake  had  arrived  there,  and  all 
the  queen's  ships,  and  many  others  ;  but  every  vessel  had 
taken  the  opportunity,  which  the  storm  afforded,  of  going  its 
own  way,  "  some  led  by  a  desire  of  returning  whence  they 
came,  and  some,"  says  Wingfield,  "  being  possessed  of  the 
hulks  (the  Hanse  towns'  prizes),  sought  other  ports,  from  their 
general's  eye,  where  they  might  make  their  private  com- 
modity of  them, — which  they  did  to  their  own  great  advan- 
tage ".  At  Plymouth  the  army  was  dissolved,  eight  companies 

*  Hakluyt,  150. 


334  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

only  being  retained  :  every  soldier  received  five  shillings,  and 
"  the  arms  he  bare  to  make  money  of,  and  this  was  believed 
to  be  more  than  could  by  any  means  be  due  to  them  ".  *  It 
appears,  however,  that  some  of  the  men  who  compared  their 
wages  with  their  pains,  murmured  against  this  distribution, 
and  that  this  increased  the  unpopularity,  t  which  in  some 

*  "  For  they  were  not  in  service  three  months ;  in  which  time,"  says 
Wingfield,  "  they  had  their  victuals,  which  no  man  will  value  at  less 
than  half  their  pay,  for  such  is  the  allowance  in  her  majesty's  ships  to 
her  mariners ;  so  as  there  remained  but  ten  shillings  a  month  more  to 
be  paid :  for  which  there  was  not  any  private  man  but  had  his  apparel 
and  furniture  to  his  own  use  ;  so  as  every  common  soldier  discharged 
received  more  in  money,  victuals,  apparel,  and  furniture  than  his  pay 
did  amount  to"  (Hakluyt,  151). 

t  "As  our  country,"  says  Wingfield,  "  doth  bring  forth  many  gallant 
men,  who,  desirous  of  honour,  do  put  themselves  into  the  actions  there- 
of, so  doth  it  many  more,  who,  though  their  thoughts  reach  not  so  high 
as  others,  yet  do  they  listen  how  other  men's  acts  do  pass  ;  and,  either 
believing  what  any  man  will  report  unto  them,  are  willingly  carried  away 
into  errors,  or,  tied  to  some  greater  man's  faith,  become  secretaries 
against  a  noted  truth.  The  one  sort  of  these  take  their  opinions  from 
the  highway  side,  or,  at  the  farthest,  go  no  farther  than  Paul's,  to 
inquire  what  hath  been  done  in  this  voyage ;  where  if  they  meet  with 
any  whose  capacity  before  their  going  out  could  not  make  them  live, 
nor  their  valour  maintain  their  reputation,  and  who  went  only  for  spoil, 
complaining  on  the  hardness  and  misery  thereof,  they  think  they  are 
bound  to  give  credit  to  these  honest  men  who  were  parties  therein,  and, 
in  very  charity,  become  of  their  opinions.  The  others,  to  make  good 
the  faction  they  are  entered  into,  if  they  see  any  of  those  malcontents 
(as  every  journey  yieldeth  some),  do  run  unto  them,  like  tempting  spirits, 
to  confirm  them  in  their  humour,  with  assurance  that  they  foresaw, 
before  our  going  out,  what  would  become  thereof. 

"  Be  ye  not,  therefore,  credulous  in  believing  every  report ;  for  there 
have  been  many  more  beholders  of  these  things  that  have  passed  than 
actors  in  the  same  ;  who,  by  their  experience  not  having  the  knowledge 
of  the  ordinary  wants  of  war,  have  thought  that  to  be  hard,  not  to  have 
their  meat  well  dressed,  to  drink  sometimes  water,  to  watch  much,  or  to 
see  men  die  and  be  slain,  was  a  miserable  thing ;  and  not  having  so 
given  their  minds  to  the  service  as  they  are  anything  instructed  thereby, 
do,  for  want  of  better  matter,  discourse  ordinarily  of  these  things"  (p.  151). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  335 

degree  is  generally  attached  to  the  leaders  of  an  unsuccessfu 
expedition.  * 

A  very  rich  booty  is  said  to  have  been  brought  home,  and 
1 50  pieces  of  great  ordnance  ;  but  the  loss  of  lives  had  been 
very  great,  of  12,500  men  little  more  than  6000  returning  : 
the  Spaniards  exaggerated  the  loss  to  16,000  ;  and,  tracing 
to  the  disease  which  the  survivors  brought  home  a  great 
mortality  which  ensued,  they  said  that  England  suffered  more 
for  having  sent  an  armada  against  Spain,  than  Spain  for 
having  sent  an  armada  against  England,  t  Yet  the  result  of 
the  expedition  was  to  confirm  the  English  people  in  that 
opinion  of  their  superiority  to  the  Spaniards,  whether  at  sea 
or  in  the  field,  which  they  had  now  begun  to  entertain  ;  and 
the  spirit  of  adventure  became  more  general.  Elizabeth's 
conduct  toward  the  Hanse  towns  encouraged  that  spirit. 
She  had  warned  those  towns  against  carrying  provisions  or 
military  stores  into  Spain  or  Portugal,  upon  peril  of  losing 
ships  and  lading,  according  to  special  treaty  in  this  case, 
and  to  the  acknowledged  practice  and  law  of  nations.  Con- 
scious that  they  were  violating  that  treaty,  and  amenable  to 
that  law,  the  easterlings  took  the  perilous  course,  north  about, 
rather  than  risk  passing  the  Channel  ;  but  when  their  ships 
were  captured  off  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus,  they  complained 
as  if  their  privileges  had  been  violated,  and  called  for  resti- 
tution. The  queen  replied,  that  their  ships,  being  employed 
in  carrying  warlike  stores  to  the  enemies  of  England,  she  had 
lawfully  taken  them,  and  could  not  have  done  otherwise, 
unless  she  would  wilfully  bring  destruction  upon  herself  and 
her  people.  Privileges,  to  which  they  appealed,  might 
neither  be  claimed  nor  allowed  to  the  prejudice  of  the  public 
safety,  which  is  the  highest  law  :  nor  was  the  appeal  main- 
tainable in  itself;  for  in  the  privilege  granted  by  Edward  I. 
to  the  Hanse  towns,  it  was  expressly  provided  that  they 

*  Hakluyt,  151,  152.  f  Faria  y  Sousa,  197. 


336  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

should  not  carry  any  merchandise  into  the  dominions  of  the 
declared  enemies  of  England.  More  than  once  had  their 
ships  been  detained  heretofore,  when,  during  war  with 
France,  they  had  supplied  the  French  with  stores  ;  and  this 
had  been  done  not  by  England  only,  but  by  Charles  V.,  the 
Kings  of  Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Poland,  and  recently  by  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  according  to  the  law  of  nations  ;  for  neu- 
trality must  so  be  used,  that  the  neutrals  while  they  help  one 
party  hurt  not  the  other.  Referring  then  to  the  tone  of 
their  demands,  she  reminded  them  that  it  did  not  become 
cities  and  towns  to  use  menaces  to  kings  ;  for  her  part  she 
feared  not  the  threats  of  the  greatest  monarchs,  much  less 
of  particular  cities  ;  and  as  for  the  due  and  just  rights  of 
neighbourhood,  she  punctually  observed  them  with  all  men.  * 

Whatever  murmurs  had  been  raised  against  the  conduct 
of  the  Portugal  voyage,  Drake's  character  was  too  well  es- 
tablished both  in  the  estimation  of  the  court  and  of  the 
people  to  be  seriously  affected  by  them  :  the  failure  of  that 
expedition  was  sufficiently  accounted  for  by  want  of  means,  t 
want  of  co-operation  on  the  part  of  Antonio's  party,  and  the 
mortality  among  the  troops.  And  when,  in  the  year  1594, 
in  conjunction  with  Sir  John  Hawkins,  he  proposed  to  the 
government  to  set  on  foot  an  armament  against  the  West 
Indies,  the  project  was  readily  entertained. 

Hawkins,  after  his  unhappy  adventure  at  St.  Juan  de  Ulloa, 
seems  to  have  given  up  the  career  of  enterprise.  In  1573  he 
had  been  appointed  treasurer  or  comptroller  of  the  navy,  a 
high  and  arduous  office,  which  he  discharged  so  ably  that  he 
is  said  to  have  introduced  more  useful  inventions  into  the 
navy,  and  better  regulations,  than  any  of  his  predecessors. 
He  acted  as  rear-admiral  against  the  armada,  and  received, 

*  Camden,  433. 

t  Monson  says,  that,  in  his  opinion,  the  two  generals  never  overshot 
themselves  more,  than  in  undertaking  so  great  a  charge  with  so  little 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  337 

on  that  occasion,  the  honour  of  knighthood,  which  he  had 
well  deserved.  During  a  long  course  of  service,  he  had 
obtained  a  great  name  in  his  profession,  and,  notwithstanding 
his  loss  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  no  inconsiderable  fortune,  for 
he  and  his  elder  brother  were  at  one  time  owners  of  thirty 
good  ships.  *  The  queen,  no  doubt  in  consequence  of  his 
representations,  resolved  upon  putting  her  navy  upon  a 
better  and  more  regular  footing  than  it  had  before  been,  and 
assigned  a  yearly  sum  of  8970Z.  t  for  keeping  it  in  repair  ; 
and  in  the  same  year,  1590,  she  sent  ten  of  her  own  ships, 
under  Hawkins  and  Sir  Martin  Frobisher,  to  threaten  the 
coast  of  Spain,  and  intercept  the  Indian  ships.  But  the 
Spaniards  obtained  intelligence  of  this  in  time  to  send 
despatches  out,  and  order  the  homeward-bound  fleet  to 
winter  in  India,  rather  than  run  the  hazard  of  falling  in  with 
this  force  ;  others,  which  were  on  their  way,  either  meeting 
with  timely  advice,  or  warned  by  their  own  forethought, 
kept  at  a  distance  from  the  islands,  and  by  that  unsuspected 
course  reached  Lisbon  safely.  Hawkins,  therefore,  cruised 
about  in  vain,  and  with  such  singular  ill  success  that  not  a 
single  prize  fell  into  his  hands.  A  landing  which  he  at- 
tempted at  Fayal  was  not  more  fortunate  ;  and  after  seven 
months  he  returned,  without  loss  indeed,  but  without  any 
apparent  advantage,  though  it  was  known  afterwards  that  the 
delay  of  a  year  in  their  expected  returns  had  proved  most 
injurious  to  the  Spanish  merchants,  and  that  the  ships  as  well 
as  their  owners  suffered  greatly.  No  blame  could  be  imputed 
to  the  commanders.  Sir  John,  however,  thought  it  necessary 
to  offer  some  apology  in  the  report  of  his  voyage  :  this  he 
did  at  considerable  length  ;  and  concluded  by  reminding  the 
queen  that  Paul  planteth  and  Apollos  watereth,  but  it  is  God 
who  giveth  the  increase.  This  ill-applied  allusion  to  Scrip- 
ture is  said  to  have  provoked  from  Elizabeth  a  characteristic 

*  Campbell,  i.,  415.  t  Camden,  439.     Lediard,  274. 

22 


338  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

burst  of  anger  : — "  God's  death  !  "  she   exclaimed  :      "  this 
fool  went  out  a  soldier,  and  is  come  home  a  divine  ".* 

This  was  but  a  momentary  feeling  ;  and  when  Drake  and 
Hawkins,  "  presuming  much  upon  their  own  experience  and 
knowledge,"  proposed  that  a  West  Indian  voyage  should  be 
undertaken,  and  offered  to  engage  deeply  in  it,  the  queen 
concurred  in  a  project,  of  which,  in  the  opinion  of  all  men, 
the  most  promising  expectations  were  entertained.  Much 
had  been  done  to  impede  the  preparations  of  Philip  for  a 
second  attempt  at  invasion,  much  to  injure  the  Spaniards, 
and  more  to  irritate  them  ;  but  Philip  was  both  a  determined 
and  a  powerful  enemy.  Till  the  forced  union  with  Portugal, 
Spain  had  made  little  account  of  its  navy,  its  only  maritime 
war  having  long  been  what  was  carried  on  with  the  Mahome- 
dan  powers  within  the  Straits  ;  but  the  spoil  committed  by 
the  English  expeditions,  far  and  near,  not  upon  the  seas 
alone,  but  in  the  islands,  in  the  West  Indies,  upon  the  coasts 
of  Chili  and  Peru,  and  even  in  its  own  most  important  and 
best  fortified  ports,  made  the  government  feel  the  necessity 
of  raising  a  maritime  force,  wherewith  at  once  to  be  protected 
and  revenged.  This  object  had  been  pursued  with  such 
diligence,  that  within  three  years  after  the  failure  of  the 
armada,  the  Spaniards  had  a  formidable  fleet ;  and  in  three 
years  more  69  ships,  built  at  the  king's  charge,  had  been 
added  to  it,  most  of  them  of  1000  tons'  burden  and  upwards. 
When  hostilities  begun,  the  Spanish  ships  were  "  huge  and 
mighty  in  burden,  weak  and  ill-fashioned  in  building,  lame 
and  slow  in  sailing,  and  fitter  for  merchandise  than  war," 
having  indeed  "  been  more  intended  for  it "  :  old  seamen, 
like  Hawkins,  used  to  maintain  that  one  of  the  queen's  ships 
could  beat  four  of  them.  They  were  now  constructed  for 
war,  and  were  so  superior  to  the  English  ships  in  strength 
and  weight  of  metal,  that  nothing  but  English  seamanship  and 

*  Monson,  162,  247.     Lediard,  274. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  339 

English  courage  could  have  contended  against  such  superi- 
ority. But  the  Spaniards  also  had  good  sailors,  though  only 
from  their  northern  ports  ;  for  the  Catalans  no  longer  sup- 
ported their  ancient  reputation.  Most  of  their  officers,  from 
the  rank  of  captain  downward,  were  Biscayans,  with  whom 
(it  is  the  testimony  of  an  English  admiral  than  whom  none 
of  his  age  had  seen  more  service)  there  were  few  that  could 
be  compared  for  knowledge,  hardiness,  and  valour.  But  the 
Biscayans  made  but  a  small  part  of  the  sailors  :  the  discipline 
of  the  navy  was  bad  ;  and  the  naval  service  was  regarded 
with  contempt  by  the  military. 

Rumours  were  abroad  that  a  second  and  more  formidable 
armada  had  been  completed,  and  intelligence  came  from 
many  quarters  that  the  conquest  of  England  would  again  be 
attempted.  Upon  this,  men  were  levied  in  all  the  maritime 
counties,  and  watch  and  ward  appointed  to  be  kept  upon  the 
sea  coast.  The  apprehension  was  as  general  as  it  had  been 
in  1588  ;  and  now,  too,  as  then,  the  sense  of  danger  brought 
with  it  nothing  like  dismay.  It  was,  indeed,  lamented,  that 
so  much  brave  blood  and  so  much  treasure  had  been  lost  in 
France,  wasted,  as  it  were,  in  aid  of  insincere  allies  ;  but  "  all 
men,"  says  Camden,  *  "  buckled  themselves  to  war ;  and 
wailing  women,  with  renewed  grief,  lamented  that  their  sons 
and  brethren  who  had  fallen  in  that  thankless  service  had 
not  been  reserved  for  these  times  ".  On  this  account  the 
West  Indian  voyage  was  delayed,  to  the  great  cost  of  the 
adventurers  :  it  was  deemed  unfit  to  send  away  so  many  good 
ships  and  men  while  there  was  reason  to  think  they  might 
be  wanted  in  our  own  seas,  and  on  English  ground.  The 
Spaniards,  however,  effected  no  more  than  what  sufficed  to 
show  that  however  vigilantly  the  Channel  might  be  guarded, 
partial  descents  were  always  possible.  They  had  possession 
at  that  time  of  Blavet  in  Bretagne,  a  small  but  strong  place 

P.  497. 


340  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

upon  the  river  of  that  name,  from  the  ruins  of  which  Port 
Louis  was  afterwards  constructed.  From  thence  D.  Diego 
Brochen,  with  four  galleys,  under  favourable  opportunity  of 
weather,  crossed  the  mouth  of  the  Channel,  and  effected  a 
landing  at  Penzance.  They  sacked  and  burnt  that  place, 
with  the  two  poor  fishing  towns  of  Mousehole  and  Newlin  ; 
but  the  inhabitants  had  taken  flight.  No  life  was  lost,  and 
no  prisoner  taken  ;  and  the  galleys  returned  as  safely  as  they 
came.  * 

If  the  object  of  this  descent  was  to  impress  the  English 
with  the  belief  that  a  great  invasion  was  to  follow,  it  not  only 
failed,  but  produced  an  opposite  effect.  Tyrone,  indeed,  in- 
duced by  Romish  instigations,  and  relying  upon  Spanish 
support,  commenced  a  rebellion  in  Ireland,  which  added 
new  horrors  to  the  barbarous  history  of  that  most  barbarous 
island.  But  though  this  disquieted  Elizabeth's  councils,  so 
little  apprehension  was  entertained  of  any  danger  from  the 
Spaniards  at  home,  that  Hawkins  and  Drake  were  allowed 
to  begin  their  voyage.  Their  force  consisted  of  26  sail,  and 
about  2500  men.  Six  were  queen's  ships,  Drake  sailing  in 
the  Defiance,  and  his  colleague  in  the  Garland.  Sir  Thomas 
Baskerville  was  the  commander  by  land,  and  Sir  Nicholas 
Clifford  his  lieutenant-general.  The  first  intent  of  this  ex- 
pedition was,  that  they  should  land  at  Nombre  de  Dios, 
march  across  the  isthmus  to  Panama,  and  seize  what  treasure 
might  be  there,  which  it  was  supposed  would  be  much,  and, 
if  they  thought  it  feasible,  keep  possession  of  that  place. 
But  a  few  days  only  before  they  sailed  from  Plymouth 
letters  came  from  the  queen,  informing  them,  upon  sure 
intelligence  from  Spain,  that  the  West  Indian  fleet  had 
arrived,  but  that  one  treasure  ship,  having  lost  a  mast,  had 

*  Camden,  499.  Monson,  167.  Lediard,  310.  "  These,"  says  Camden, 
"  were  the  first  and  last  Spaniards  that  ever  made  any  hostile  landing  in 
England."  It  seems  that  Pero  Nino's  name  was  never  so  well  (or,  rather, 
so  ill)  known  here,  as  that  of  his  contemporary,  Arripay,  in  Spain. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  341 

put  back  to  Puerto  Rico  ;  wherefore  she  ordered  them  to 
take  the  good  opportunity  thus  presented,  and  make  for  this 
great  prize, — a  course  which  was  the  more  advised,  because 
it  was  not  much  out  of  their  way  to  Nombre  de  Dios.  * 

They  "  brake  ground  "  (in  the  phrase  of  their  own  jour- 
nalist) "out  of  Plymouth  Sound  on  the  28th  of  August,  1595, 
and  at  the  end  of  four  weeks  arrived  off  the  Isle  of  Grand 
Canary.  Drake  and  Baskerville  were  for  landing  here,  for 
the  honour  of  conquering  it,  as  well  as  for  the  sake  of 
victualling  the  fleet.  Hawkins  was  for  obeying  the  queen's 
instructions,  and  losing  no  time  in  accomplishing  the  main 
enterprise  ;  but  the  sailors  represented  their  need  of  a  supply 
of  provisions  :  this  is  said  to  have  been  a  pretence  on  their 
part,  who  had  the  hope  of  plunder  before  their  eyes  ;  and 
when  Baskerville  engaged  to  take  the  place  within  four  days, 
Hawkins  consented.  This  having  been  determined,  they 
found  at  daybreak  that  they  had  overshot  their  mark  ;  so 
they  stood  about,  and  by  nine  o'clock  were  at  anchor  before 
the  fort,  about  a  league  eastward  of  the  city  of  St.  Anna,  and 
at  one,  1400  men  were  in  readiness  to  land  in  a  sandy  bay 
between  the  city  and  the  fort.  But  the  hours  which  had 
elapsed  since  the  fleet  first  hove  in  sight  had  been  well 
employed  in  erecting  a  bulwark,  and  planting  ordnance  to 
command  the  landing-place  ;  seeing  which,  and  that  a  heavy 
surf  was  then  breaking  on  the  beach,  the  generals  perceived 
that  they  could  not  make  the  attempt  without  too  great  and 
manifest  a  risk.  After  a  vain  demonstration,  therefore,  in 
which  some  of  the  smaller  ships  riding  at  anchor  within 
musket  shot  of  the  shore  were  in  some  danger,  they  went  to 
the  western  side  of  the  island,  and  there  watered.  A  few 
men  venturing  rashly  to  some  distance  from  the  shore  were 
set  upon  by  the  herdsmen,  who  with  their  dogs  and  staves 
killed  most  of  them,  and  took  prisoner  the  surgeon  of  one  of 

*  Monson,  167. 


342  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

the  ships,  from  whom  they  learnt  all  that  he  knew  con- 
cerning the  objects  of  the  voyage.  And  upon  this  the 
governor  despatched  a  caraval  to  all  those  places  which  were 
threatened.  This  warning,  however,  had  been  anticipated 
by  advices  from  the  Spanish  Government  which  reached 
the  West  Indies  before  the  expedition  sailed  from  England, 
— such  early  and  sure  intelligence  had  that  government 
obtained.  * 

A  month  afterwards,  when  they  were  near  Martinico, 
Drake,  being  ahead  with  four  or  five  other  ships,  was  separ- 
ated from  the  rest  of  the  fleet  in  a  gale.  They  made  for 
Dominica,  he  for  Marigalante,  and  they  joined  company 
again  at  Guadaloupe.  Some  traffic  had  been  carried  on  at 
Dominica,  where  great  store  of  tobacco  was  grown,  which 
"  most  of  the  English  and  French  used  to  purchase  from  the 
Caribs,  with  knives,  hatchets,  saws,  and  such  like  iron  tools," 
- — no  slight  indication  of  improvement  in  the  Indians,  if 
beads,  hawk-bells,  prisms,  and  other  toys  had  ceased  to  be 
received  in  payment.  It  is  said  that  these  Indians  had 
plantations  of  various  fruits  in  Marigalante,  which  they  kept 
like  gardens  ;  but  there  seems  no  assignable  reason  why  they 
should  have  made  their  plantations  on  another  island  instead 
of  their  own.  Having  reached  Guadaloupe,  the  expedition 
watered  there,  washed  the  ships,  set  up  the  pinnaces,  the 
materials  of  which  they  had  taken  out,  and  landed  the  men 
that  they  might  refresh  themselves  on  shore,  t 

The  day  after  Drake's  arrival  there,  five  Spanish  zabras 
were  seen,  ships  of  200  tons  ;  from  which,  as  their  course 
was  by  Dominica  toward  Puerto  Rico,  Drake  rightly  con- 
cluded +  that  the  treasure  was  still  in  that  island,  and  that 
this  force  had  been  ordered  thither  to  convoy  it  :  they 
belonging  to  a  squadron  of  eight,  which  had  been  sent  for 
that  purpose,  under  Don  Pedro  Tello.  Captain  Wignol  in 
the  Francis,  a  barque  of  thirty-five  tons,  being  the  last 

*  Hakluyt,  583.  f  Ibid.,  584.  \  Purchas,  iv.,  1171. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  343 

straggler  of  Hawkins's  fleet,  fell  in  with  them,  and  was  cap- 
tured in  sight  of  a  caraval  that  escaped,  and  carried  tidings 
of  the  capture  to  the  commanders.  It  is  said  that  Hawkins, 
foreseeing  but  too  clearly  the  consequences  of  this  misfortune, 
immediately  sickened.  Tello,  in  fact,  put  his  prisoners  to 
the  torture,  *  and  thus  extracted  from  them  a  declaration 
of  what  he  might,  with  sufficient  certainty,  have  inferred 
from  the  appearance  of  an  English  force  in  those  seas.  The 
exped  tion  tarried  at  Guadaloupe  three  days  after  this  mishap, 
and  fo-  this  the  commanders  have  been  censured  ;  but  it  may 
be  dovbted  whether  any  haste  which  they  could  now  have 
made  vould  have  been  attended  with  better  speed.  Sailing 
once  nr>re  on  the  4th  of  November,  they  came  to  anchor,  on 
the  morning  of  the  8th,  within  the  Virgin  Islands  :  this  had 

*  Lop:  de  Vega  relates  this  in  lines,  some  of  which  are  as  atrocious 
as  the  otiers  are  characteristic  : — 

"  Siguiendo  pues  su  curso  por  la  plata, 

Y  la  del  mar  rompiendo  en  blanca  espuma, 
Llevando  cada  prospera  fragata 

El  mar  y  el  viento  como  leve  pluma ; 
Dos  navios  encuentra  y  desbarata 

De  aquella  Inglesa  referida  suma, 
Entre  la  Dominica  y  Matalino, 
Islas  del  mar,  y  ventas  del  camino. 

"  Huye  el  uno,  ganando  el  barlovento, 

Y  abriendo  los  costados  las  espuelas 
Al  cavallo  del  mar,  que  yguala  al  viento, 

Lleno  de  paramentos  de  sus  velas  ; 
Echando  el  otro  a  fondo,  y  siempre  atento 

A  entender  sus  ardides  y  cautelas, 
Diez  y  ocho   Ingleses  que  tomo  pregunta, 
Y  el  cuero  y  nervios  con  los  hue  ssos  junta. 

"  Al  tormento  confiessan  los  que  tienen 
Tan  gran  odio,  senor,  al  confessarse, 
Que  de  Plemua  con  el  Draque  vienen,"  etc. 

Dragontea,  c.  4. 


344  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

been  accounted  dangerous,  but  they  found  a  good  road,  "  in 
which  1000  sail  might  have  lain  in  fourteen,  twelve,  and  eight 
fathom,  fair  sand  and  good  anchorage,  with  high  islands  on 
either  side  ".  They  could  find  no  fresh  water,  but  plenty 
of  fish  to  be  taken  either  with  hooks  or  net,  and  the  men 
went  ashore  and  fowled  ;  after  tarrying  two  days  here,  they 
lingered  two  more  in  a  lesser  sound,  about  a  league  disiant, 
which  Drake  explored  the  preceding  night  in  his  barge.  If 
it  be  true  that  a  difference  of  opinion  had  arisen  between  the 
commanders,  it  may  explain  a  delay  for  which  there  would 
otherwise  be  no  apparent  reason.  That  dispute  is  said  to 
have  caused  or  accelerated  Hawkins's  death  :  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  1 2th  the  fleet  passed  through  the  strait ;  and  at 
night,  when  it  was  off  the  easternmost  end  of  Puerto  Rico, 
he  breathed  his  last.  * 

Sir  Thomas  Baskerville  took  the  place  of  this  brive  old 
seaman  in  the  Garland,  and  at  two  in  the  afternoon  of  the 
same  day  the  fleet  anchored  in  a  sandy  bay,  two  mies  east 
of  Puerto  Rico  city,  and  within  reach  of  its  forts.  Drake 
paid  dearly  for  this  imprudence.  One  shot  woundsd  his 
mizzen,  another  entered  the  steerage,  where  he  was  at  supper, 
and  struck  the  stool  from  under  him  :  he,  indeed,  eicaped 
unhurt  ;  but  several  of  the  party  were  wounded,  and  two  of 
them  to  death.  Sir  Nicholas  Clifford  was  one,  the  other  was 
Sir  Francis's  bosom  friend,  Master  Brown,  who  had  been 
christened  by  the  unseemly  name  of  Brute,  taken,  no  loubt, 
from  the  fabled  story  of  our  Trojan  descent.  "Ah.  dear 
Brute,"  said  Drake,  "  I  could  grieve  for  thee  !  but  now  is  no 
time  for  me  to  let  down  my  spirits  !  "  t  No  time  was  bst  in 
removing  to  a  safer  distance  ;  and  on  the  following  mcming 
they  came  to  anchor  "  before  the  point  without  the  ;own, 

*  Hakluyt,  584.     Lediard,  310,  311. 

t  Fuller  relates  this,  "  from  the  mouth  of  Henry  Drake,  Esq., there 
present,"  whom  he  speaks  of  as  his  "  dear  and  worthy  parishioner,  ately 
deceased"  (Holy  State,  129). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  345 

a  little  to  the  westward  :  there  they  remained  till  nightfall, 
and  then  twenty-five  pinnaces,  boats,  and  shallops,  well 
manned,  and  furnished  with  fireworks  and  small  shot,  entered 
the  road  ". 

The  galleon  which  was  the  great  object  of  this  enterprise 
had  been  completely  repaired,  and  was  even  on  the  point  of 
sailing  for  Spain,  when  the  certain  intelligence  of  this  in- 
tended attack  reached  the  island.  The  Spaniards  prepared 
themselves  with  equal  promptitude  and  determination  for 
defence  :  they  landed  the  treasure,  sunk  the  galleon  in  the 
mouth  of  the  channel,  and  made  a  floating  barrier  of  masts, 
on  both  sides,  almost  to  the  forts  and  castle,  so  as  to  render 
the  passage  impassable.  Within  this  barrier  the  five  zabras 
were  stationed  :  their  lading  had  been  taken  out  ;  and,  that 
nothing  might  be  unnecessarily  risked,  all  women,  children, 
and  unable  persons  had  been  sent  into  the  interior,  none 
remaining  in  the  town  but  men  who  were  able  to  defend  it. 
A  heavy  fire  was  opened,  both  from  the  ships  and  forts,  upon 
the  English  ;  and  it  became  more  destructive  when  they  had 
succeeded  with  their  firewoi-ks  in  setting  the  ships  in  flames, 
for  by  that  broad  light  the  forts  were  enabled  to  direct  their 
shot.  Yet  the  adventurers  persisted  in  their  desperate  at- 
tempt, till  they  had  lost  some  forty  or  fifty  men,  by  their 
own  account,  killed,  and  as  many  more  wounded  ;  consoling 
themselves  with  the  thought  that  "  there  was  also  great 
death  of  the  Spaniards  aboard  the  frigates,  with  burning, 
drowning,  and  killing,  besides  some  taken  prisoners".  De- 
feated, but  not  disheartened,  they  returned  to  the  fleet,  and 
remained  at  anchor  the  next  day.  One  of  the  zabras  had 
been  consumed  to  the  water's  edge  :  the  Spaniards  employed 
the  day  in  warping  up  the  other  four,  all  of  which  had  been 
more  or  less  injured  ;  and  one,  as  they  were  removing  her, 
was  seen  to  sink.  But  no  renewal  of  the  attack  was  at- 
tempted ;  Drake  lingered  another  day  as  if  unwilling  to 
abandon  the  enterprise,  though  he  now  perceived  it  to  be 


346  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

hopeless  :  two  more  he  was  detained  by  calms  ;  then  pro- 
ceeded to  the  south-west  point  of  the  island,  and  there  set 
up  more  pinnaces,  washed  his  ships,  and  refreshed  his  men 
on  shore.  *  And  here  a  Spanish  man  and  woman  took  refuge 
with  him.  The  man's  story  was,  "  that  he  feared  some  great 
torment  for  not  having  repaired  to  the  town,  according  to 
the  governor's  command,  to  assist  in  its  defence,— and  that 
the  woman  was  his  wife ".  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
motives  for  their  flight,  Drake  was  too  humane  a  man  to 
refuse  them  the  means  of  escape. 

Taking  a  final  departure  from  Puerto  Rico  on  the  25th  of 
November,  the  fleet  anchored  under  Cape  de  la  Vela  on  the 
last  day  of  the  month  ;  and  on  the  morrow  the  troops  were 
landed,  and  without  resistance  took  possession  of  Rio  de  la 
Hacha,  "  one  of  the  ancientest  towns  in  all  the  main,  al- 
though not  very  large  ".  After  a  while  the  Spaniards  "  came 
in  to  talk  of  a  ransom,  but  not  to  the  general's  liking "  ; 
finding  this  negotiation  fruitless,  Drake  went  with  some  150 
men  by  water  to  the  Rancheria,  six  leagues  distant,  which 
was  the  station  for  the  pearl  fishery,  and  there  a  few  soldiers 
were  taken  and  many  negroes,  with  some  store  of  pearls  and 
other  pillage  :  after  this  an  agreement  was  made  that  the 
Spaniards  should  pay  24,000  ducats  for  the  ransom  of  the 
town,  and  one  prisoner  4000  for  his  own.  Four  days  elapsed : 
the  ransom  was  then  proffered  in  pearls  ;  but  these  were 
rated  so  dear,  that  Drake  refused  to  accept  them,  and  sent 
them  back,  giving  the  Spaniards  four  hours  to  make  a  more 
satisfactory  payment,  or  abide  the  consequence.  His  pro- 
ceeding here  was  more  honourable  than  theirs  ;  for  after  a 
farther  delay  of  two  days,  the  governor  having  obtained  a 
safe  conduct,  came  into  the  town,  and  told  Drake  plainly 
that  no  ransom  would  be  paid  ;  that  the  pearls  had  been 
offered  without  his  command  or  consent ;  and,  in  fact,  that 
he  had  drawn  out  the  time  in  negotiations  for  no  other  intent 

*  Hakluyt,  584.     Lediard,  311, 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  347 

than  to  send  intelligence  to  those  towns  which  were  not 
strong  enough  to  defend  themselves,  that  so  they  might 
secure  their  property  by  carrying  it  into  the  woods.  How- 
ever incensed  Drake  may  have  been  by  this  avowal  (if  it  were 
actually  made),  he  respected  the  word  which  he  had  given, 
and  the  Spaniard  was  allowed  to  depart  in  safety.  * 

The  vengeance  which  the  invaders  took  was  to  burn  the 
town  and  the  Rancheria  "  clean  down  to  the  ground,"  the 
churches  only  excepted,  and  the  house  of  a  lady,  who  wrote 
to  Drake,  requesting  him  to  spare  it.  Proceeding  now  along 
the  coast  they  came  to  Santa  Martha,  and  found  in  the  town 
nothing  "  but  the  houses  swept  clean  "  ;  but  in  the  course  of 
the  night  the  lieutenant-general  of  the  Spaniards  was  taken, 
and  a  little  booty  brought  in  from  the  Avoods.  That  town 
also  they  burnt  on  the  21st,  and  on  the  27th  entered  the 
harbour  of  Nombre  de  Dios.  The  place  was  abandoned  at 
their  approach  ;  but  about  100  men  kept  the  fort,  played 
upon  the  invaders  with  a  few  small  pieces  of  ordnance, 
waited  till  they  could  give  also  a  volley  of  small  shot,  and 
then,  as  the  English  were  running  to  the  assault,  took  to 
flight,  and  struck  into  the  woods.  "  The  name  of  Nombre  de 
Dios  was  greater  than  its  strength,"  this  fort  being  its  only 
work  of  defence,  "  though  they  might  have  made  it  stronger 
if  they  would  ".  So  the  invaders  thought  :  they  soon  dis- 
covered that  the  Spaniards  relied,  with  sufficient  wisdom, 
upon  the  attachment  of  the  natives,  the  strength  of  the 
country,  and  its  climate— being  "  very  unhealthy  as  any 
place  in  the  Indies,"  and  its  abundant  fruits — being  "  very 
dangerous  to  be  eaten  for  breeding  of  diseases  ".  The  re- 
moval of  property  had  been  complete  :  nothing  of  any  value 
had  been  left ;  and  "  there  was  a  show  in  their  shops  of 
great  store  of  merchandise  that  had  been  there  ".  Nothing 
fell  into  the  conquerors'  hands  except  twenty  tons  of  silver, 
two  bars  of  gold,  some  money,  and  other  pillage  which  they 

*  Hakluyt,  585, 


348  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

found  in  a  little  watch-house,  on  the  summit  of  a  hill,  in  the 
woods.  * 

Drake  remained  here  with  the  fleet  while  Baskerville 
with  750  men  went  for  Panama,  on  the  second  day  after 
their  arrival.  Two  days  longer  Drake  waited,  apparently,  to 
see  whether  the  Spaniards  would  ransom  the  town  :  they  had 
either  been  strictly  forbidden  to  do  this,  or  they  were  too 
high-minded,  or,  perhaps,  did  not  think  it  worth  ransoming ; 
for,  though  large,  the  houses  were  all  built  of  timber,  and 
the  single  church,  "  which  was  very  fair  and  large,  was  of  no 
better  materials  ".  On  the  last  day  of  the  year  he  burnt 
half  the  town,  and  the  other  half  on  the  morrow,  together 
with  all  the  frigates,  barques,  and  galliots,  which  were  in  the 
harbour,  or  drawn  up  on  the  beach,  where  houses  were  built 
over  them  to  keep  the  pitch  from  melting.  Baskerville, 
meantime,  found  the  march  on  which  he  had  entered  "  so 
sore  as  never  Englishman  marched  before":  the  way  was  very 
narrow,  cut  through  the  woods  and  rocks,  and  at  that  season 
full  of  mire  and  water  ;  and  the  enemy,  knowing  the  ground 
well,  played  upon  them  from  every  point  of  most  advantage. 
When  they  had  advanced  some  ten  leagues,  according  to 
their  computation,  which  seems  to  have  measured  the  distance 
by  the  difficulty,  they  came  suddenly  upon  a  fort  in  a  mar- 
vellous strait  way,  by  which  they  needs  must  pass,  and 
from  which,  before  they  were  aware,  a  fire  was  opened  upon 
them,  whereby  more  than  twenty  men,  including  four  officers, 
were  killed.  This  check  made  Baskerville  come  to  a  stand  ; 
and  understanding  then  that  if  he  succeeded  in  taking  this 
fort  t  there  were  two  other  such  on  the  way,  and  that 

*  Hakluyt,  586. 

t  Fuller  says :  "  They  had  so  much  of  this  breakfast,  they  thought  they 
should  surfeit  of  a  dinner  and  supper  of  the  same.  No  hope  of  conquest, 
except  with  cloying  the  jaws  of  death,  and  thrusting  men  on  the  mouth 
of  the  cannon.  Wherefore,  fearing  to  find  the  proverb  true,  that  gold 
may  be  bought  too  dear,  they  returned  to  their  ships  "  (Holy  State,  130). 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  349 

Panama  had  been  rendered  very  strong,  "the  Spaniards 
knowing  of  their  coming  long  before/'  he  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  return  ;  for  which  resolution,  mortifying  as  it  was, 
there  was  this  farther  urgent  motive,  that  his  men  had  no 
food  left,  nor  any  means  of  getting  it.  There  had  either 
been  great  improvidence  on  his  part  in  not  being  better  pro- 
vided, or  Drake  had  relied  upon  his  old  friends  the  Maroons, 
who  on  this  occasion  failed  him.  He  returned,  therefore, 
with  a  weary,  hungry,  and  dispirited  army  to  Nombre  de 
Dios  on  the  fourth  day.  * 

Nor  was  this  the  last  disaster  that  befell  this  unfortunate 
expedition.  There  was  an  Indian  settlement  some  half  a 
league  inland,  toward  which  a  detachment  of  about  100  men 
advanced,  while  Drake  and  Baskerville  were  with  a  watering 
party  in  the  river  about  a  mile  distant.  The  Indians  broke 
down  a  bridge  to  impede  their  passage,  and  from  an  ambush 
killed  an  officer,  and  wounded  several  others  ;  then  taking  to 
flight,  fired  their  own  houses,  thereby  manifesting  the  deep 
hatred  against  the  English  with  which  the  Spaniards  had  now 
possessed  them.  On  the  5th  the  fleet  departed,  having 
tarried  there  too  long,  and  on  the  10th  anchored  off  an 
island  called  Escudo,  some  thirty  leagues  westward  of 
Nombre  de  Dios,  and  nine  or  ten  from  the  main.  There 
was  good  anchorage  there,  on  fair  sand,  in  twelve  fathoms, 
and  the  island  was  covered  with  wood,  and  abounded  with 
excellent  water.  Here  they  washed  their  ships,  and  set  up 
the  rest  of  their  pinnaces.  But  this  also  was  "  a  sickly 
climate,  and  given  to  much  rain  :  one  of  the  captains  died 
here,  and  Drake  began  to  keep  his  cabin,  being  extremely 
sick  of  a  flux  ".  Death  was  now  busy  in  the  fleet.  Two 
more  captains  and  the  chief  surgeon  died  of  the  prevailing 
sickness.  On  the  night  of  the  27th,  Drake's  disease  stopped 
on  him,  but  there  was  no  symptom  of  amendment.  His 
mind  seems  to  have  wandered  at  three  in  the  morning  :  "  he 

*  Hakluyt,  586,  587. 


350  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

used  some  speeches  a  little  before  his  death,  rising  and 
apparelling  himself ;  but,  being  brought  to  his  bed  again,  he 
died  within  an  hour ".  Some  have  asserted  that  he  was 
poisoned  ;  *  but  of  this  there  is  neither  proof  nor  probability  : 
the  climate  was  poison  enough,  and  a  wounded  spirit  t  may, 
perhaps,  have  predisposed  the  body  to  imbibe  it.  J 

*  "  Sir  Francis  Drake,"  says  Monson,  "  who  was  wont  to  rule  fortune, 
now  finding  his  error,  and  the  difference  between  the  present  strength  of 
the  Indies  and  what  it  was  when  he  first  knew  it,  grew  melancholy  upon 
this  disappointment,  and  suddenly  (and  I  hope  naturally)  died  at  Puerto 
Bello,  not  far  from  the  place  where  he  got  his  first  reputation  "  (p.  167).' 
And  again  (p.  368) :  "  Fortune  did  much  for  him  ;  but  at  his  death  she 
was  angry  with  him :  first,  in  that  there  was  a  doubt  whether  it  was 
natural ;  secondly  (and  the  best  his  friends  can  say),  that  it  was  caused 
by  grief,  for  failing  of  his  expectation  in  that  voyage  ". 

Lope  de  Vega  represents  his  own  people  as  giving  him  poison,  at  the 
instigation  of  one  of  the  furies.  "  Drake,"  he  says,  "  was  aware  of  this 
intention,  and  would  taste  no  food  till  it  had  been  tasted ;  upon  which 
they  administered  the  poison  en  una  mcdicina,  and  by  that  means 
reached  his  heart. 

"  Mirad  la  desventura  la  ruin  a 

De  aquel  hombre  atrevido  y  indomable  ! 

Mirad  que  triste  genero  de  muerte 

Del  cuerpo  el  alma  a  los  infiernos  vierte." 

Dragontea,  p.  472. 

t  This  was  Fuller's  opinion,  who  had  heard  the  particulars  from  a 
kinsman  of  Drake's  present  in  the  expedition.  His  account  is,  that  Sir 
Francis's  discontent  began  "  to  feed  upon  him.  He  conceived  that 
expectation — a  merciless  usurer — computing  each  day  since  his  departure, 
exacted  an  interest  and  return  of  honour  and  profit  proportionable  to 
his  great  preparations,  and  transcending  his  former  achievements.  He 
saw  that  all  the  good  which  he  had  done  in  this  voyage  consisted  in  the 
evil  he  had  done  to  the  Spaniards  afar  off ;  whereof  he  could  present 
but  small  visible  proofs  in  England.  These  apprehensions,  accompany- 
ing, if  not  causing,  the  disease  of  the  flux,  wrought  his  sudden  death. 
And  sickness  did  not  so  much  untie  his  clothes,  as  sorrow  did  rend  at 
once  the  robe  of  his  mortality  asunder  "  (p.  130). 

I  Hakluyt,  587,  588. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  351 

The  fleet  anchored  the  same  day  at  Puerto  Bello  ;  and  it 
was  in  sight  of  that  place  "  from  whence  he  had  borrowed  so 
large  a  reputation  by  his  fortunate  successes "  that  Drake 
received  a  sailor's  funeral,  *  his  body  in  a  leaden  coffin  being 
committed  to  the  deep,  with  the  solemn  service  of  the 
English  Church,  rendered  more  impressive  by  volleys  of 
musketry,  and  firing  of  guns  in  all  the  ships  of  the  fleet. 
He  had  made  his  will,  appointing  Thomas  his  brother  and 
Captain  Jonas  Bodenham  executors,  and  leaving  all  his  lands 
to  that  brother's  son,  except  one  manor,  which  he  bequeathed 
to  Bodenham.  t 

The  remaining  history  of  the  expedition  may  briefly  be 
told.  Baskerville  succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  admiral, 
Bodenham  to  the  Defiance.  They  found  nothing  to  plunder 
at  Puerto  Bello  and  little  to  destroy.  A  council  was  held, 
and  it  was  determined  to  "  turn  up  again  for  Santa  Martha," 
if  by  any  means  they  could,  otherwise  to  go  directly  for 
England ;  their  whole  number  at  this  time,  sick  and  sound, 
amounting  only  to  2000.  Baskerville  put  all  his  prisoners 

*  Instead  of  an  epitaph,  these  verses  were  written  on  him  : — 
"  Where  Drake  first  found,  there  last  he  lost  his  name, 
And  for  a  tomb  left  nothing  but  his  fame. 
His  body's  buried  under  some  great  wave  ; 
The  sea,  that  was  his  glory,  is  his  grave  : 
On  whom  an  epitaph  none  can  truly  make, 
For  who  can  say,  '  Here  lies  Sir  Francis  Drake  '  ?  " 

"  Nor  shall  I  here  pass  over  in  silence,"  Prince  adds,  "  what  another  in 
those  days  added  on  the  same  occasion  : — 

"  '  The  waves  became  his  winding  sheet,  the  waters  were  his  tomb  ; 

But  for  his  fame  the  ocean  sea  was  not  sufficient  room  '." 
The  notice  of  his  death  in  the  Indicc  Chronologico  Peruano  is  curious 
for  its  double  error,  and  as  showing  how  important  a  personage  he 
appeared  to  the  Spaniards :  "El  ano  de  96  murio  Francisco  Draque  el 
Cosario  que  dio  tanto  cuidado  en  ambos  mares.  Su  muete  fue  de  en- 
fermedad  en  Portobelo.  Su  madre  le  abia  parido  en  un  navio  en  el  mar, 
y  fue  harto  muriesse  en  tierra." 

t  Hakluyt,  588. 


352  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

ashore ;  an  act  of  commendable  humanity  on  his  part,  for  two  of 
them  had  been  liberated  on  condition  of  returning  with  the 
ransom  agreed  on  for  some  of  the  rest,  and  nothing  had  been 
heard  of  them.  It  was  an  act  of  consideration  also  for  those 
of  his  own  people  who  were  in  the  Spaniards'  hands.  As  he 
was  setting  sail,  there  came  one  with  a  flag  of  truce,  to  say 
that,  if  he  would  tarry  eight  or  ten  days,  eighteen  of  his 
men,  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  and  well  used,  should  be 
brought  to  him  from  Panama.  The  Spaniards  were  probably 
sincere  in  this  ;  but  the  English  supposed  their  offer  was 
meant  only  as  "  a  delay  to  keep  them  there  till  the  king's 
forces  had  come  about  by  sea,  as  they  daily  expected  "  ;  and, 
perhaps,  they  were  as  desirous  of  hastening  from  that  deadly 
region  as  of  escaping  a  conflict  with  a  far  superior  force.  So 
they  departed  ;  and  not  being  able  to  hold  their  course  for 
Santa  Martha,  fell  in  off  the  Isle  of  Pinos  with  twenty  sail, 
which  having  been  refreshed  at  the  Havannah,  were  then 
standing  for  Cape  de  los  Corrientes.  This  was  a  third  part 
of  the  Carthagena  fleet,  which  was  sent  out  with  instructions 
to  seek  the  English  with  its  whole  force  wheresoever  they 
might  be  heard  of.  "  As  soon  as  they  descried  us,"  says  the 
writer,  "  they  kept  close  upon  a  track,  thinking  to  get  the 
wind  of  us,  but  we  weathered  them.  And  when  our  admiral 
with  all  the  rest  of  our  fleet  were  right  in  the  wind's  eye  of 
them,  Sir  Thomas  Baskerville  putting  out  the  queen's  arms, 
and  all  the  rest  of  our  fleet  their  bravery,  bare  room  witli 
them,  and  commanded  the  Defiance  not  to  shoot,  but  to  keep 
close  by  to  succour  him.  The  vice-admiral  of  the  Spaniards 
being  a  greater  ship  than  any  of  ours,  and  the  best  sailer  in 
all  their  fleet,  luffed  by  and  gave  the  Concord  the  two  first 
great  shot,  which  she  repaid  presently  again.  Thus  the  fight 
began  :  the  Bonaventura  bare  full  with  her,  ringing  her  such 
a  peal  of  ordnance  and  small  shot  withal,  that  he  left  her 
with  torn  sides.  The  admiral,  also,  made  no  spare  of  powder 
and  shot.  But  the  Defiance,  in  the  midst  of  the  Spanish  fleet, 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  353 

thundering  off  her  ordnance  and  small  shot,  continued  the 
fight  to  the  end  ;  so  that  the  vice-admiral  and  three  or  four 
of  her  consorts  were  forced  to  tack  about  to  the  eastward, 
leaving  their  admiral  and  the  rest  of  the  fleet,  who  came 
not  so  hotly  into  the  fight  as  they  did.  The  fight  continued 
two  hours  and  better.  At  sunset  all  the  fleet  tacked  about 
to  the  eastward  :  we  continued  our  course  to  the  westward. 
That  night,  some  half  hour  after,  their  fleet  keeping  upon 
their  weather  quarter,  we  saw  a  mighty  smoke  rise  out  of 
one  of  their  great  ships  which  stayed  behind,  which  happened 
by  means  of  powder,  as  we  think  ;  and  presently  after  she 
was  all  on  a  light  fire,  and  so  was  consumed,  and  all  burnt, 
as  we  might  well  perceive."  * 

The  English  were  evidently  so  weak  that  they  did  not 
seek  a  renewal  of  the  action,  and  the  Spaniards  were  glad  to 
shun  it.  Baskerville  touched  at  Flores  on  his  way  home,  and 
there  landed  two  Portuguese  pilots  whom  they  had  taken 
with  them  from  England.  They  reached  Plymouth  early  in 
May  ;  and  as  the  expedition  had  utterly  disappointed  the 
expectation  which  had  been  encouraged  of  its  success, 
Baskerville  seems  to  have  obtained  little  credit  t  for  the  con- 
cluding action  in  which  he  had  deserved  much.  If  Hawkins 
and  Drake  had  returned,  their  characters,  and  the  signal 
services  which  both  had  formerly  performed,  were  such,  that 

*  Hakluyt,  588,  589. 

t  Camden  says :  "  Baskerville  and  Troughton,  the  latter  in  the  vice- 
admiral,  the  other  in  the  admiral,  did  so  entertain  the  Spaniards,  that 
with  small  loss  received  and  greater  given  (if  a  man  may  believe  them), 
our  fleet  escaped  "  (502).  Monson's  account  is  not  more  favourable : 
"  Baskerville,"  he  says,  "  met  and  fought  with  a  fleet  of  Spain  ;  though 
not  long,  by  reason  of  the  sickness  and  weakness  of  his  men.  This  fleet 
was  sent  to  take  the  advantage  of  ours  on  its  return  ;  thinking,  as  indeed 
it  happened,  that  they  should  find  them  both  weak  and  in  want :  but 
the  swiftness  of  our  ships,  in  which  we  had  the  advantage  of  the 
Spaniards,  preserved  us  "  (167).  Monson  here  ascribes  to  the  ships  what 
was  due  to  the  courage  of  the  sailors. 

23 


354  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

they  would  have  retained  their  place  in  the  queen's  judgment, 
and  soon  have  recovered  it  in  the  opinion  of  the  people. 
There  were  no  two  commanders  in  that  age  whose  names 
inspired  their  followers  with  more  confidence,  or  struck  so 
much  fear  into  their  enemies.  Drake,  indeed,  has  attained 
the  highest  degree  of  fame  :  no  other  military  or  naval  name 
is  so  universally  known  among  his  countrymen  ;  and  it  is  the 
only  one  of  modern  history  which  has  acquired  in  local 
tradition  a  sort  of  mythological  celebrity.  This  probably 
originated  with  the  Spaniards,  who  may  truly  be  said  to  have 
honoured  his  memory  in  the  bitterness  of  their  enmity  to- 
wards him.  Two  days'  holidays  were  kept  at  Panama  for  his 
death  and  damnation  ;  and  the  most  popular  of  the  Spanish 
poets  composed  an  epic  poem  to  revile  him.  It  was  likely, 
according  to  a  Spaniard's  belief,  that  being  a  heretic  Drake 
should  have  dealings  with  the  devil  ;  that  notion  prevented 
them  from  feeling  any  mortification  at  his  successes,  which 
they  imputed  to  the  devil's  aid ;  and  it  enhanced  their 
exultation  over  the  failure  of  his  last  expedition,  which  they 
considered  as  the  triumph  of  their  religion  over  heresy  and 
magic.  The  imputation  of  magic,  when  it  reached  his  own 
country,  was  readily  received,  not  by  the  Hispaniolised 
Romanists  alone,  with  whose  persuasions  political  and  re- 
ligious it  accorded,  but  by  the  common  people  also,  who 
believed  that  there  was  a  white  as  well  as  a  black  art  magic  ; 
and  that  Drake,  like  Shakespeare's  Prospero,  and  Friars 
Bacon  and  Bungay,  with  whom  they  were  better  acquainted, 
employed  the  spirits  under  his  command  only  in  good  works. 
The  fables  which  have  been  grafted  upon  this  belief  are 
fanciful  enough  for  the  legend  of  a  British  or  Irish  saint. 
According  to  the  popular  traditions  of  the  western  counties, 
it  was  not  by  his  skill  as  an  engineer,  and  the  munificent  ex- 
penditure of  wealth  the  which  he  had  so  daringly  obtained,  that 
Drake  supplied  Plymouth  with  fresh  water  ;  but  by  mounting 
his  horse,  riding  about  Dartmoor  till  he  came  to  a  spring 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  355 

sufficiently  copious  for  his  design,  then  wheeling  round, 
pronouncing  some  magical  words,  and  galloping  back  into 
the  town,  with  the  stream  in  full  flow,  and  forming  its  own 
channel  at  the  horse's  heels.  Nor  was  it  with  the  queen's 
ships  that  he  defied  and  baffled  the  Invincible  Armada,  but  by 
taking  a  piece  of  wood  and  cutting  it  in  pieces  over  the  side 
of  his  own  vessel,  when  every  chip  as  it  fell  into  the  sea 
became  a  man  of  war.  There  is  another  version  of  this 
miracle, — that  he  was  playing  at  kales  (or  skittles)  on  the 
Hoe  at  Plymouth,  when  tidings  came  that  the  Spanish  fleet 
was  sailing  into  the  harbour,  and  that  he  heard  the  news 
without  the  slightest  emotion,  and  played  out  his  game. 
But  when  that  was  ended  he  called  for  a  block  of  wood  and 
an  axe,  bared  his  arms,  chopped  the  block  into  smaller 
pieces,  and  threw  them  into  the  sea,  when  every  piece 
became  a  fine  ship,  and  presently  formed  a  fleet  by  which 
the  enemy  were  attacked  and  destroyed. 

To  sail  round  the  world  was  in  the  popular  belief  an  ad- 
venture of  the  most  formidable  kind,  and  not  to  be  per- 
formed by  plain  sailing,  but  by  reaching  the  end  of  this 
round  flat  earth,  and  there  shooting  the  gulf,  which  is  the 
only  passage  from  one  side  of  the  world  to  the  other  :  Drake 
shot  the  gulf,  one  day  :  when  on  the  other  side,  he  asked  his 
men  if  any  of  them  knew  where  they  were,  a  boy  made 
answer  that  he  knew,  and  that  they  were  then  just  under 
London  Bridge  :  upon  which,  stung  by  jealousy,  Drake  ex- 
claimed, "  Hast  thou  too  a  devil  ?  If  I  let  thee  live  there 
will  then  be  one  greater  man  than  myself"  ;  and  with  that 
he  threw  him  overboard.  When  Sir  Francis  left  home  to 
embark  for  this  long  voyage,  upon  taking  leave  of  his  wife, 
he  told  her  that  if  he  did  not  return  wuthin  a  certain  number 
of  years  she  might  conclude  him  to  be  dead,  and  consider 
herself  at  liberty  to  take  a  second  husband.  One  version 
fixes  the  term  at  seven  years,  another  at  ten.  During  those 
years,  Madam  Drake,  though  assailed  by  many  suitors, 


356  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

remained  true  as  Penelope  to  her  absent  lord  ;  but  after  the 
term  had  expired,  she  accepted  an  offer.  One  of  Drake's 
ministering  spirits,  whose  charge  it  was  to  convey  to  him  any 
intelligence  in  which  he  was  nearly  concerned,  brought  him 
the  tidings.  Immediately  he  loaded  one  of  his  great  guns, 
and  fired  it  right  down  through  the  globe  on  one  side,  and 
up  on  the  other,  with  so  true  an  aim,  that  it  made  its  way 
into  the  church,  between  the  two  parties  most  concerned, 
just  as  the  marriage  service  was  beginning.  "  It  comes  from 
Drake  ! "  cried  the  wrife  to  the  now  unbrided  bridegroom  ; 
"  he  is  alive  !  and  there  must  be  neither  troth  nor  ring 
between  thee  and  me."  This  is  the  Devonshire  tradition  of 
the  "  old  warrior,"  as  they  call  him,  and  his  lady.  The  story 
in  Somersetshire  is,  that  as  they  were  on  the  way  to  church 
a  huge  round  stone  fell  from  the  sky,  close  by  the  intended 
bride,  and  alighted  upon  the  train  of  her  gown.  She  said, 
"  It  came  from  my  husband,"  and  immediately  turned  back  ; 
and  it  was  not  long  before  he  returned,  and,  imitating  Guy, 
Earl  of  Warwick,  asked  alms  of  her  at  his  own  door  in 
disguise  :  a  smile  betrayed  that  he  was  telling  a  feigned 
tale,  and  the  faithful  wife  recognised  him,  and  fell  upon  his 
neck.  It  is  said  that  the  stone  still  remains  upon  the  estate 
where  it  fell  ;  that  it  is  there  used  as  a  weight  upon  the 
harrow  ;  and  is  so  well  contented  with  this  usage,  uncere- 
monious as  for  so  extraordinary  a  relic  it  may  be  deemed, 
that  if  it  be  removed  from  the  estate,  it  always  returns 
thither,  no  person  knows  how. 

This  is  the  latest  instance  in  which  such  fictions  have  been 
invented  unconnected  with  Romish  fraud  or  sectarian  fana- 
ticism ;  and  it  shows  how  strongly  the  romantic  character  of 
Drake's  exploits,  and  the  extraordinary  celebrity  which  he 
obtained,  impressed  the  imagination  of  his  countrymen.  He 
left  a  widow,  Elizabeth,  daughter  and  sole  heiress  of  Sir 
George  Sydenham,  of  Combe-Sydenham,  in  the  county  of 
Devon  :  she  afterwards  married  William  Courtenay,  Esq.,  of 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE  357 

Powderham  Castle.  He  had  no  children,  and  of  his  eleven 
brothers  nine  also  died  childless.  The  property  which  he 
left  was  much  diminished  by  a  prosecution  which  the  crown 
instituted  against  his  executor  Thomas  Drake,  for  what  is 
said  to  have  been  "  a  pretended  debt "  :  it  would  have  been 
becoming  in  the  government  to  have  relinquished  even  a  just 
claim.  Drake,  however,  though  a  bountiful  man,  possessed 
the  virtue  of  economy ;  and  the  estate  which  remained 
placed  his  nephew  in  such  a  station  that  he  was  created  a 
baronet  by  James  I.,  and  represented  the  county  of  Devon 
in  the  beginning  of  the  ensuing  reign.  Sir  Francis  himself 
was  twice  returned  to  Parliament  for  Bossiney  alias  Tintagal 
in  Cornwall,  afterwards  for  Plymouth.  He  was  of  low  stature, 
but  well  set ;  his  chest  broad,  his  hair  a  fine  brown,  his  beard 
full  and  comely,  his  head  remarkably  round,  his  eyes  large 
and  clear,  his  complexion  fair,  and  the  expression  of  his  fresh 
and  cheerful  countenance  open  and  engaging.  His  temper 
was  quick,  and  he  is  said  to  have  been  "  hard  to  be  recon- 
ciled "  ;  but  the  same  strength  of  feeling  made  him  constant 
in  friendship.  The  gift  of  eloquence  he  possessed  in  a  re- 
markable degree,  and  was  fond  of  displaying  it.  One  who 
served  under  him  says  that  he  was  ambitious  to  a  fault ;  and 
the  vanity  which  usually  accompanies  that  sin  laid  him  open 
to  flattery  :  but  he  encouraged  and  preferred  merit  wherever 
he  found  it ;  and  his  affable  manners  gave  him  a  sure  hold 
upon  the  affections  of  his  men,  while  they  had  the  most 
perfect  confidence  in  his  unrivalled  skill  as  a  seaman,  and 
his  never-failing  promptitude  in  all  cases  of  emergency.  At 
all  times  he  was  a  willing  hearer  of  every  man's  opinion  ;  but 
for  the  most  part — as  a  truly  great  man  for  the  most  part 
must  be — a  follower  of  his  own. 

Hawkins  led  the  way  to  the  West  Indies,  Drake  to  the 
South  Sea  ;  opening  thereby  a  course  for  adventurers  who  at 
length  rivalled  the  vikingar  in  atrocity.  The  effect  upon  the 
Spanish  colonies  was  most  injurious  ;  for  rising  and  flourish- 


358  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

ing  settlements  were  some  subverted,  and  others  removed 
into  the  interior,  to  be  beyond  the  reach  of  a  descent :  hereby 
much  growing  civilisation  was  destroyed,  and  the  people 
were  withdrawn  from  the  influence  of  maritime  commerce, 
which  is  of  all  things  most  conducive  to  its  progress.  The 
expeditions  undertaken  in  Elizabeth's  reign  against  the 
Spaniards  are  said  to  have  produced  no  advantage  to  England 
in  any  degree  commensurate  with  the  cost  of  money  and 
expense  of  life  with  which  they  were  performed,  though 
great  evil  was  inflicted  upon  the  enemy.  If  the  advantage 
were  to  be  calculated  by  the  rule  of  profit  and  loss,  and 
consisted  only  in  tangible  gain,  this  would  be  undeniable  ; 
but  the  effects  produced  upon  the  navy  and  upon  the  national 
character  must  be  taken  into  the  account.  In  these  expedi- 
tions it  was  that  those  seamen  were  trained  by  whose  skill,  so 
far  as  human  skill  was  rendered  instrumental  in  our  deliver- 
ance, the  Spanish  armada  was  averted  from  our  shores  ;  and  a 
succession  of  such  seamen  has  from  that  time  been  unin- 
terruptedly maintained  from  generation  to  generation. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH 

THE  most  successful  of  all  those  adventurers  who  followed 
in  Drake's  track  was  Thomas  Cavendish,  who  was  born 
to  a  large  possession  and  a  fine  mansion  at  Trimley  St. 
Martin,  in  the  county  of  Suffolk.  Having  in  a  few  years 
almost  consumed  his  whole  estate  in  extravagance,  and 
following  the  court,  he  "  thought  to  recover  himself  by  a 
voyage  into  the  South  Sea,  at  a  time  when  the  war  having 
openly  begun  it  was  lawful  to  make  any  spoil  upon  the 
Spaniards ".  This  resolution  was  taken  while  he  had  yet 
means  enough  remaining  from  the  waste  of  his  fortune  to 
build  from  the  stocks  one  ship  of  120  and  one  of  60  tons,  to 
purchase  a  barque  of  40,  fit  them  out,  and  victual  them  for 
two  years  ;  and  with  123  persons  of  all  sorts  in  this  little 
squadron  he  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  21st  of  July,  1586. 
The  names  of  his  vessels  were  the  Desire,  the  Content  and 
the  Hugh  Gallant. 

They  made  the  Canaries  on  the  5th  of  August,  and  on  the 
26th  anchored  at  Sierra  Leone.  The  next  day  two  negroes 
came  aboard,  but  not  without  first  requiring  that  a  hostage 
should  be  sent  ashore  for  their  own  security  ;  for  European 
villainy  had  taught  them  the  necessity  of  such  a  precaution. 
They  informed  him  by  signs  that  there  was  a  Portuguese  ship 
farther  up  the  river  ;  and  the  Hugh  Gallant  was  sent  after 
her ;  but,  after  going  three  or  four  leagues  up,  returned  for 
want  of  a  pilot,  "  for  the  harbour  runneth  up  three  or  four 
leagues  more,  and  is  of  a  marvellous  breadth,  and  very 
dangerous  ".  On  the  morrow  some  of  the  men  went  ashore, 


360  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

and  played  and  danced  all  the  forenoon  with  the  negroes, 
with  a  view  to  learning  some  good  news  of  the  ship  on  which 
they  had  fixed  their  hopes.  They  spied  a  Portuguese  among 
the  bushes,  whom  they  seized  and  carried  aboard  :  the 
account  of  the  navigation  which  they  obtained  from  him 
convinced  them  that  it  was  prudent  to  leave  the  ship  un- 
molested ;  "  Whereupon/'  says  Master  Francis  Pretty,  of  Ely 
in  Suffolk,  a  gentleman  employed  in  the  voyage,  "  we  went 
not  to  seek  her,  because  we  knew  he  told  us  the  truth  ;  for 
we  bound  him,  and  made  him  fast,  and  so  examined  him  ". 
Whether  this  means  that  they  tortured  him  is  uncertain, 
and  is  of  little  consequence  to  the  character  of  this  com- 
mander. Cavendish  landed  the  next  day  with  some  seventy 
men,  and  for  no  assigned  provocation  attacked  the  negro 
town,  burnt  some  of  the  houses,  and  took  what  little  spoil 
was  worth  taking.  In  consequence,  when  his  people  were 
watering  and  washing  "  very  quietly  afterwards,  they  were 
suddenly  attacked,  many  of  them  hurt,  and  one  mortally 
wounded  ".  * 

They  now  sailed  for  Brazil,  went  in  between  the  Island  of 
St.  Sebastians  and  the  shore,  landed,  and  remained  there 
from  the  1st  of  November  to  the  23rd,  building  a  pinnace, 
repairing  their  casks  and  completing  their  water.  While 
they  were  thus  employed,  a  canoe,  bound  from  Rio  de 
Janeiro  to  San  Vicente,  fell  into  their  hands.  One  Portu- 
guese was  on  board,  with  six  naked  Indian  slaves.  The  Portu- 
guese knew  the  master  of  the  admiral,  who  had  been  at  St. 
Vicente  in  the  Minion  of  London  five  years  before.  There 
was  an  Englishman  residing  then  at  the  port,  probably  the 
first  of  his  nation  who  settled  in  Brazil :  by  his  means 
Cavendish  thought  to  obtain  fresh  provisions,  little  caring  to 
what  after  account  his  countryman  might  be  called  for 
communicating  with  him  ;  so  pretending  to  the  Portuguese 

*  Hakluyt,  iii.,  803,  804.     Burney,  iv.,  84,  85. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  361 

that  they  were  merchants,  and  would  gladly  traffic  with  him, 
he  set  him  at  liberty,  on  condition  of  his  carrying  a  letter 
to  Whital,  and  returning  with  an  answer,  or  sending  one  in 
ten  days.  The  distance  was  about  twenty  leagues.  But 
the  merchant  seems  to  have  been  too  wary  to  hold  any  inter- 
course Avith  so  suspicious  a  squadron  :  nothing  more  was 
heard  of  the  messenger  ;  and  Cavendish,  having  despatched 
his  business,  sailed  toward  the  south,  and  on  the  17th  of 
December  anchored  in  a  harbour,  which  he  named  Port 
Desire,  the  discovery  of  which  is  the  only  one  of  any  im- 
portance that  can  be  attributed  to  him.  *  This  being  a  good 
place  for  laying  the  ships  aground,  they  "  graved  and 
trimmed  them  "  there,  finding,  meantime,  "  marvellous  good 
meat "  in  the  young  seals,  which,  "  being  roasted  or  boiled, 
were  hardly  to  be  known  from  lamb  or  mutton  "  ;  and  in 
the  penguins,  which  burrowed  in  the  ground  like  rabbits,  t 

The  greatest  inconvenience  in  this  port  was  the  want  of 
fresh  water.  The  best  they  could  obtain  was  by  digging, 
and  that  proved  brackish ;  and  some  of  their  people,  while 
engaged  at  this  well,  were  attacked  with  bows  and  arrows  by 
about  fifty  Indians.  Two  of  them  were  severely  wounded, 
and  the  savages  were  pursued  in  vain  by  Cavendish  himself 
and  some  twenty  men.  These  Indians  had  old  wrongs  to 
avenge,  and  nothing  is  more  tenaciously  remembered  in  that 
stage  of  society.  On  the  6th  of  January  Cavendish  arrived 
at  the  entrance  of  the  straits,  and  in  the  evening  anchored 
near  what  is  called  the  first  Angostura,  or  Strait  of  the  Straits. 
During  the  night  lights  were  observed  on  the  north  shore, 
apparently  intended  as  signals  to  the  ships,  and  lights 
accordingly  were  shown  as  answers.  In  the  morning  Caven- 
xlish  went  himself  in  a  boat  to  that  side  of  the  strait,  and 
^  three  men  were  seen  on  the  shore  waving  a  white  flag. 
Upon  this  the  boat  stood  in  :  it  was  asked,  in  Spanish,  what 

*  Burney,  93.  f  Hakluyt,  804,  805.     Burney,  66. 


362  ENGLISH  SEAMEN 

ships  they  were  ?  and  answered  in  the  same  language  that 
they  were  English,  bound  for  Peru.  Bitterly,  no  doubt,  dis- 
appointed by  this  reply,  the  Spaniards  were  silent,  till  the 
English  spokesman  told  them  that  if  they  chose  to  embark, 
the  general  would  carry  them  to  Peru.  To  this  the  reply 
was,  that  they  would  not  trust  themselves  to  the  English 
for  fear  they  should  be  thrown  into  the  sea.  The  interpreter 
made  answer  they  might  very  well  trust  themselves,  for  the 
English  were  better  Christians  than  they.  With  this  the 
boat  put  off,  leaving  them  to  abide  by  their  own  determina- 
tion. But  they  presently  considered  that  it  were  better  at 
any  risk  to  embark  than  remain  where  they  must  inevitably 
perish  ;  and  they  called  after  the  boat,  which  put  back,  took 
one  of  them  aboard,  Tome'  Hernandez  by  name,  and  again 
pushed  off,  not  receiving  the  other  two.  Hernandez  en- 
treated that  they  also  might  be  taken,  in  reply  to  which 
Cavendish  inquired  how  many  Spaniards  there  were  in  those 
parts  ?  The  answer  was,  twelve  more  men  and  three  women. 
Cavendish  then  bade  him  tell  his  companions  to  go  to  them, 
and  bid  them  all  come  and  embark,  and  he  would  wait  for 
them.  With  this  joyful  message  the  poor  men  went  their 
way.  But  when  Cavendish  got  on  board  again,  the  wind  was 
fair  for  advancing  up  the  straits  :  he  ordered  the  anchors  to 
be  taken  up  ;  and  not  thinking  it  proper  to  lose,  even  for 
two  or  three  hours,  a  fair  wind  for  the  sake  of  humanity, 
sailed  away.  * 

These  men  belonged  to  an  expedition,  which,  in  conse- 
quence of  Drake's  appearance  in  the  South  Sea,  had  been 
sent  from  Spain  to  fortify  the  strait,  and  form  settlements 
there.  The  viceroy  of  Peru,  D.  Francisco  de  Toledo,  appre- 
hending, from  the  daring  conduct  of  such  an  enemy,  and 
that  enemy  an  English  heretic,  that  nothing  less  than  the 
Spanish  dominion  in  those  seas,  with  the  property,  bodies, 

*  Viage  al  Eitreche,  etc.,  Declaration  de  Tome"  Hernandez,  xvi.-xviii. 
Burney,  ii.,  67-70.  Hakluyt,  806. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  863 

and  souls  of  the  inhabitants,  was  at  stake,  *  had  with  great 
personal  exertions  and  extraordinary  speed  despatched  Captain 
Pedro  Sarmiento  de  Gamboa,  with  two  ships,  to  survey  the 
strait,  and  take  especial  notice  of  all  places  therein  which 
appeared  convenient  for  a  settlement,  or  to  be  fortified  for 
guarding  the  passage.  When  this  service  was  performed  he 
was  to  send  one  ship  back  with  advices  to  Lima,  and  proceed 
in  the  other  to  Spain  to  lay  the  business  before  the  king 
and  the  supreme  council  of  the  Indies.  Part  of  his  instructions 
was,  that  he  was  to  take  and  carry  away  some  of  the  natives, 
in  order  to  acquire  by  that  means  some  knowledge  of  their 
language.  Sarmiento,  though  abandoned  by  his  consort, 
completed  with  great  diligence  and  ability  the  service  on 
which  he  was  sent.  He  marked  two  points  near  the  eastern 
entrance,  in  the  narrowest  part,  as  well  adapted  for  defence  ; 
the  breadth  at  the  westernmost  being  a  geographical  league 
and  a  half,  at  the  easternmost  less  than  half  a  league  ;  and 
he  made  it  known  to  all  men  by  a  declaration,  a  copy  of 
which  was  buried  there  in  an  earthen  jar  at  the  foot  of  a 
cross,  which  he  erected  pursuant  to  the  usual  form  of  taking 
possession,  that  "  having,  in  conformity  to  the  viceroy's  in- 
structions, taken  our  most  serene  Lady,  the  Virgin  St.  Mary, 
for  the  advocate  and  patroness  of  this  voyage,  for  that  reason, 
and  because  of  the  wonders  which,  through  her  intercession, 
had  been  wrought  in  its  behalf,  he  had  given  to  the  strait 
formerly  called  after  Magellan  the  name  of  Estrecho  de  la 
Madre  de  Dios, — the  Strait  of  the  Mother  of  God  ".  t 

When  Sarmiento  arrived  in  Spain  he  proposed  that  both 
shores  of  the  eastern  Angostura  should  be  fortified,  whereby, 
in  his  opinion,  the  passage  would  be  completely  defended  ; 
and  he  represented  that  there  were  places  within  the  strait 
convenient  for  the  settlement  of  colonies.  The  Duke  of 
Alva  opposed  the  project,  though  his  own  son  had  originated 
it :  "  if  a  ship,"  he  said,  "  only  carried  out  anchors  and  cables 

*  Viage,  etc.,  4.  t  Ibid.,  239.     Burney,  ii.,  39. 


364  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

enough  for  her  security  against  the  storms  in  that  part  of  the 
world,  she  would  go  well  laden  ".  But  it  was  believed  by  the 
Spanish  government  at  that  time  that  the  English  were 
making  preparations  for  establishing  themselves  in  the  strait, 
and  so  taking  possession  of  the  passage ;  and  under  this  belief 
an  armament  of  twenty-three  ships  and  3500  men  was 
equipped  at  Seville  for  South  America.  Diego  Flores  de 
Valdes  was  appointed  commander ;  and  with  the  whole  fleet, 
which  was  formed  into  three  divisions,  each  for  a  separate 
service,  he  was  first  to  sail  for  the  straits,  and  there  assist 
Sarmiento  in  planting  the  projected  colony,  for  the  use  of 
which  one  division  was  allotted.  That  done,  another  division 
was  to  proceed  to  Chili,  and  the  third  put  back  to  Brazil. 
This  expedition  sailed  at  the  autumnal  equinox,  against  the 
pilots'  remonstrance,  but  by  peremptory  orders  from  the 
government ;  and  on  the  eighth  day  after  leaving  Seville, 
while  yet  near  their  own  coast,  five  of  the  ships  went  down  in 
a  violent  storm  from  the  S.W.,  and  800  men  perished.  The 
remainder  put  back  to  Cadiz  in  distress,  two  of  them  being 
totally  disabled  for  service.* 

It  was  December  before  the  fleet,  now  reduced  in  number 
to  sixteen,  was  again  ready  for  sea ;  and  as  the  season  was 
thought  too  far  advanced  for  their  proceeding  directly  to  the 
strait,  they  were  ordered  to  winter  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  Sar- 
miento and  other  officers  objected  against  this  port,  because 
the  ships,  while  lying  there,  would  be  liable  to  much  injury 
from  the  worm.  This  objection,  like  that  of  the  pilots  at 
their  first  outset,  was  disregarded.  The  fleet  sailed,  stopped 
a  month  at  the  Cape  de  Verds,  and  took  from  thence  a  disease 
which  carried  off  150  men  during  the  passage  to  Brazil,  where 
they  arrived  toward  the  end  of  March :  as  many  more  died 
while  they  remained  at  the  Rio,  and  many  of  the  intended 
settlers  (happily  for  themselves)  deserted,  and  remained  in  a 

*  Burney,  45,  46. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  365 

good  country.  Here  the  frames  of  a  brigantine  and  launch, 
intended  for  service  in  the  strait,  were  set  up,  and  those  of 
two  wooden  houses  were  made  for  immediate  use  on  their 
arrival  there.  But  the  evil  which  Sarmiento  anticipated  took 
place  ;  the  ships  were  attacked  by  the  worm  ;  several  became 
leaky  ;  one  was  abandoned  as  unserviceable  ;  and  when,  at 
the  end  of  November,  the  fleet  proceeded  on  its  destination, 
the  brigantine  and  launch  were  lost  in  the  first  boisterous 
weather ;  and  one  of  the  largest  ships,  of  500  tons,  with  most 
of  the  stores  for  the  new  colony  on  board,  and  350  persons, 
twenty  of  whom  had  embarked  as  female  settlers,  sprung  so 
fatal  a  leak,  that  before  any  assistance  could  reach  her  she 
went  down.  Disheartened  by  this  last  calamity,  Valdes  put 
back  toward  Brazil,  and,  before  he  reached  the  island  of  St. 
Catalina,  another  of  his  ships  was  wrecked  on  the  coast. 
After  some  dispute  between  the  commanders  it  was  at  length 
agreed  to  make  another  attempt ;  but  three  of  the  largest 
ships  were  now  in  too  shattered  a  state  for  such  a  service, 
and  they  were  left  here  with  300  of  the  sick  and  least 
serviceable  men,  and  with  orders  to  return  to  the  Rio.* 

Once  more  this  unfortunate  fleet  set  forth  for  the  strait, 
and  as  they  were  leaving  the  island  another  ship  got  on  a 
bank,  and  was  wrecked.  Sarmiento' s  vessel  became  leaky 
and  unfit  for  proceeding  :  it  was  again  taken  into  considera- 
tion what  should  be  done,  and,  against  the  opinion  of  Valdes, 
the  determination  was  to  persevere  ;  but  it  was  agreed  that 
the  part  of  the  force  which  was  intended  for  Chili,  and  which 
was  now  contained  in  three  vessels,  should  make  for  the 
Plata,  and  from  thence  proceed  to  their  destination  by  land. 
The  remainder  of  the  fleet,  now  reduced  to  five,  arrived  on 
the  7th  of  February  in  the  mouth  of  the  strait,  and  cast 
anchor  in  the  first  Angostura.  During  the  night  they  were 
forced  out  by  a  gale  of  wind ;  and  after  beating  about  till  the 

*  Burney,  47,  48. 


366  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

end  of  March,  without  being  able  to  regain  an  entrance, 
Valdes  returned  in  despair  to  Rio  de  Janeiro.  There  they 
found  four  ships  from  Spain,  laden  with  stores  for  their  use, 
and  bringing  letters  which  exhorted  the  chiefs  to  persever- 
ance. Valdes,  however,  quitted  the  command,  and  sailed 
for  Europe,  leaving  Diego  de  la  Ribera  to  act  in  his  stead. 
On  the  2nd  of  December  the  expedition  again  sailed,  con- 
sisting now  of  five  ships  and  530  souls.  They  arrived  safely 
in  the  strait  on  the  1st  of  February,  passed  the  first  Angostura, 
and  anchored  between  it  and  the  second  ;  but  the  ebb  tide 
forced  them  from  their  anchors,  and  carried  them  back  into 
the  open  sea.  They  anchored  again  close  to  Cape  de  las 
Virgenes,  and  because  Ribera  would  risk  no  farther  loss  of 
time,  there  they  began  to  disembark.  Three  hundred 
persons  had  landed,  when,  on  the  5th,  a  gale  of  wind  com- 
pelled the  ships  to  quit  the  anchorage  ;  on  regaining  it  one 
of  them  ran  aground  within  the  entrance,  and  was  wrecked  : 
the  people,  artillery,  and  provisions  were  saved,  but  the 
provisions  damaged.  Before  all  the  stores  could  be  landed, 
Ribera,  with  three  ships,  left  the  strait  during  the  night,  and 
returned  to  it  no  more.  He  has  been  reproached  as  if  he 
had  wilfully  abandoned  the  settlers,  and  sailed  for  Spain  ; 
but  it  is  more  likely  that  he  was  forced  from  his  anchors,  and 
that  his  people,  finding  the  opportunity  favourable,  insisted 
upon  bending  their  course  for  Spain.  * 

Sarmiento  was  now  left  with  one  ship,  400  men,  thirty 
women,  and  eight  months'  provisions.  He  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  a  town  near  the  entrance,  on  the  north  side,  and 
named  it  the  City  of  the  Name  of  Jesus,  la  Ciudad  del  Nombre 
de  Jesus.  Leaving  Andres  de  Viedma  in  the  command  there 
with  150  men,  he  sent  the  ship  to  Point  St.  Anna,  which  is 
on  the  same  shore,  about  twenty-five  Spanish  leagues  with- 
in the  first  Angostura,  while  he,  with  100  men,  proceeded 

*  Burney,  50-52. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  367 

thither  by  land.  During  a  difficult  and  inauspicious  march 
skirmishes  took  place  with  the  Indians,  whom  he  should  have 
sought  by  every  possible  means  to  conciliate  :  several  of  his 
own  people  were  wounded,  and  one  of  their  chiefs  killed. 
Near  the  point  he  founded  his  second  town,  which  he  called 
San  Felipe :  the  situation  was  well  chosen.  There  was  a  port 
with  good  anchorage,  from  whence  a  boat  could  reach  the 
first  Angostura  in  one  tide  :  there  was  a  fresh-water  river, 
the  country  was  well  wooded,  the  port  abounded  with  fish, 
and  the  shore  with  birds  ;  but  the  snow  which,  during  the 
month  of  April,  fell  for  fifteen  days,  without  intermission, 
made  the  unfortunate  Spaniards  apprehend  what  sort  of 
winter  they  might  expect  in  this  inhospitable  region.  This, 
however,  was  to  be  their  abiding  place  :  they  surrounded  it 
with  a  strong  palisade,  and  at  each  of  its  three  entrances,  one 
towards  the  port,  the  other  towards  the  interior,  planted  two 
pieces  of  artillery.  Sarmiento,  nevertheless,  found  it  neces- 
sary for  his  own  security  to  sleep  every  night  on  board, 
lest  the  dissatisfaction  which  was  felt  toward  him  as  the 
promoter  of  so  disastrous  an  undertaking  should  break  into 
open  mutiny,  and  end  in  his  destruction.  In  fact,  he  was 
secretly  informed  that  a  soldier,  by  name  Juan  Rodriguez, 
and  Alonso  Sanchez,  a  secular  priest,  had  formed  a  conspiracy 
for  murdering  him,  seizing  the  ship,  and  escaping  in  it  to 
Brazil.  Of  this  information  he  made  such  good  use,  that 
he  got  Rodriguez,  the  priest,  and  three  others  of  the  ring- 
leaders, on  board,  and  charged  them  with  their  guilt.  They 
confessed  it :  the  four  lay  culprits  were  taken  ashore,  labelled 
as  traitors  on  their  shoulders  ;  they  were  beheaded  back- 
wards for  the  greater  infamy,  and  their  heads  exposed  upon 
poles.  The  priest  was  kept  prisoner  on  board.  This  execu- 
tion is  said  to  have  made  the  settlers  quiet  and  peaceable  ; 
and  Sarmiento,  with  thirty  men,  left  them  for  Nombre  de 
Jesus  on  the  25th  of  May :  his  intention  was  to  give  direc- 
tions for  fortifying  the  Angosturas,  to  convey  more  settlers 


36*8  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

to  San    Felipe,  and    then  sail  for  Chili  in  order  to   obtain 
supplies.  * 

He  reached  Nombre  de  Jesus,  was  driven  from  his  anchor- 
age, and,  after  contending  twenty  days  against  the  weather, 
saw  that  his  only  course  must  be  to  steer  for  Brazil,  and  there 
obtain  provisions,  which  it  was  now  impossible  for  him  to  seek 
in  Chili.  It  was  midwinter  in  those  regions  when  he  arrived 
at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  There  he  procured  a  barque,  loaded  her 
with  meal,  and,  leaving  directions  for  her  to  sail  at  the  proper 
season,  proceeded  along  the  coast  in  search  of  further  supplies  : 
his  ship  was  driven  ashore  and  wrecked,  many  of  the  crew 
perished,  and  he  himself  with  difficulty  escaped  on  a  plank. 
He  procured  another  barque,  freighted  her  with  necessaries 
for  his  colony,  and  sailed  in  her  from  the  Rio :  but  when  he 
had  got  as  far  as  39°  S.  a  storm  compelled  him  to  throw  every- 
thing overboard,  and  return  to  the  port  from  whence  he  had 
departed  more  than  seven  weeks  before  ;  and  where  he  found 
that  the  vessel  which  he  had  first  despatched  had  put  back 
without  effecting  her  passage.  Hitherto  Sarmiento,  when  he 
reflected  upon  his  multiplied  disappointments,  could  call  none 
but  the  elements  unkind  ;  but  the  Portuguese  governors  were 
now  weary  of  his  solicitations  :  they  had  learned  from  Spain 
that  both  he  and  his  undertaking  were  out  of  favour  there ; 
Ribera  having  reported  on  his  return  that  the  strait  was  more 
than  a  league  across  in  its  narrowest  part,  and  that  if  a  ship 
had  wind  and  current  in  her  favour  no  ordnance  on  shore 
could  stop  her.  Sarmiento,  therefore,  as  a  last  resource, 
sailed  for  Spain,  there  to  justify  his  own  statements,  and,  it 
may  be  hoped,  to  urge  upon  the  government  the  duty  of 
taking  some  measures  for  the  relief  of  the  miserable  settlers. 
After  his  departure,  the  governor  of  the  Rio  sent  one  ship 
with  supplies  for  them  ;  but  this  vessel  also  was  driven  back, 
and  no  farther  effort  was  made  for  their  relief,  either  by  the 

*  Burney,  52-54.     Tome  Hernandez,  viii.-xiii. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  369 

colonial  governors  or  Spain :  those  in  America,  upon  whom 
any  responsibility  might  be  supposed  to  lie,  transferred  it  in 
their  own  minds  each  from  himself  to  another ;  and  all,  no 
doubt,  rested  in  the  persuasion,  that  the  Spanish  government, 
having  planted  the  colony,  would  take  all  necessary  measures 
for  preserving  it.  But  in  Spain  ample  provision  having  been 
made  in  fitting  out  the  expedition,  the  possibility  of  so  many 
losses,  and  of  such  repeated  failures,  had  evidently  never 
been  considered  as  it  ought.  If  Sarmiento's  ill  fortune  had 
not  still  pursued  him,  his  personal  representations  might, 
probably,  have  produced  some  effect  in  Spain.  But  he  was 
captured  by  some  English  cruisers  off  the  Azores,  and  carried 
to  England ;  and  though  Elizabeth,  it  is  said,  gave  him  his 
liberty,  after  an  interview  in  which  she  conversed  with  him  in 
Latin,  provided  him  with  a  passport,  and  presented  him  with 
1000  crowns,  various  misadventures  retarded  for  some  years 
his  retum  to  his  own  country.  And  from  the  time  he  left 
the  straits  no  vessel  reached  them  till  Cavendish  appeared 
there.* 

There  are  few  tales  in  colonial  history  more  calamitous 
than  the  fate  of  this  forlorn  and  forsaken  colony.  Sarmiento 
had  left  them  at  the  end  of  May.  In  August  (which  cor- 
responds to  our  February,  and  is,  therefore,  one  of  the 
severest  months  in  that  miserable  climate),  the  settlers  at 
Nombre  de  Jesus  thought  it  necessary  to  remove  to  San 
Felipe.  Thither,  accordingly,  they  went  by  land ;  but 
Viedma,  who  commanded  there,  having  no  provisions  for 
such  increased  numbers,  sent  200  men  back  under  Juan 
Iniguez,  to  support  themselves  as  they  could  by  picking  up 
shell  fish,  and  in  other  ways,  and  to  be  on  the  look-out  for  a 
ship  with  succours.  Spring  and  summer  passed,  and  no 
relief :  winter  was  approaching  ;  and  lest  those  at  San  Felipe, 
who  had  thus  long  endured,  should  irremediably  perish  of 


*  Burney,  54,-56.     Hernandez,  xiv.-xviii. 
24 


370  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

hunger,  as  they  must  if  they  remained  there,  Viedma  built 
two  boats,  embarked  in  them  with  all  the  survivors  there, 
then  reduced  to  fifty  men,  five  women,  a  friar,  Sarmiento's 
nephew,  Juan  Suarez,  and  Viedma  himself.  They  had 
proceeded  some  six  leagues  toward  Nombre  de  Jesus,  when 
one  of  the  boats  got  upon  a  reef  and  was  lost.  The  people 
were  saved ;  but  in  so  hopeless  a  situation  that  it  was  deemed 
best  for  Viedma  to  return  in  the  other  boat  with  the  friar 
and  twenty  men,  and  for  the  remainder  to  remain  where 
they  got  to  shore,  hut  themselves  there,  and  find  provisions 
as  they  could.  The  seals  and  penguins,  of  which  our  navi- 
gators made  such  use,  were  inaccessible  to  them  ;  and  they 
divided  themselves  into  small  parties  of  three  or  four,  for 
the  better  chance  of  finding  wherewith  to  prolong  a  wretched 
existence.  When  summer  came,  and  Viedma  collected  the 
survivors,  only  fifteen  men  and  three  women  were  left ;  and 
with  these  Viedma  was  endeavouring  to  reach  Nombre  de 
Jesus  when  the  English  ships  appeared.  They  had  passed 
on  their  way  many  dead  bodies  of  their  countrymen.  * 

The  utter  want  of  compassion  with  which  Cavendish  left 
these  poor  wretches  to  their  fate,  after  he  had  promised  to 
take  them  on  board,  excited  no  animadversion  in  his  own 
times.  The  single  Spaniard,  who  was  fortunate  enough  to 
escape  with  him,  relates  it  without  any  expression  of  feeling : 
the  weather  was  fair  for  sailing,  he  says,  and  he  did  not 
choose  to  wait.  Whether  there  were  any  survivors  at  that 
time  at  Nombre  de  Jesus  is  not  known :  probably  not ;  for  it 
may  well  be  supposed  that  they  also  would  have  made  signals 
to  the  ships.  An  English  vessel  which  entered  the  strait  in 
the  year  following  took  one  Spaniard  on  board  near  San 
Felipe  :  he  had  supported  himself  with  his  gun,  having  long 
lived  in  a  house  by  himself,  being  the  last  survivor  of  these 
poor  colonists  ;  and,  except  Hernandez,  the  only  one  who 

*  Burney,  71-73. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  371 

escaped  from  the  deplorable  situation  in  which  their  govern- 
ment had  first  placed  and  then  abandoned  them.  All  that 
is  known  of  the  others,  whom  Cavendish  might  have  saved, 
is  that  their  intention  was  to  travel  towards  the  Plata,  and 
that  they  must  have  perished  on  the  way. 

At  San  Felipe,  which  had  been  founded  for  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  securing  the  passage  of  the  strait  against  all  foreigners, 
the  English  ships  "  watered  and  wooded  well  and  quietly, 
and  remained  there  five  days  thus  employed  ".  The  journal- 
ist of  Cavendish's  voyage  says,  "  they  had  contrived  their 
city  very  well,  and  seated  it  in  the  best  place  of  the  straits 
for  wood  and  water  ".  By  his  account  there  were  four  forts, 
each  having  one  cast  piece  :  the  pieces  had  been  dismantled 
and  buried,  but  the  English  dug  for  them,  and  "  had  them 
all".  "They  had  built  their  churches  apart,"  he  says,  "and 
they  had  laws  very  severe,"  of  which  the  gibbet  bore  cer- 
tain proof.  But  all  attempts  to  raise  provision  having  failed, 
their  stores  being  consumed,  and  game  rendered  so  scarce 
and  wild  that  it  was  hopeless  for  men,  in  their  weak  state,  to 
go  in  search  of  it,  they  had  "died  like  dogs  in  their  houses, 
and  in  their  clothes  ".  Thus  the  survivors,  when  they  took 
their  miserable  departure,  had  left  them ;  and  thus  they  were 
found  by  Cavendish,  who  named  the  place,  in  memorial  of 
their  fate,  Port  Famine.  That  name  it  still  retains  in  English 
charts  ;  the  Spaniards  themselves  have  adopted  it,  and  Puerto 
de  Hambre  marks  in  their  maps  the  place  where  the  Ciudad 
de  San  Felipe  had  been  founded ! 

Cavendish  buried  one  of  his  men  on  the  northern  shore. 
This  was  the  only  loss  that  he  sustained  in  the  passage ;  but 
he  acted  inconsiderately  toward  the  natives,  believing  them 
to  be  treacherous  cannibals,  on  the  report  of  Hernandez,  and 
seeing  that  they  had  fastened  knives  and  pieces  of  swords  to 
their  spears.*  Instead  of  endeavouring  to  make  them  under- 

*  Hakluyt,  807.     Burney,  78. 


372  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

stand  that  the  English  were  not  their  enemies,  like  the 
Spaniards,  he  ordered  his  men  to  fire  upon  them  after  some 
friendly  intercourse  had  previously  taken  place  ;  and  in  this 
unprovoked  attack  many  were  killed.  He  entered  the  South 
Sea  on  the  24th  of  February,  with  a  favourable  wind  ;  and  in 
the  middle  of  March  a  party  landed  on  the  Isle  of  Mocha, 
near  the  coast  of  Chili,  "where  the  Indians  attacked  them 
with  bows  and  arrows,  but  were  marvellous  wary  of  the 
calivers ".  The  English  supposed  these  to  be  Araucans, 
whose  heroic  efforts  in  defence  of  their  country  the  Spaniards 
themselves  had  rendered  famous  ;  recording  at  the  same  time 
the  magnanimity  of  their  enemies  and  their  own  atrocious 
cruelty.  Cavendish  landed  next  on  the  Island  of  St.  Maria 
with  seventy  men,  where  they  were  mistaken  for  Spaniards, 
submissively  received,  and  "plentifully  supplied  with  wheat 
and  barley  ready  threshed,  as  fair,  as  clean,  and  every  way  as 
good  as  any  in  England ;  and  with  potato  roots  very  good  to 
eat,"  all  stored  in  vessels,  and  lodged  in  storehouses,  as  tribute 
for  the  Spaniards,  who  had  erected  a  church  there.  In  addi- 
tion to  these  welcome  supplies,  the  Indians  brought  them 
hogs,  fowls,  maize,  and  dried  dog  fish ;  and  Cavendish,  in 
return,  entertained  some  of  the  chief  people  on  board,  and 
made  them  merry  with  wine.* 

Missing  Valparaiso,  where  he  meant  to  have  stopped, 
Cavendish  anchored  about  seven  leagues  N.  of  that  port,  in 
Puerto  de  Quintero.  A  herdsman  who  was  sleeping  on  the 
brow  of  the  hill  at  this  time  awoke  ;  and  seeing  three  ships, 
was  observed  to  catch  a  horse  that  was  grazing  near,  and  to 
ride  away  as  fast  as  he  could.  The  general  landed  with 
thirty  men:  before  he  had  been  an  hour  on  shore,  three 
horsemen  came  galloping  toward  them  sword  in  hand  ;  but 
stopped  short  at  respectful  distance.  He  sent  two  of  his 
people  with  Hernandez  toward  them  :  they  made  signs  that 

*  Hakluyt,  808. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  373 

only  one  should  approach,  and  without  arms.  Hernandez 
went  ;  and  after  much  talk  returned,  telling  Cavendish  that 
he  had  parleyed  with  them  concerning  provisions,  and  had 
been  promised  as  much  as  might  be  wanted.  He  was  sent 
back  to  complete  the  negotiation,  and  a  man  with  him  ;  but, 
as  before,  the  Spaniards  made  signs  that  they  would  not  hold 
parley  with  two  persons  ;  Hemandez  was  again  trusted  ;  and 
being  at  some  distance  from  the  English,  after  a  few  words 
he  leaped  up  behind  one  of  his  countrymen,  and  rode  off; 
"  for  all  his  deep  and  damnable  oaths  which  he  had  made," 
says  Pretty,  "  continually  to  our  general  and  all  his  company, 
never  to  forsake  him,  but  to  die  on  his  side  before  he  would 
be  false.  Our  general,  seeing  how  he  was  dealt  withal, 
filled  water  all  that  day  with  good  watch,  and  carried  it 
aboard  ;  and  night  being  come,  he  determined  next  day  to 
send  into  the  country  to  find  their  town,  and  take  the  spoil 
of  it,  and  fire  it  if  it  could  be  found."  In  this  he  failed;  the 
party  which  was  ordered  upon  the  service  discovering  nothing 
but  great  store  of  cattle  which  were  "  wonderful  wild,  and  of 
horse  which  were  unhandled,"  and  of  dogs  as  wild  as  the 
cattle,  on  which  they  fed.  They  returned  after  a  whole  day's 
march,  without  loss,  though  without  success  in  their  search 
for  the  town.  But  on  the  morrow,  as  they  were  carelessly 
watering  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  shore,  a  strong 
party  of  horsemen,  who  had  been  too  cautious  to  attack  them 
when  they  were  on  their  guard  the  preceding  day,  surprised 
them,  and  twelve  *  of  the  English  were  cut  off ;  of  these 

*  Pretty  states  the  loss  at  twelve,  and  gives  the  names  of  all  and  of 
the  ships  to  which  they  belonged.  He  says  the  prisoners  were  rescued, 
and  that  some  twenty-four  Spaniards  were  killed  in  the  skirmish,  which 
continued  an  hour.  Hernandez  says  no  Spaniard  was  hurt,  twelve 
English  were  killed,  and  nine  taken  ;  and  he  mentions  the  execution  of 
six  of  these ;  the  others,  perhaps,  called  themselves  Roman  Catholics. 
Admiral  Burney  thinks  this  may  have  been  an  act  of  vengeance  for  the 
Spaniards  in  the  strait,  whom  Cavendish,  when  he  might  so  easily  have 


374  ENGLISH  SEAMEN 

three  appear  to  have  been  slain,  and   six  of  the  prisoners 
were  hanged  at  Santiago. 

After  this  loss  Cavendish  remained  in  the  road  four  days, 
and  watered  in  despite  of  the  Spaniards,  with  good  watch  and 
ward.  On  the  23rd  he  took  a  small  barque  coming  out  from 
Arica,  which  he  kept,  and  named  the  George.  The  crew 
took  to  their  boat,  and  were  pursued  by  the  admiral's  pinnace 
into  Arica  road  :  they  got  ashore,  and  the  pinnace  laid  aboard 
a  great  ship  of  100  tons,  in  which,  however,  neither  men  nor 
goods  were  found.  The  admiral  and  the  Hugh  Gallant  fol- 
lowed into  the  road,  but  the  Content  was  out  of  sight,  other- 
wise Cavendish  "  would  resolutely  have  landed  to  take  the 
town,  whatsoever  had  come  of  it ".  The  Content  had  been 
more  pleasantly  employed  than  in  attacking  a  town  which 
was  likely  to  be  well  defended  : — she  had  found  at  a  place 
where  some  Spaniards  had  landed  a  whole  ship's  lading  of 
Spanish  wine,  and  tarried  to  take  on  board  as  much  as  she 
could  conveniently  carry,  then  in  the  course  of  the  same  day 
joined  the  squadron.  By  that  time  Cavendish  perceived  that 
Arica  was  well  prepared  for  defence,  found  reason  for  believ- 
ing that  the  treasure  had  been  carried  away  and  secured 
upon  the  alarm  of  his  approach,  and  saw  that  there  was  no 
landing  without  the  loss  of  many  men  ;  "  wherefore  he  gave 
over  that  enterprise  ".  However,  he  fetched  out  another 
barque,  in  spite  of  their  forts,  and  then  sent  a  flag  of  truce  to 
ask  if  they  would  redeem  their  ship.  He  did  this  in  hope 
that  he  might  recover  some  of  his  men  who  had  been 
captured,  otherwise  he  would  have  made  no  offer  of  parley  ; 
but  their  answer  was  that  they  had  received  special  orders 
neither  to  buy  any  ship  nor  ransom  any  man  on  pain  of 


saved  them,  had  left  to  perish  there.  There  could  be  no  plea  for  putting 
them  to  death  as  pirates,  because  Spain  and  England  were  then  at  open 
war.  But  the  law  of  nations  was  as  little  regarded  by  the  one  people 
as  the  other,  when  there  happened  to  be  both  inclination  and  opportunity 
to  violate  it. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  375 

death  :  upon  this  he  burnt  the  ship,  sunk  the  barque,  and  so 
departed,  having  been  three  days  in  the  road.  * 

On  the  27th  they  took  a  small  barque  sent  from  a  place 
near  Quintero,  where  Cavendish  had  lost  his  men,  with  de- 
spatches concerning  him  to  Lima.  There  were  on  board  three 
Spaniards,  an  old  Fleming,  and  one  George  a  Greek,  who  was 
"  a  reasonable  pilot  for  all  the  coast  of  Chili  ".  In  obedience 
to  their  orders,  and  to  an  oath  which  had  been  administered 
to  them  by  some  friars  before  they  set  sail,  these  men,  as 
soon  as  they  saw  themselves  in  danger,  threw  the  despatches 
overboard  ;  but  Cavendish  "  wrought  so  with  them/'  that 
they  confessed  their  errand  :  "  But  he  was  fain,"  says  his 
journalist,  "to  cause  them  to  be  tormented  with  their  thumbs 
in  a  winch,  and  to  continue  them  at  several  times  with 
extreme  pain.  Also  he  made  the  old  Fleming  believe  that 
he  would  hang  him  ;  and  the  rope  being  about  his  neck,  he 
was  pulled  up  a  little  from  the  hatches  ;  and  yet  he  would 
not  confess,  choosing  rather  to  die  than  be  perjured.  In  the 
end  it  was  confessed  by  one  of  the  Spaniards  ;  whereupon 
we  burnt  the  barque,  and  carried  the  men  with  us."  This 
cruelty  was  a  work  of  supererogation,  for  which  there  was 
no  such  pretext  as  in  those  days  was  thought  to  justify  such 
actions.  After  plundering  two  little  settlements,  the  ships 
were  all  separated  for  awhile,  during  which  time  the  Hugh 
Gallant,  with  sixteen  hands,  captured,  after  half  an  hour's 
fight,  a  ship  of  300  tons  with  a  crew  of  twenty-four  men. 
They  took  from  her  her  foresails,  and  left  her,  "  seven 
leagues  from  land,  very  leaky  and  ready  to  sink  "  : — it  is  to 
be  hoped  the  men  were  taken  out.  On  the  17th  of  May  the 
fleet  was  again  collected  ;  two  other  prizes  meantime  had 
been  captured,  of  which  one  "  would  have  been  worth 
20,000/.  in  England,  or  in  any  other  place  of  Christendom, 
where  it  might  have  been  sold  ".  They  took  out  as  much  as 

*  Hakluyt,  809,  810.     Burney,  82. 


376  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

they  could  stow,  and  burnt  the  rest  with  the  ship.     The  men 
and  women,   "  who  were  not  killed,"  were  set  on  shore.  * 

The  next  enterprise  was  at  Paita.  Cavendish  anchored 
in  the  road,  landed  with  sixty  or  seventy  men,  and  drove  the 
inhabitants  out  of  the  town,  "  which  was  very  well  built,  and 
marvellous  clean  kept  in  every  street,  with  a  town-house  in 
the  midst,  and  to  the  number  of  200  houses  at  the  least ". 
This  flourishing  place  he  burnt  to  the  ground,  he  and  his 
people  deriving  no  other  advantage  from  this  exploit  than 
twenty-five  pounds'  weight  of  silver  among  them,  and  the 
satisfaction  of  reflecting  upon  the  mischief  they  had  clone. 
Thence  they  went  to  the  Island  of  Puna,  where  most  of  the 
cables  used  in  the  South  Sea  were  made  :  there  they  sunk  a 
ship  "  with  all  her  furniture/'  which  was  lying  ready  to  be 
hauled  ashore,  being  in  "  a  special  good  place  for  that  pur- 
pose ".  It  was  learnt  from  an  Indian,  whom  they  took  at 
sea,  that  the  lord  of  the  island,  with  most  of  the  inhabitants, 
had  fled  to  the  mainland,  seeing  his  fleet,  when  (luckily  for 
them)  it  was  becalmed  ;  and  that  they  had  taken  with  them 
treasure  to  the  amount  of  100,000  crowns.  This  lord  was  an 
Indian  cacique,  who,  "  by  reason  of  his  pleasant  habitation, 
and  of  his  great  wealth,  had  got  a  beautiful  Spanish  woman 
for  his  wife  ".  His  "  sumptuous  house,"  which  stood  by  the 
water-side,  was  "  marvellous  well  contrived,  with  very  many 
singular  good  rooms  and  chambers  ;  and  out  of  every  chamber 
was  framed  a  gallery,  with  a  stately  prospect  to  the  sea  on 
one  side,  and  into  the  island  on  the  other,  with  a  marvellous 
great  hall  below,  and  a  very  great  storehouse  at  one  end, 
filled  with  jars  of  pitch,  and  bass  for  making  cables.  On  one 
side  was  a  fair  garden,  in  which  were  fig  trees,  that  bore 
continually,  pompions,  melons,  cucumbers,  radishes,  rosemary, 
and  thyme,  with  many  other  herbs  and  fruits.  There  was  a 
well  in  this  garden,  and  a  cotton  plantation  round  it.  On 

*  Hakluyt,  810,  8n.     Burney,  83. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  377 

the  other  side  was  an  orchard,  stocked  with  oranges,  sweet 
and  sour,  lemons,  limes,  and  pomegranates.  Hard  by  was  a 
very  large  and  great  church,  with  five  bells.  There  were  at 
least  200  houses  in  the  town,  near  the  palace,  and  as  many  in 
one  or  two  towns  more  upon  the  island,  which  is  almost  as 
big  as  the  Isle  of  Wight/'  * 

"  This  great  cacique,"  says  Pretty,  "  doth  make  all  the 
Indians  upon  the  island  to  work  and  to  drudge  for  him." 
But  if  the  description  be  not  overcharged,  he  had  brought 
his  island  to  a  degree  of  civilisation  which  had  not  then  been 
exceeded  in  any  part  of  Spanish  America,  if  it  has  since. 
"  The  Spanish  woman,  his  wife,"  he  continues,  "  is  honoured 
as  a  queen,  and  never  goeth  on  the  ground  upon  her  feet ; 
holding  it  too  base  a  thing  for  her.  But  when  her  pleasure 
is  to  take  the  air,  or  to  go  abroad,  she  is  always  carried,  in  a 
conveyance,  like  unto  a  horse-litter,  upon  four  men's  shoulders, 
with  a  veil  or  canopy  over  her,  for  the  sun  or  the  wind  ; 
having  her  gentlewomen  still  attending  about  her,  with  a 
great  troop  of  the  best  men  of  the  island."  Cavendish  had 
been  told  by  an  Indian  prisoner  that  he  might  easily  take 
the  cacique,  and  the  treasure  which  he  had  carried  off,  for 
the  place  to  which  he  had  retreated  consisted  of  only  three 
or  four  houses,  without  any  means  of  defence.  Relying 
upon  this,  he  crossed  over  to  the  mainland  ;  and  on  reaching 
the  place  where  he  designed  to  land,  found  there  four  or  five 
large  balsas,  which  had  newly  arrived,  laden  with  provisions. 
Marvelling  "  what  they  were  and  what  they  meant,"  Caven- 
dish commanded  the  Indian  to  speak  the  truth,  as  he  valued 
his  life.  The  poor  wretch  was  bound  fast,  for  torture  or  for 
execution — he  might  well  suppose, — or  both  :  he  answered, 
"  being  very  much  abashed,"  says  Pretty,  "  as  well  as  our 
company  were,  that  he  neither  knew  whence  they  came,  nor 
who  they  might  be  ;  for  there  was  never  a  man  in  any  one 

*Hakluyt,  811-813. 


378  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

of  the  balsas  ;  but  he  supposed  they  might  have  brought 
threescore  soldiers,  who  he  had  heard  were  to  go  to  Guayquil 
(six  leagues  from  the  island),  and  reinforce  the  garrison  of 
100  men,  for  the  better  protection  of  some  king's  ships  then 
on  the  stocks  there.  Not  discouraged  at  this,  Cavendish 
animated  his  company  to  the  exploit,  and  marched  by  night, 
"  along  a  most  desert  path  in  the  woods,"  till  he  reached  the 
place  of  which  the  Indian  had  truly  informed  him.  *  But 
the  cacique  had  kept  a  good  look-out ;  the  people  and  the 
treasure  were  gone.  It  would  have  been  rash  to  pursue  the 
one,  and  hopeless  to  search  for  the  other  in  the  woods  and  in 
the  darkness;  and  the  adventurers  were  fain  to  console  them- 
selves for  their  disappointment  by  regaling  upon  the  food, 
which  they  found  at  the  fire,  prepared  for  the  cacique's 
supper. 

So  little  did  Cavendish  apprehend  any  activity  on  the  part 
of  the  Spaniards,  notwithstanding  they  had  received  this 
reinforcement,  that  he  laid  the  admiral  aground  at  Puna,  to 
examine  and  clean  her  bottom ;  keeping,  however,  continual 
watch  and  ward  on  the  cacique's  great  house  night  and  day. 
In  an  adjacent  island  he  discovered  a  great  quantity  of  stores 
which  had  been  removed  thither  for  concealment,  with  all 
the  cacique's  "  household  stuff,  and  his  chamber-hangings, 
which  were  of  Cordovan  leather,  all  gilded  over,  and  painted 
very  fair  and  rich  ".  A  Spanish  wife  had  inspired  him  with 
a  taste  for  the  refinements  and  luxuries  of  Spanish  civilisation  ; 
and  he  seems  to  have  inspired  the  Spaniards  with  more 
promptitude  and  resolution  than  at  this  time  they  were  wont 
to  display.  The  English  had  got  their  ship  into  the  water 
again  ;  when,  early  one  morning,  every  one  of  the  watch 
being  gone  abroad  marauding,  "  some  one  way,  some  another, 
some  for  hens,  some  for  sheep,  some  for  goats,"  about  100 
Spaniards,  who  had  landed  during  the  night,  with  all  the 

*  Hakluyt,  812. 


THOMAS  CAVENDISH  379 

Indians  of  the  island,  came  upon  them  ;  and  of  twenty 
Englishmen  who  were  ashore  only  eight  escaped.  In  the 
course  of  the  day,  Cavendish  landed,  with  seventy  men,  to 
revenge  their  loss,  drove  the  enemy  from  the  town,  set  fire 
to  it,  and  burned  it  to  the  ground.  He  burned,  also,  four 
ships  which  were  building  on  the  stocks  ;  burned  the  church, 
and  brought  away  the  bells,  and  "  made  havoc  "  of  the  fields, 
orchards,  and  gardens  ;  then  hauled  the  vice-admiral  ashore 
"  to  grave  at  the  same  place  in  despite  of  the  Spaniards," 
and  repaired  his  pinnace,  which  they  had  set  on  fire,  and  in 
which  one  of  his  men  had  perished  in  the  flames.  There  can 
be  no  excuse  for  the  negligence  which  allowed  his  people  to 
be  a  second  time  surprised,  and  little  for  the  ferocious  spirit 
of  revenge  in  which  he  laid  waste  what,  when  in  evil  hour  he 
landed  there,  was  a  happy  and  an  improving  island.  A 
hundred  years  *  afterwards  it  had  not  recovered  from  the 
devastation  then  committed,  t 

Having  remained  at  Puna  eleven  days,  Cavendish  departed 
on  the  5th  of'  June,  sunk  the  Hugh  Gallant  for  want  of  men, 
proceeded  to  the  coast  of  New  Spain,  and  there  captured  a 
ship  in  which  was  one  Michael  Sancius,  a  Marseillois  by  birth, 
who  was  one  of  the  best  coasters  in  the  South  Sea,  and  who 
was,  therefore,  detained  '•'  to  serve  their  turn  in  watering 
along  the  coast ".  He  served  it  another  way,  by  giving  them 
news  that  a  great  ship,  called  the  Santa  Anna,  was  expected 


*  In  Dampier's  time  there  was  only  one  Indian  town  in  the  island, 
consisting  of  about  twenty  houses,  and  a  small  church.  The  Indians 
were  all  seamen,  and  the  only  pilots  in  those  seas.  "  The  houses  stand 
all  on  posts  ten  or  twelve  feet  high,  with  ladders  on  the  outside  to  go  up 
into  them.  I  did  never  see  the  like  building  anywhere  but  among  the 
Malayans  in  the  East  Indies.  They  are  thatched  with  palmetto  leaves, 
and  their  chambers  well  boarded  ;  in  which  last  they  excel  the  Malayans  " 
(i.,  151).  What  a  contrast  to  the  cacique's  mansion,  with  its  Cordovan 
hangings,  and  its  gardens ! 

t  Hakluyt,  813,  814.     Burney,  84. 


380  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

at  Acapulco  from  the  Philippines.  There  were  six  men  more 
in  the  prize,  whom  they  took  out,  together  with  the  sails, 
ropes,  and  firewood,  and  then  set  the  vessel  on  fire.  She 
was  going  along  the  coast  to  give  the  alarm  ;  and  another 
vessel,  upon  the  same  service,  came  to  the  same  fate,  except 
that  the  men  got  to  shore.  Cavendish  next  landed  at 
Guatulco,  a  town  of  about  100  houses,  which  he  plundered 
and  burned.  In  the  custom  house,  "  a  very  fair  and  large  " 
building,  they  found  600  bags  of  indigo,  valued  at  forty 
crowns  each  ;  and  400  bags  of  cacao,  each  worth  ten  crowns. 
"  These  cacaos  go  among  them  for  meat  and  money  :  150  of 
them  are  in  value  one  real  of  plate  in  ready  payment.  They 
are  very  like  an  almond,  but  are  nothing  so  pleasant  in  taste  : 
they  eat  them,  and  make  drink  of  them.''  The  Spaniards 
found  these  nuts  in  use  as  currency  among  the  Mexicans,  and 
learned  from  that  people  the  preparation  of  chocolate,  which 
everywhere  retains  its  Mexican  name.  * 

Cavendish  burned  the  church  here  as  he  had  done  at  Puna. 
He  might  have  known  that  by  burning  a  church  he  excited, 
among  the  Spaniards,  greater  horror  and  hatred  against 
England  than  was  felt  there  when  the  Spaniards  burned  an 
Englishman  ;  sacrilege  being  a  crime  less  frequent  in  the  one 
country  than  cruelty  in  the  other,  and  a  crime  by  which  even 
criminals  were  shocked.  Advantage  was  made  of  this  feeling 
at  Guatulco  in  another  way.  There  was  a  wooden  cross 
there,  five  fathoms  in  height,  which,  the  Spaniards  say, 
Cavendish's  men  pulled  down,  smeared  it  with  pitch,  piled 
dry  reeds  around  it,  and  then  endeavoured  to  consume  it  by 
fire.  The  reeds  burned  and  the  pitch, — not  so  the  cross:  more 
and  more  combustibles  were  thrown  on  ;  and  when  the  in- 
vaders re-embarked  after  three  days'  tarriance,  during  all 
which  time  they  had  continued  their  vain  endeavours,  they 
left  it  under  a  heap  of  ashes  and  burning  brands  unconsumed. 

*  Hakluyt,  814, 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  381 

And  when  the  Spaniards  returned  to  their  ruined  dwellings, 
they  found  it  brightened  and  beautified  by  its  fiery  trial,  and 
were  consoled  for  their  own  injuries  by  seeing  that  Heaven 
had  manifested  itself  in  the  protection  of  the  holy  rood.  The 
cross,  before  it  underwent  this  assay,  had  been  in  good  odour: 
it  was  made  of  a  fragrant  wood  which  was  not  known  to 
grow  within  forty  leagues  of  that  place  :  it  had  been  pre- 
sumed that  one  of  the  Apostles  had  planted  it  there,  and  that 
one  was  supposed  to  have  been  St.  Andrew.  Now,  however, 
when  it  had  merits  enough  of  its  own,  the  likelier  opinion 
was  preferred  that  it  had  been  erected  when  Cortes  built 
some  ships  there  for  a  voyage  of  discovery.  The  report  of 
its  miraculous  preservation  spread  far  and  wide  ;  and  from  all 
parts  devotees  who  could  came  to  visit  it,  and  to  carry  away 
fragments,  the  smallest  splinter  of  which,  if  cast  into  the  sea, 
stilled  a  tempest  ;  if  thrown  into  a  fire,  quenched  the  flames  ; 
and  if  put  in  water,  changed  it  into  a  sovereign  medicine. 
This  waste  of  its  substance  was  not  miraculously  supplied  ; 
and  when  about  a  fifth  part  only  was  left,  the  Bishop  of 
Antiquera  removed  it  to  his  city,  built  a  chapel  for  it,  and 
enshrined  it  there  with  all  possible  honours  upon  a  holy  day 
appointed  for  the  occasion.  There  its  history  continued  to 
be  told  to  the  reproach  of  the  English  name.  * 

Sailing  from  thence,  Cavendish  overshot  the  haven  of 
Acapulco  ;  and  on  the  24th  of  August  he  landed  with  thirty 
men  at  Puerto  de  Navidad,  where  they  surprised  a  man  in  his 
bed  who  had  been  sent  with  letters  to  give  the  alarm  along 
the  coast  of  Nueva  Galicia :  they  took  his  despatches,  killed 
his  horse,  set  fire  to  the  town,  burnt  two  ships  on  the  stocks, 
and  re-embarked.  In  the  river  of  Santiago  his  people  dragged 
for  pearls,  and  took  "  some  quantity  "  ;  and  in  the  Indian 
town  of  Acatlan,  from  which  the  inhabitants  fled  at  their 
approach,  they  "  defaced  "  a  church,  the  commander  being  of 

*  Torquemada,  1.  xvi.,  c.  28,  pp.  205,  206. 


382  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

the  party.  The  Marseillois  by  this  time  had  entered 
thoroughly  into  the  interests  of  his  captors  ;  he  guided  a 
party  of  them  from  Chaccalla  Road  to  a  settlement  some  two 
leagues  inland,  "  by  a  most  villainous  path  through  the  woods 
and  wilderness "  :  there  they  surprised  three  householders, 
with  their  wives  and  children,  some  Indians,  a  Portuguese, 
and  a  Spai  ..h  carpenter  ;  all  whom  they  bound  and  carried 
to  the  seaside.  The  women  were  then  ordered  to  fetch 
"  plantains,  lemons,  oranges,  pine-apples,  and  other  fruits, 
whereof  they  had  abundance  "  ;  and  when  this  was  done  the 
rest  were  liberated,  except  the  Portuguese  and  the  carpenter. 
They  tarried  five  days  at  the  little  woody  Island  of  St. 
Andrew,  where  they  dried  and  salted  as  many  birds  as  they 
thought  fit,  and  killed  abundance  of  seals  and  yguans,  which 
they  describe  as  "  a  kind  of  serpents,  with  four  feet  and  a 
long  sharp  tail  ;  strange  to  them  that  have  not  seen  them, 
but  very  good  meat ".  In  another  week  they  reached  the 
Bay  of  Mazatlan  :  "  there  is  a  very  great  river  within,  but  it 
is  barred  at  the  mouth  ;  upon  the  north  side  of  the  bar  withal 
is  good  fresh  water,  but  there  is  very  evil  filling  of  it,  because 
at  low  water,  it  is  shoal  half  a  mile  off  the  shore  ".  Their 
intention  of  watering  here  was  disappointed,  and  what  little 
fruit  they  obtained  was  "  not  without  danger  ".  * 

They  trimmed  their  ships  and  new  built  their  pinnace  at 
an  island  about  a  league  from  this  bay ;  "  and  there,"  says 
Pretty,  "  we  found  fresh  water,  by  the  assistance  of  God,  in 
that  our  great  need,  and  where  no  water  nor  sign  of  water 
was  before  to  be  perceived  ;  otherwise  we  had  gone  back 
twenty  or  thirty  leagues  for  it,  which  might  have  been 
occasion  that  we  might  have  missed  our  prey  we  had  so  long 
waited  for.  But  God  raised  one  Flores,  a  Spaniard,  which 
was  also  a  prisoner  with  us,  to  make  a  motion  to  dig  in  the 
?ands.  Now  our  general,  having  had  experience  once  before 

*  Hakluyt,  815. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  383 

of  the  like,  commanded  to  put  his  motion  in  practice  ;  and  in 
digging  three  feet  deep  we  found  very  good  and  fresh  water  : 
so  we  watered  our  ships,  and  might  have  filled  1000  tons 
more,  if  we  had  would."  How  much  suffering  might  have 
been  averted,  and  how  many  lives  saved,  had  it  been  gener- 
ally known  that  filtered  water  may  always  thus  easily  be 
obtained ! 

Cavendish  now  quitted  the  coast  of  New  Spain,  and  sailed 
for  the  south  Cape  of  California.  Within  that  cape  is  the  bay 
called  Aguada  Segura,  into  which  "  a  fair  fresh  river  falls  ". 
They  watered  there,  and  lay  off  and  on  from  the  14th  of 
October  to  the  4th  of  November,  looking  out  for  their 
expected  prey,  "  the  winds  hanging  still  westerly ".  On 
that  day,  between  seven  and  eight  in  the  morning,  the 
admiral's  trumpeter  going  into  the  top,  espied  a  sail  standing 
in  for  the  cape.  The  cheerful  tidings  were  presently  verified  ; 
and  Cavendish,  "  who  was  no  less  glad  than  the  cause  re- 
quired, ordered  the  whole  company  to  put  all  things  in  readi- 
ness ".  That  done,  he  gave  chase  some  three  or  four  hours, 
standing  with  the  best  advantage,  and  working  for  the  wind :  in 
the  afternoon  he  came  up  with  her,  gave  a  broadside  with  his 
great  ordnance,  and  a  volley  of  small  shot,  and  presently 
laid  the  enemy  aboard.  The  size  of  the  ship,  700  tons,  made 
it  evident  that  it  was  the  galleon  for  which  they  had  been 
lying  in  wait,  the  Santa  Anna,  from  the  Philippines,  with  the 
king's  treasure  on  board  ;  and,  in  his  eagerness  for  such  a 
prize,  Cavendish  began  the  fight  with  more  spirit  than  dis- 
cretion. When  his  men,  who  were  not  more  than  sixty  in  his 
own  vessel,  were  on  their  ship's  side  ready  to  board,  they 
perceived  that  the  Spaniards  "had  made  fights  fore  and 
aft,  and  laid  their  sails  close  to  the  poop,  the  midship,  and 
the  forecastle,"  and  stood  close  under  their  covering,  so  that 
not  a  man  was  to  be  seen,  from  whence  they  plied  their 
pikes,  and  threw  great  stones  upon  the  heads  of  the  assailants 
so  fast,  that  they  beat  them  off,  with  the  loss  of  two  killed 


384  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

and  some  four  or  five  wounded.  For  all  this,  the  English 
"  new  trimmed  their  sails,  and  fitted  every  man  his  furniture, 
and  gave  them  a  fresh  encounter  with  the  great  ordnance, 
and  also  with  small  shot,  raking  them  through  and  through  ". 
The  Spanish  captain  Don  Tomas  de  Alzola,  still,  "  like  a 
valiant  man,  stood  stoutly  to  his  close  fights,"  *  and  this, 
"  second  encounter  "  was  resisted  as  successfully  as  the  first ; 
but  Cavendish  appears  to  have  fallen  off  in  time  to  avoid 
further  loss,  and  to  have  carried  on  the  remainder  of  the 
action  with  guns,  "  encouraging  his  men  afresh  with  the 
whole  noise  of  trumpets  ".  After  an  action  of  five  or  six 
hours,  the  Spaniards  being  "  in  danger  of  sinking  by  reason 
of  the  great  shot,  some  of  which  were  under  water,  set  out 
a  flag  of  truce,  and  parleyed  for  mercy,  requesting  the 
English  commander  to  spare  their  lives  and  take  their 
goods  ". 

Then,  in  the  characteristic  words  of  one  of  the  fortunate 
adventurers,  "  our  general  of  his  goodness  promised  them 
mercy,  and  willed  them  to  strike  their  sails,  and  to  hoyse  out 
their  boat,  and  to  come  aboard  ;  which  news  they  were  full 
glad  to  hear  of,  and  presently  one  of  their  chief  merchants 
came  aboard  ;  and,  falling  down  upon  his  knees,  offered  to 
have  kissed  our  general's  feet,  and  craved  mercy.  Our 
general  most  graciously  pardoned  both  him  and  the  rest, 
upon  promise  of  their  true  dealing  with  him  and  his  company 
concerning  such  riches  as  were  in  the  ship  ;  and  he  sent  for 
the  captain  and  the  pilot,  who,  at  their  coming  aboard,  used 
the  like  duty  and  reverence  that  the  former  did.  The 
general,  of  his  great  mercy  and  humanity,  promised  their 
lives  and  good  usage.  The  said  captain  and  pilot  presently 

*  Yet  Christoval  Suraz  de  Figueroa  represents  the  ship  as  unprepared 
for,  and  taken  without,  resistance :  "  Hallavase  (por  ser  aquel  mar 
pacifico)  sin  una  espada,  y  bien  segura  de  semejante  novedad.  Candi 
abordando,  la  entro  y  robo"  (p.  211).  He  says  also  that  Cavendish  hung 
a  priest  who  was  on  board. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  385 

certified  the  general  what  goods  they  had  within  board,  to 
wit,  122,000  pesos  of  gold  :  the  rest  of  the  riches  that  the 
ship  was  laden  with  was  in  rich  silks,  satins,  and  damasks, 
with  musk,  and  divers  other  merchandise,  and  great  store  of 
all  manner  of  victuals,  with  choice  of  many  conserves  of  all 
sorts  for  to  eat,  and  of  sundry  sorts  of  very  good  wines." 

On  the  second  day  after  the  action  Cavendish  brought 
his  prize  into  the  bay,  then  called  Aguada  Segura,  but  now 
Bahia  de  San  Bernabe',  on  the  east  side  of  Cape  San  Lucas, 
and  there  he  set  "  the  whole  company  of  the  Spaniards,  both 
of  men  and  women,  to  the  number  of  1.90,  on  shore  ".  It  was 
not  his  intention  to  keep  the  Santa  Anna,  with  which,  indeed, 
it  would  have  been  unwise  to  encumber  himself ;  nevertheless, 
he  would  not,  "  of  his  great  mercy  and  humanity,"  after  he 
had  despoiled  the  ship,  give  it  to  these  poor  people.*  His 
journalist,  who  seems  to  have  had  about  as  much  humanity  as 
himself,  complacently  relates  that  they  had  a  fair  river  of 
fresh  water,  with  great  store  of  fresh  fish,  fowl,  and  wood, 
and  that  there  were  many  hares  and  conies  upon  the  main- 
land. How  they  were  to  reach  the  mainland,  he  neither 
knew  nor  cared ;  and  he  did  not  know  that  a  colony  which 
Cortes  had  sent  to  that  part  of  California  had  abandoned  it, 
because  they  could  not  find  means  of  subsistence  there. 
"  Our  general  also  gave  them  great  store  of  victuals,  of  gar- 
vanzos,  pease,  and  some  wine.  Also  they  had  all  the  sails  of 
their  ship  to  make  them  tents  on  shore,  with  licence  to  take 
such  store  of  planks  as  should  be  sufficient  to  make  them  a 

*  Fuller  says :  "  Mr.  Cavendish's  mercy  after,  equalled  his  valour  in  the 
fight,  landing  the  Spaniards  on  the  shore,  and  leaving  them  plentiful 
provisions".  Mercy,  indeed!  But  this  is  not  the  only  reprehensible 
passage  in  his  brief  and  very  inaccurate  account  of  this  commander . 
Speaking  of  the  Spaniards'  design  to  fortify  the  straits,  he  says :  "  But 
God,  the  promoter  of  the  public  good,  destroyed  their  intended  monopoly, 
sending  such  a  mortality  among  their  men,  that  scarce  five  of  five  hundred 
did  survive  ". 

25 


386  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

bark.  Then,"  says  Pretty,  "  we  fell  to  hauling  in  of  our  goods, 
sharing  of  the  treasure,  and  allotting  to  every  man  his  portion ; 
in  division  whereof  many  of  the  company  fell  into  a  mutiny 
against  our  general,  especially  those  in  the  Content,  which, 
nevertheless,  were  after  a  sort  pacified  for  the  time."  The 
discontents  of  the  Content  were  soon,  after  another  sort,  put 
to  rest  for  ever ! 

To  stow  their  booty  was  a  work  of  some  time.  It  was  on 
the  6th  of  November  that  they  anchored  in  the  bay.  On 
the  17th,  the  day  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  "happy  coronation," 
salutes  were  fired  from  both  ships  with  all  their  guns  and 
small  shot ;  and  at  night  they  "  had  many  fireworks  and 
more  ordnance  discharged,  to  the  great  admiration  of  the 
Spaniards,  for  the  most  part  of  them  had  never  seen  the  like 
before  ".  This  ended,  he  discharged  the  captain,  and  gave 
him,  in  Pretty's  words,  "a  royal  reward,  with  provision  for 
his  defence  against  the  Indians,  and  his  company,  both  of 
swords,  targets,  pieces,  shot,  and  powder,  to  his  contentment". 
But  he  took  into  his  own  ship  three  Philippine  boys,  and 
two  Japanese  youths,  who  could  read  and  write  their  own 
language,  and  were  both  of  very  good  capacity.  He  like- 
wise detained  one  Nicolas  Rodriguez,  a  Portuguese,  who 
had  "  not  only  been  in  Canton  and  other  parts  of  China,  but 
also  in  the  Islands  of  Japan,  being  a  country  most  rich  in 
silver  mines,  and  also  in  the  Philippines  "  ;  and  a  Spaniard, 
Tomas  de  Ersola  by  name,  "  which  was  a  very  good  pilot  from 
Acapulco  and  the  coast  of  New  Spain  to  the  Ladrones,  where 
the  Spaniards,  sailing  between  Acapulco  and  the  Philippines, 
put  in,  and  find  fresh  water,  plantains,  and  potato  roots ". 
All  having  been  done,  on  the  19th,  about  three  in  the  after- 
noon, he  set  fire  to  the  Santa  Anna,  which  had  still  goods  in 
her  to  the  quantity  of  500  tons,  waited  till  he  saw  her  burned, 
as  he  believed,  to  the  water's  edge,  then  fired  a  piece  of 
ordnance  ;  and,  with  this  triumphant  mark  of  barbarous  ani- 
mosity against  the  Spaniards,  set  sail  "joyfully  homewards 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  387 

toward  England  with  a  fair  wind  ".  Night  was  closing  when 
they  sailed  out  of  the  road,  leaving  the  Content  astern  ;  when 
morning  came  that  ship  was  not  in  sight,  and  she  was  never 
heard  of  afterwards.  * 

Cavendish  had  delayed  his  departure  till  evening,  that  he 
might  see  the  Santa  Anna  destroyed ;  nevertheless,  that 
malicious  purpose  was  defeated.  Down  to  the  water's  edge 
he  saw  her  burned,  but  the  fire  then  freed  her  from  her 
anchor,  and  the  hull  drifted  ashore,  for  the  salvation  of  the 
Spaniards,  t  They  lightened  it  by  throwing  out  the  ballast, 
fitted  it  with  jury  masts,  and  were  thus  enabled  to  reach 
Acapulco,  instead  of  perishing,  as  in  all  likelihood  they 
otherwise  must,  upon  that  dreary  peninsula.  J 

The  Desire  (now  the  only  remaining  ship  of  Cavendish's 
fleet)  pursued  her  course  across  the  Pacific,  with  a  fair  wind 
for  five  and  forty  days,  when  they  came  in  sight  of  Guahan, 
one  of  the  Ladrones.  Some  sixty  or  seventy  boats  came  off 
to  them  with  fruits,  potatoes,  and  fish,  which  they  exchanged 

*  Hakluyt,  817. — It  was  supposed  that  the  captain,  Stephen  Hare, 
"  was  gone  for  the  north-west  passage  ".  The  people  in  that  ship  were 
discontented  with  Cavendish,  and  probably  had  got  their  share  of  the 
booty  on  board. 

Fuller  says  :  "  The  ship  called  the  Content  did  not  answer  her  name, 
whose  men  took  all  occasions  to  be  mutinous"  (Worthies,  ii.,  339). 

t  Yet  these  Spaniards,  though  thus  providentially  delivered  them- 
selves, acted  tyrannically  and  wickedly  toward  the  natives,  carrying  away 
a  man  and  woman  by  force,  and  in  bonds.  Fifteen  years  afterwards, 
when  a  Spanish  squadron  was  sent  from  Acapulco  to  survey  those  parts, 
the  loss  of  these  two  Indians  was  still  lamented  by  their  countrymen  ; 
and  they  would  hold  no  communication  with  the  ships.  "  This  is 
related,"  says  Torquemada,  "  that  care  may  be  taken  to  do  no  injury  to 
such  people,  because  it  may  prevent  them  from  ever  peaceably  submitting 
to  the  Spaniards,  or  believing  them  when  they  preach  the  Gospel.  The 
devil  desires  nothing  more  than  that  any  handle  should  be  given  them 
for  refusing  to  be  converted." 

\  Torquemada,  t.  i.,  p.  699.     Burney,  89. 


388  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

for  little  pieces  of  old  iron :  but  when  the  English  were 
sufficiently  supplied,  and  would  have  closed  the  market,  these 
pertinacious  traders  were  for  forcing  their  commodities  upon 
them  ;  and  swarmed  so  thick  about  the  ship,  that  it  stemmed 
and  broke  one  or  two  of  their  canoes.  Nor  could  Cavendish 
be  rid  of  them  till  he  ordered  some  half  dozen  harquebusses 
to  be  made  ready,  and  struck  one  of  them  himself;  the  others 
then  fired;  but  these  islanders  were  "so  yare  and  nimble, 
that  it  could  not  be  seen  whether  they  were  killed  or  not,  so 
ready  were  they  at  falling  backward  into  the  sea  and  diving". 
On  the  14th  they  made  the  Philippines  at  Cape  del  Espiritu 
Santo,  and  passing  on  the  morrow  through  the  strait  of  San 
Bernardino  anchored  at  the  isl  e  of  Capul.  A  cacique,  "  whose 
skin  was  carved  with  sundry  strokes  and  devices  all  over  his 
body,"  came  off  to  trade  with  them,  taking  them  for  Spaniards  : 
under  this  notion  a  friendly  intercourse  was  established ;  and 
the  English  refreshed  themselves  "  marvellously  well  with 
hens,  hogs,  cocoas,  and  camotes".*  This  was  an  unfortunate 
tarriance  for  the  Spaniard  Tomas  de  Ersola :  he  prepared  a 
letter  to  the  governor  of  Manilla,  intending  to  send  it  by  one 
of  these  natives.  Rodriguez  the  Portuguese  betrayed  him  : 
the  letter  was  found  in  his  chest ;  and  Cavendish  "  willed  that 
he  should  be  hanged,  which  was  accordingly  performed  ". 

Here  Cavendish  remained  nine  days,  demanding  and  receiv- 
ing tribute,  as  if  he  had  been  a  Spanish  commander,  from  that 
and  the  adjacent  islands.  It  was  paid  in  pigs,  poultry,  cocoa 
nuts,  and  camotes.  The  day  before  his  departure  he  caused 
the  chief  of  this  island,  "  and  of  a  hundred  more,"  says  Pretty, 
"  to  appear  before  him,  and  then  made  himself  and  his  company 

*  The  English  took  these  for  potatoes.  But  in  the  description  of  these 
islands,  prefixed  by  F.  Juan  Francisco  de  S.  Antonio  to  his  Chronicles  of 
the  barefoot  Franciscans  in  the  Philippines,  China,  and  Japan  (a  most 
rare  work,  printed  in  a  convent  at  Manilla),  the  camote  is  mentioned 
with  several  other  wild  roots,  que  equivalen  a  las  batatas  en  el  gusto, 
(p.  28). 


THOMAS    CAVENDISH  389 

known  that  they  were  Englishmen,  and  enemies  to  the  Span- 
iards ;  and  thereupon  spread  his  ensign,  and  sounded  up  the 
drums,  which  they  much  marvelled  at.  To  conclude,  they 
promised,  both  for  themselves  and  all  the  islands  thereabout, 
to  aid  him  whensoever  he  should  come  again  to  overcome  the 
Spaniards.  Also  our  general  gave  them  money  back  again  for 
all  the  tribute  which  they  had  paid  ;  which  they  took  mar- 
vellous friendly,  and  rowed  about  our  ships  to  show  us  pleasure, 
marvellous  swiftly.  At  the  last  he  caused  a  saker  to  be  shot 
off,  whereat  they  wondered,  and  with  great  contentment  took 
their  leave  of  us." 

Leaving  this  place  on  the  24th,  they  chased  on  the  28th  a 
vessel  from  Manilla,  along  the  coast  of  Panamao,  and  came  so 
near  that  she  stood  in  to  shore  close  by  a  wind  until  she  was 
becalmed,  and  then  struck  her  sail,  and  "  banked  up  with  her 
oars  ".  Cavendish  anchored,  manned  his  boat  with  twelve  men, 
and  sent  them  to  pursue  this  vessel  up  the  river  into  which  she 
had  run.  They  were,  luckily  for  themselves,  not  able  to  find 
the  opening ;  but  they  took  a  Spaniard  out  of  a  balsa,  though 
fired  at  by  a  body  of  Spaniards  from  the  shore,  and  pursued  by 
a  frigate  which  was  sent  in  chase  of  the  only  prisoner  aboard. 
He  proved  to  be  neither  soldier  nor  sailor,  but  "a  very  simple 
soul,"  and  one  who  could  answer  to  very  little  that  he  was 
asked  concerning  the  state  of  the  country.  Cavendish  dis- 
missed him  with  a  message  to  the  Spanish  commander,  whom 
he  desired  to  provide  good  gold  against  the  next  visit,  which 
he  and  his  company  meant  to  make  him  in  a  few  years  : 
nothing,  he  said,  but  the  want  of  a  larger  boat  to  have  landed 
his  men  had  prevented  him  from  seeing  him  now. 

After  passing  the  Moluccas,  several  of  the  men  sickened, 
"  by  reason  of  the  extreme  heat  and  untemperateness  of  the 
climate,"  and  Captain  Havers  died,  to  Cavendish's  no  small 
grief.  Three  guns  with  a  volley  of  small  arms  served  for  his 
passing  bell :  the  corpse  was  shrouded  in  a  sheet ;  and  after 
a  prayer  said  was  heaved  overboard  with  great  lamentation 


390  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

of  all.  They  passed  through  one  of  the  straits  formed  by 
the  islands  east  of  Java,  and  anchored  in  a  port  on  the  south 
side  of  that  great  island,  where,  by  means  of  a  negro,  *  taken 
out  of  the  St.  Anna,  they  could  communicate  with  the  in- 
habitants. But  when  the  rajah  of  that  district  knew  of  their 
arrival,  he  sent  to  visit  them ;  and  an  interpreter  came,  who, 
being  a  mestizo,  spoke  Portuguese  as  his  father  tongue. 
Cavendish  had  now  been  taught  by  experience  to  guard 
against  all  surprise  ;  and  when  the  rajah's  minister  passed  a 
night  on  board,  he  commanded  every  man  in  the  ship  to 
provide  his  harquebuss  and  his  shot,  and  so  with  shooting  off 
forty  or  fifty  small  shot  and  one  saker,  himself  set  the  watch 
with  them.  "  This  was  no  small  marvel  unto  these  heathen 
people,  which  had  not  commonly  seen  any  ship  so  furnished 
with  men  and  ordnance."  Here  they  were  plentifully 
supplied  by  the  rajah's  orders  ;  and  two  Portuguese  came  on 
board,  "  men  of  marvellous  proper  personage,  each  in  a  loose 
jerkin  and  hose,  which  came  down  from  the  waist  to  the 
ankle,  because  of  the  use  of  the  country,  and  partly  because 
it  was  Lent,  and  a  time  for  doing  of  their  penance  (for  they 
account  it  as  a  thing  of  great  dislike  among  these  heathen 
to  wear  either  hose  or  shoes  on  their  feet)  ;  they  had  on 
each  of  them  a  very  fair  and  white  lawn  shirt  with  falling 
bands  on  the  same,  very  decently,  only  their  bare  legs  ex- 
cepted.  These  Portugals,"  says  Pretty,  "  were  no  small  joy 
to  our  general,  and  all  the  rest  of  our  company  ;  for  we  had 
not  seen  any  Christian  that  was  our  friend  of  a  year  and  half 
before.  Our  general  entreated  them  singularly  well  with 
banquets  and  music.  They  told  us  they  were  no  less  glad 
to  see  us  than  we  to  see  them,  and  enquired  of  the  state  of 
their  country,  and  what  was  become  of  Don  Antonio  their 
king,  and  whether  he  were  living  or  no,  for  they  had  not  for 
long  time  been  in  Portugal,  and  the  Spaniards  had  always 

*  Pretty  says   he  could   speak   the    Morisco  tongue.     The   Malay  is 
probably  meant. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  391 

brought  them  word  that  he  was  dead.  Then  our  general 
satisfied  them  in  every  demand,  assuring  them  that  their 
king  was  alive  and  in  England,  and  had  honourable  allow- 
ance from  our  queen ;  and  that  there  was  war  between  Spain 
and  England,  and  that  we  were  come  under  the  King  of 
Portugal  into  the  South  Sea,  and  had  warred  upon  the  Span- 
iards there,  and  had  fired,  spoiled,  and  sunk  all  the  ships  along 
the  coast  that  we  could  meet  withal,  to  the  number  of 
eighteen  or  twenty  sail.  With  this  report  they  were  suffi- 
ciently satisfied.  They  told  us  that  if  their  king  Don  Antonio 
would  come  unto  them,  they  would  warrant  him  to  have  all 
the  Moluccas  at  command,  besides  China,  Sangles  (?),  and 
the  Isles  of  the  Philippines,  and  that  he  might  be  sure  to 
have  all  the  Indians  on  his  side.  They  took  their  leave 
with  promise  of  all  good  entertainment  at  our  return."  * 

Cavendish  sailed  from  Java  on  the  l6th  of  March,  passed 
round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  on  the  18th  of  May,  and  on  the 
9th  of  June  anchored  in  the  road  of  St.  Helena.  Landing 
there  they  found  "a  fair  and  pleasant  valley,  wherein  divers 
handsome  buildings  and  houses  were  set  up,  and  a  church  tiled 
and  whited  on  the  outside,  very  fair,  and  with  a  porch  ".  The 
inside  was  hung  with  stained  cloths,  "  having  many  devices 
drawn  on  them.  There  were  two  houses  adjoining  the  church, 
one  on  each  side,  serving  for  kitchens  to  dress  meat  in,  with 
necessary  rooms  and  houses  of  offices :  the  coverings  of  the 
said  houses  were  flat,  whereon  was  planted  a  very  fair  vine,  and 
through  both  ran  a  good  and  wholesome  stream  of  fresh 
water."  Opposite  was  a  fair  stone  causeway  leading  to  a 
valley  wherein  a  garden  had  been  planted  with  great  store  of 
pompions  and  melons.  And  upon  this  causeway  was  erected 
a  frame  with  two  bells,  wherewith  they  rang  to  mass ;  and 
hard  by  a  weil-made  stone  cross,  bearing  date  1571,  in  which 
year  it  had  been  erected.  The  Portuguese  had  stocked  the 

*  Hakluyt,  821,  822. 


392  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

island  with  all  sorts  of  fruits  and  esculent  herbs,  partridges, 
pheasants,  guinea-fowl,  goats,  and  swine.  They  had  thus  colon- 
ised it  for  the  use  of  their  ships  homeward  bound  from  India  ; 
"  and  when  they  come  they  have  all  things  plentiful  for  their 
relief,  by  reason  that  they  suffer  none  to  inhabit  there  who 
might  consume  the  fruit  of  the  island,  except  some  very  few 
sick  persons  which  they  stand  in  doubt  will  not  live  until  they 
come  home  :  these  they  leave  to  refresh  themselves,  and  take 
away  in  the  next  year's  fleet,  if  they  live  so  long".  Three 
negroes  were  the  only  persons  there  when  Cavendish  arrived. 
They  told  him  that  the  fleet  had  left  it  twenty  days  before, 
consisting  of  five  sail,  the  least  of  which  was  in  burden  800  or 
900  tons,  "  laden  with  spice  and  calicut  cloth,  with  store  of 
treasure,  and  very  rich  stores  and  pearls". 

Having  cleaned  their  ship,  taken  in  wood  and  water,  and 
refreshed  themselves  during  eleven  days,  they  now  sailed  for 
England,  the  wind  and  weather  favouring  them.  On  the  3rd 
of  September  they  were  informed  by  a  Flemish  hulk  coming 
from  Lisbon  of  the  discomfiture  of  the  armada,  "  to  their 
singular  rejoicing  and  comfort  ".  And  on  the  9th,  "  after  a 
terrible  tempest  which  carried  away  most  part  of  their  sails, 
by  the  merciful  favour  of  the  Almighty  they  recovered  their 
long  wished  for  port  of  Plymouth,  two  years  and  fifty  days 
after  their  departure  from  that  place ".  *  As  the  third 
circumnavigation  of  the  globe,  Cavendish's  voyage  deserved 
to  be  thus  fully  related :  the  circumstances  are  creditable  to 

*  "  He  who  went  forth  with  a  fleet,"  says  Fuller,  "  came  home  with  a 
ship.  Thus  having  circumnavigated  the  whole  earth,  let  his  ship  no 
longer  be  termed  the  Desire,  but  the  Performance.  He  was  the  third 
man,  and  second  Englishman,  of  such  universal  undertakings." 

Suraz  de  Figueroa  says,  that  he  entered  London  with  sails  of  green 
damask,  and  his  sailors  all  dressed  in  silk  (p.  211). 

It  is  remarkable  that  Lope  de  Vega,  in  the  explanation  prefixed  to  his 
Dragontea,  of  "  lo  que  se  ha  de  advertir  para  la  inteligencia  deste  libro,'' 
confounds  Oxenham  with  Cavendish,  and  gives  an  account  of  him  under 
the  name  of  Thomas  Candir. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  393 

his  activity,  and  seamanship,  and  courage,  but  honourable  in 
no  other  way.  Immediately  on  landing  he  wrote  to  the 
lord  chamberlain  Hunsdon,  to  inform  the  queen  of  his 
success  ;  "  and  as  it  hath  pleased  God,"  said  he,  "  to  give 
her  the  victory  over  part  of  her  enemies,  so  I  trust  ere  long 
to  see  her  overcome  them  all  :  for  the  places  of  their  wealth, 
whereby  they  have  maintained  and  made  their  wars,  are  now 
perfectly  discovered,  and,  if  it  please  her  majesty,  with  a  very 
small  power  she  may  take  the  spoil  of  them  all.  It  hath 
pleased  the  Almighty  to  suffer  me  to  circompass  the  whole 
globe  of  the  world,  entering  in  at  the  Straits  of  Magellan, 
and  returning  by  the  Cape  de  Buena  Esperanza.  In  which 
voyage  I  have  either  discovered  or  brought  certain  intelligence 
of  all  the  rich  places  of  the  world  that  ever  were  known  or 
discovered  by  any  Christian.  I  navigated  along  the  coast  of 
Chili,  Peru,  and  Nueva  Espanna,  where  I  made  great  spoils. 
I  burnt  and  sunk  nineteen  sail  of  ships,  small  and  great. 
All  the  villages  and  towns  that  ever  I  landed  at,  I  burnt  and 
spoiled  ;  and  had  I  not  been  discovered  upon  the  coast,  I 
had  taken  great  quantity  of  treasure.  The  matter  of  most 
profit  unto  me  was  a  great  ship  of  the  king's  which  I  took 
at  California  ;  which  ship  came  from  the  Philippinas,  being 
one  of  the  richest  of  merchandise  that  ever  passed  those 
seas,  as  the  king's  register  and  merchants'  accounts  did 
show,  for  it  did  amount  in  value  to  in  Mexico  to  be 

sold  ;  which  goods,  for  that  my  ships  were  not  able  to  contain 
the  least  part  of  them,  I  was  enforced  to  set  on  fire.  From 
the  Cape  of  California,  being  the  uttermost  part  of  all  Nueva 
Espanna,  I  navigated  to  the  Islands  of  the  Philippinas,  hard 
upon  the  coast  of  China  ;  of  which  country  I  have  brought 
such  intelligence  as  hath  not  been  heard  of  in  these  parts  : 
the  stateliness  and  riches  of  which  country  I  fear  to  make 
report  of,  lest  I  should  not  be  credited  ;  for  if  I  had  not 
known  sufficiently  the  incomparable  wealth  of  that  country, 
I  should  have  been  as  incredulous  thereof,  as  others  will  be 


39*  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

that  have  not  had  the  like  experience.  I  sailed  along  the 
islands  of  the  Malucos,  where  among  some  of  the  heathen 
people  I  was  well  entreated,  where  our  countrymen  may  have 
trade  as  freely  as  the  Portugals,  if  they  will  themselves. 
From  thence  I  passed  by  the  Cape  of  Buena  Esperanza,  and 
found  out  by  the  way  homeward  the  Island  of  St.  Helena, 
where  the  Portugals  use  to  relieve  themselves,  and  from  that 
island  God  hath  suffered  me  to  return  to  England.  All 
which  services,  with  myself,  I  humbly  prostrate  at  her 
majesty's  feet,  desiring  the  Almighty  long  to  continue  her 
reign  among  us,  for  at  this  day  she  is  the  most  famous  and 
victorious  prince  that  liveth  in  the  world."  * 

In  what  a  different  odour  would  the  memory  of  Cavendish  be 
held,  if  he  could  have  said,  in  this  brief  summary  of  his  pro- 
ceedings, that  having  found  in  the  Straits  of  Magellan  the 
miserable  remains  of  a  Spanish  colony,  he  had  taken  them  on 
board  to  save  them  from  perishing  by  famine,  and  on  the  first 
safe  opportunity  had  landed  them  among  their  own  country- 
men ! 

The  success  of  this  voyage  induced  him  to  tempt  his  fortune 
in  a  second  with  three  tall  ships  and  two  barks :  one  of  the 
barks  was  the  property  of  Mr.  Adrian  Gilbert,  a  great  pro- 
moter of  the  attempts  for  discovering  a  north-west  passage. 
The  other  four  were  fitted  out  by  Cavendish  :  they  were  the 
Leicester  Galleon,  in  which  he  sailed  himself,  his  old  ship  the 
Desire,  commanded  by  Master  John  Davis,  one  of  the  best  sea- 
men of  those  times ;  the  Roebuck,  under  Master  Cocke ;  and  the 
Black  Pinnace.  The  number  of  men  is  supposed  to  have 
been  little  short  of  400  :  among  them  were  the  two  Japanese 
youths  whom  he  had  taken  out  of  the  St.  Anna.  But  the  fleet 
was  ill-fitted  for  such  an  expedition  :  his  means  would  probably 
have  been  inadequate  to  the  great  expenditure  that  it  required, 
had  they  been  strictly  applied  to  it;  but  he  advanced  1500/. 

*  Hakluyt,  837. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  395 

to  adventurers,  who,  instead  of  equipping  themselves,  abs- 
conded with  the  money.*  Having  reached  the  coast  of  Brazil, 
Coeke  was  sent  forward  with  two  ships  to  attack  Santos,  in 
order  to  obtain  provisions.  He  surprised  the  inhabitants  at 
mass  ;  but  instead  of  bargaining  with  them  for  a  supply,  made 
good  cheer  upon  what  he  found,  while  they  escaped  and  car- 
ried away  whatever  was  portable.  Here  Cavendish  waited  five 
precious  weeks,  and  departed  worse  furnished  than  he  came  : 
then  having  burned  St.  Vincente  by  the  way,  proceeded  to  the 
straits.  The  fleet  was  separated  in  a  storrn  :  Gilbert  took  the 
opportunity  of  returning  to  England,  leaving  his  captain  on 
board  one  of  the  other  ships  "  without  any  provision  more  than 
the  apparel  he  had  on".  Davis  fell  in  with  the  Roebuck: 
both  proceeded  to  Port  Desire,  and  there  the  Black  Pinnace 
and  the  admiral  joined  them.f  Cavendish  had  lost  his  boats, 
and  quarrelled  with  his  company  :  in  consequence  of  this  he 
removed  into  the  Desire.^ 

By  this  time  it  was  the  middle  of  March  :  "  such/'  says 
Cavendish,  "  was  the  adverseness  of  our  fortunes,  that  in  coming 
thither  we  spent  the  summer,  and  found  the  straits  in  the 
beginning  of  a  most  extreme  winter".  They  entered  it  on  the 
14th  of  April  with  favourable  weather;  but  on  the  21st  were 
stopped  by  a  wind  from  the  W.N.W.,  and  put  into  a  small 

*  "  These  varlets,  whom  the  justice  hs.d  before  sought  with  great  dili- 
gence, I  saw,  within  a  few  days  after  his  departure,"  says  Sir  Richard 
Hawkins,  "walking  the  streets  of  Plymouth  without  punishment" 
(Observations,  etc.,  15). 

f  Mr.  John  Jane's  remark,  therefore,  seems  hardly  to  be  warranted 
when  he  says,  that  his  "  captain  (Davis)  could  never  get  any  direction 
what  course  to  take  in  any  such  extremities,  though  many  times  he  had 
entreated  for  it,  as  often  I  have  heard  him  with  grief  report"  (Hakluyt,  842). 

Jane's  narrative  is  written  evidently  with  a  malevolent  feeling  towards 
Cavendish.  And  in  this  he  is  contradicted  by  Knyvet,  who,  though  a 
liar,  could  have  no  motive  for  lying  in  this  case. 

\  Hakluyt,  842,  843.      Burney,  98,  100. 


396  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

cove  on  the  south  shore  opposite  to  Cape  Froward.  There 
they  remained  above  three  weeks,  during  which  they  endured 
great  storms,  with  perpetual  snow ;  and  many  of  the  men 
"died  with  cursed  famine  and  miserable  cold,  not  having 
wherewith  to  cover  their  bodies,  nor  to  fill  their  bellies,  but 
living  by  muscles,  water,  and  weeds  of  the  sea,  with  a  small 
relief  of  the  ship's  store  in  meal  sometimes  ".*  Discouraged 
by  these  hardships,  and  doubting  what  the  end  would  be, 
Cavendish  asked  Davis's  opinion,  "because  he  was  a  man  that 
had  good  experience  of  the  north-west  parts  in  his  three 
several  discoveries  that  way,  employed  by  the  merchants  of 
London  ".  Davis,  who  felt  as  much  at  home  among  ice  and 
snow  as  a  white  bear,  or  a  walrus,  told  him  the  snow  was  a 
matter  of  no  long  continuance.  However,  he  called  together 
the  whole  company,  and  told  them  he  would  tarry  no  longer 
in  the  straits,  but  turn  back,  and  make  for  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope.  The  general  opinion  was,  that  being  within  forty 
leagues  of  the  South  Sea,  it  was  better  to  "  stay  God's  favour 
for  a  wind,"  and  endure  any  hardships  rather  than  give  over 
the  voyage  ;  nevertheless,  what  he  determined  on  they  would 
perform.  Upon  this  he  declared  his  resolution  to  go  for  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope.  But  when  he  returned  on  board  the 
Desire  Davis  represented  to  him  that  this  would  be  a  desperate 
undertaking  :  "  if  the  rest  of  your  ships,"  said  he,  "  be  fur- 
nished answerable  to  this,  it  is  impossible  to  perform  it ;  for 
we  have  no  more  sails  than  masts,  no  victuals,  no  ground- 
tackling,  no  cordage  more  than  is  overhead,  and  among 
seventy  and  five  persons  there  is  but  the  master  alone  that 
can  order  the  ship,  and  but  fourteen  sailors ;  the  rest  are 
gentlemen,  serving-men,  and  artificers ".  Davis  made  the 


*  Jane  says :  "  All  the  sick  men  in  the  Galleon  were  most  uncharitably 
put  ashore  into  the  woods,  in  the  snow,  rain,  and  cold,  when  men  of  good 
health  could  scarcely  endure  it,  where  they  ended  their  lives  in  the 
highest  degree  of  misery ;  Master  Cavendish  all  this  while  being  in  the 
Desire  ". 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  397 

same  representations  to  Cocke :  the  "  chiefs  of  the  whole 
company  "  drew  up  a  petition  in  consequence  ;  and  Cavendish, 
yielding  to  the  general  voice  so  far  as  to  give  up  his  own  rash 
intention,  determined  to  leave  the  straits  and  return  for  Santos. 
But  as  if  he  had  been  displeased  with  Davis  for  having  in- 
fluenced others  in  this  matter,  he  left  the  Desire,  and  went 
again  on  board  the  Leicester  Galleon.* 

On  the  1 8th  they  were  free  of  the  straits  :  on  the  20th  the 
Desire  and  the  Black  Pinnace  separated  from  the  other  two 
vessels  ;  Cavendish  thought  wilfully  :  but,  according  to  their 
protestation,  by  unaccountable  accident.  \  They  returned 
to  Port  Desire,  thinking  that  he  would  put  back  there ; 
waited  there  till  that  expectation  could  no  longer  be  enter- 
tained ;  were  driven  to  the  Falkland  Islands,  "  which  had 
never  before  been  discovered  by  any  known  relation"; 
entered  and  passed  the  straits  ;  were  driven  back,  and,  after 
enduring  such  sufferings  as  none  but  sailors  can  be  exposed 
to,  and  with  a  perseverance  and  patient  fortitude  which  never 
has  been  exceeded,  reached  Ireland  in  the  June  of  the  follow- 


*  Hakluyt,  843,  844. 

t  Admiral  Burney  says :  "  The  circumstances  are  certainly  of  a  sus- 
picious nature ;  and  there  is  some  reason  for  believing  that  Captain  Davis 
considered  the  engagement  mutual  between  Mr.  Cavendish  and  himself 
to  make  a  voyage  into  the  South  Sea ;  and  that  he  was  determined,  if 
possible,  not  to  be  disappointed  of  an  enterprise  which  he  had  been 
brought  thus  far  to  prosecute.  Instances  without  number  are  to  be  met 
with  of  ships  deserting  their  commander-in-chief,  to  escape  the  perils  of  a 
long  or  dangerous  undertaking ;  but  the  case  of  Captain  Davis  is  of  a 
different  character,  and  is  one  of  the  few  in  which  the  separation,  if 
contrived,  was  for  the  purpose  of  persevering  in  a  pursuit  after  it  had 
been  abandoned  by  the  chief  commander  as  hopeless  and  impracticable" 
(pp.  101,  102). 

"  This  is  the  same  distinguished  seaman  who  discovered  and  has  left  his 
name  to  Davis's  Strait.  He  afterwards  made  several  voyages  to  the 
East  Indies,  and  lost  his  life  there  in  a  quarrel  with  the  crew  of  a 
Japanese  vessel  "  (ibid.,  106). 


398  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

ing  year,  having  lost  sixty  men  out  of  a  crew  of  seventy-six. 
Jane  was  one  of  the  survivors. 

Cavendish,  who  had  parted  from  the  Roebuck  also,  arrived 
with  only  his  own  ship  on  the  coast  of  Brazil,  and  landed 
twenty-five  men  about  three  leagues  from  Santos,  to  seize 
provisions  for  the  relief  of  their  sick  and  starving  comrades. 
The  principal  persons  in  the  ship  were  of  this  party,  and  not 
a  man  returned.  The  Indians,  who  carried  two  of  their 
prisoners  to  Santos,  entered  that  town  in  savage  triumph 
with  the  heads  of  all  the  rest.  After  these  mishaps,  Caven- 
dish was  joined  by  the  Roebuck  :  they  coasted  along,  ravaging 
houses  and  plantations  as  they  went,  and  attempted  with 
their  boats  to  cut  out  some  ships  which  were  at  anchor  in  the 
river  near  the  town  of  Espirito  Santo.  The  attempt  was 
rashly  made,  and  ended  in  the  loss  of  eighty  men  killed, 
wounded,  or  basely  abandoned  by  their  comrades  ;  after 
which  the  master  of  the  Roebuck,  by  whose  orders  they  were 
thus  abandoned,  and  whom  Cavendish  calls  "  a  most  coAvardly 
villain  that  ever  was  born  of  a  woman,"  thought  proper  to 
shift  for  himself  with  that  ship,  and  desert  his  unfortunate 
commander.  *  Nothing  remained  for  Cavendish  then  but  to 
make  for  England  ;  but  his  heart  was  broken.  Assured  by 
his  own  unerring  feelings  that  death  was  at  hand,  he  wrote 
a  letter  to  Sir  Tristram  Gorges,  giving  a  brief  account  of  this 
unhappy  voyage,  and  complaining  of  the  conduct  of  his 
officers  and  men.  Having  vented  his  complaints,  he  pro- 
ceeded thus  : — 

"And  now  to  tell  you  of  my  greatest  grief,  which  was  the 
sickness  of  my  dear  kinsman  John  Locke,  who  by  this  time 
was  grown  in  great  weakness,  by  reason  whereof  he  desired 
rather  quietness  and  contentedness  in  our  course,  than  such 
continual  disquietness,  which  never  ceased  us.  And  now  by 
this,  what  with  grief  for  him,  and  the  continual  trouble  I 

*  Purchas,  b.  vi.,  c.  6.,  p.  1195.     History  of  Brazil,  i.,  359-364. 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH  399 

endured  among  such  hell-hounds,  my  spirits  were  clean  spent, 
wishing  myself  upon  any  desert  place  in  the  world,  there  to 
die,  rather  than  thus  basely  to  return  home  again  ;  which 
course  I  had  put  in  execution,  had  I  found  an  island  which 
the  cards  make  to  be  eight  degrees  to  the  southward  of  the 
line.  I  swear  to  you,  I  sought  for  it  with  all  diligence, 
meaning,  if  I  had  found  it,  to  have  there  ended  my  unfor- 
tunate life.  But  God  suffered  not  such  happiness  to  light 
upon  me,  for  I  could  by  no  means  find  it ;  so  as  I  was 
forced  to  go  towards  England,  and  having  gotten  eight 
degrees  by  north  the  line,  I  lost  my  most  dearest  cousin. 

"  And  now  consider  whether  a  heart  made  of  flesh  be  able 
to  endure  so  many  misfortunes,  all  falling  upon  me  without 
intermission  !  I  thank  my  God  that,  in  ending  of  me,  He 
hath  pleased  to  rid  me  of  all  further  trouble  and  mishaps. 
And  now  to  return  to  our  private  matters  :  I  have  made  my 
will,  wherein  I  have  given  special  charge  that  all  goods  (what- 
soever belong  unto  me)  be  delivered  into  your  hands.  For 
God's  sake  refuse  not  to  do  this  last  request  for  me.  I  owe 
little  that  I  know  of,  and,  therefore,  it  will  be  the  less 
trouble  ;  but  if  there  be  any  debt  that,  of  truth,  is  owing  by 
me,  for  God's  sake  see  it  paid.  To  use  compliments  of  love, 
now  at  my  last  breath,  were  frivolous  :  but  know  that  I  left 
none  in  England  whom  I  loved  half  so  well  as  yourself; 
which  you  in  such  sort  deserved  at  my  hands  as  I  can  by  no 
means  requite.  I  have  left  all  (that  little  remaining)  unto 
you,  not  to  be  accountable  for  anything.  That  which  you 
will,  if  you  find  any  overplus  (yourself  especially  being  satis- 
fied to  your  own  desire),  give  unto  my  sister  Anne  Candish. 
I  have  written  to  no  man  living  but  yourself,  leaving  all 
friends  and  kinsmen,  only  reputing  you  as  dearest.  Commend 
me  to  both  your  brethren,  being  glad  that  your  brother 
Edward  escaped  so  unfortunate  a  voyage.  I  pray  give  this 
copy  of  my  unhappy  proceedings  to  none  but  only  to  Sir 
George  Gary,  and  tell  him,  that  if  I  had  thought  the  letter 


400  ENGLISH    SEAMEN 

of  a  dead  man  acceptable,  I  would  have  written  unto  him. 
I  have  taken  order  with  the  master  of  my  ship  to  see  his 
pieces  of  ordnance  delivered  unto  him,  for  he  knoweth  them. 
And  if  the  Roebuck  be  not  returned,  then  I  have  appointed 
him  to  deliver  him  two  brass  pieces  out  of  this  ship,  which  I 
pray  you  see  performed.  I  have  now  no  more  to  say  ;  and 
take  this  last  farewell,  that  you  have  lost  the  lovingest  friend 
that  ever  was  lost  by  any.  Commend  me  to  your  wife.  No 
more  !  But  as  you  love  God,  do  not  refuse  to  undertake 
this  last  request  of  mine.  I  pray,  forget  not  Master  Carey 
of  Coakington  :  gratify  him  with  something,  for  he  used  me 
kindly  at  my  departure.  Bear  with  this  scribbling  ;  for  I 
protest  I  am  scarce  able  to  hold  a  pen  in  my  hand."  ' 

Cavendish's  history  cannot  be  concluded  better  than  by 
these  his  dying  words  :  they  are  most  touching  in  themselves, 
and  leave  us  with  an  opinion  of  him  far  more  favourable  than 
could  be  deduced  from  anything  that  is  recorded  of  his  life. 

*  Purchas,  b.  vi.,  c.  6.,  p.  1200. 


NOTES. 

LORD  HOWARD. 

Southey  has  not  gone  much  into  details  in  his  account  of  Lord 
Howard,  thinking,  perhaps,  that  he  was  rather  the  nominal  than 
the  real  commander  of  the  different  enterprises  in  which  he  took 
part.  Lord  Howard,  however,  it  should  have  been  recorded,  had 
at  least  some  share  in  founding  the  "  chest "  for  disabled  seamen 
at  Chatham.  He  sat  on  the  trial  of  Essex,  and  was  one  of  the 
lords  who  had  a  share  in  all  the  various  commissions  appointed 
by  the  Government  for  administrative  purposes.  During  his 
latter  years  as  Lord  High  Admiral  many  abuses  crept  into  the 
navy.  His  age,  and  perhaps  his  easy-going  profuse  habits, 
disqualified  him  for  the  work  of  vigilant  minute  administration. 
His  retirement  was  hastened  by  the  adverse  report  of  a  commis- 
sion, and  perhaps  by  the  pressure  of  Buckingham,  who  desired  his 
place,  and  offered  him  good  pecuniary  terms  as  an  inducement 
to  retire. 

EARL  OF  CUMBERLAND. 

Research  has  added  nothing  of  moment  to  this  account  of  the 
Earl  of  Cumberland. 

HAWKINS  AND  DRAKE. 

The  fame  of  these  two  men  has  made  all  inquirers  into  the 
history  of  that  time  eager  to  discover  all  there  was  to  learn  about 
them  in  the  long  hidden  records  of  public  offices,  or  private  libraries. 
As  regards  Hawkins  some  curious  facts  have  been  revealed  which 
serve  to  intensify  the  opinion  a  shrewd  impartial  critic  would 
from  the  first  have  formed  of  him  from  accessible  evidence.  We 
have  learned,  for  instance,  that  on  his  first  voyage  he  plundered 
Portuguese  slavers  whom  he  found  upon  the  coast  —  a  fact 
naturally  left  unmentioned  in  his  own  published  accounts.  It 

26 


402  ENGLISH   SEAMEN 

has  been  revealed  also,  that  in  1570  he  entered,  with  the  know- 
ledge, if  not  at  the  instigation  of  Cecil,  into  a  plot  to  cheat  King 
Philip  out  of  money,  and  valuable  information.  He  made  an 
offer  to  the  king's  ambassador,  Don  Guerau  (Gerald)  de  Spes, 
to  betray  a  part  of  the  queen's  ships  to  the  Spaniard  for  a  suffi- 
cient reward.  Philip  was  for  a  time  incredulous,  but  finally  fell 
into  the  trap.  He  released  some  of  Hawkins*  men  who  were  in 
prison  at  Seville,  sent  him  4O,ooo/.  and  a  patent  of  Grandee. 
Some  of  the  money  at  least  must  have  remained  in  the  pocket  of 
Sir  John,  and  Cecil  gained  evidence  that  the  King  of  Spain's 
intentions  were  mischievous.  Both  were  no  doubt  well  pleased, 
and  the  story  is  characteristic  of  the  diplomacy  of  the  time.  It 
is  also  quite  in  keeping  with  the  methods  of  that  heroic,  but  lying 
and  intriguing,  period,  that  Hawkins  was  contemporaneously 
engaged  in  a  negotiation  to  supply  ships  to  the  King  of  Spain's 
enemy,  Louis  of  Nassau.  In  1573,  he  was  stabbed  in  the  Strand 
by  a  fanatic  who  mistook  him  for  Sir  Christopher  Hatton.  Before 
sailing  in  1567,  he  had  taken  an  active  part  in  driving  a  packet 
belonging  to  King  Philip  which  endeavoured  to  take  refuge  in 
Plymouth,  into  the  hands  of  the  Beggars  of  the  Sea,  who  were 
cruising  outside.  Cecil,  who  did  not  like  him,  recorded  his 
opinion  that  Hawkins  had  been  guilty  of  malversation  in  office, 
but  of  this  there  is  no  direct  evidence. 

Investigation  has  rather  disproved  the  truth  of  some  of  the 
stories  told  about  Drake,  than  added  anything  of  note  to  what  was 
known.  The  story  of  the  quarrel  with  Bernard  Drake  must  be  at 
least  exaggerated.  The  family  of  Ash  recognised  Sir  Francis'  right 
to  bear  their  arms  though  with  the  "difference"  of  a  third  brother. 
Perhaps  he  attempted  to  use  them  without  a  "difference".  The 
statement  that  he  was  of  "  mean  parentage  "  is  a  mere  mistrans- 
lation of  Camden's  Latin,  but  his  branch  of  the  Drakes  were 
sinking  into  the  mass  of  working  people  when  his  energy  saved 
them.  His  father  cannot  have  been  Vicar  of  Upnor,  where  there 
has  never  been  a  church,  but  he  may  have  had  the  living  at 
Upchurch.  Nothing  deserving  to  be  called  evidence  has  been 
published  to  clear  up  the  supposed  mystery  of  Doughty's  exe- 
cution, but  there  is  a  curious  statement  in  the  malignant  narrative 
of  one  Cooke  that  Drake  believed  the  man  to  be  a  wizard  who 
raised  unfavourable  winds  to  spoil  the  voyage.  As  a  sailor, 


NOTES  403 

Devonshire  man,  and  Elizabethan,  it  is  probable  that  Drake  did 
believe  in  witchcraft.  During  his  voyage  in  1587,  he  put  his 
Vice-Admiral  Borough  under  arrest  for  insubordination.  During 
the  Armada  war  he  had  a  violent  quarrel  with  Sir  Martin 
Frobisher  over  their  respective  rights  to  the  prize  money  of  the 
galleon  Rosario.  Drake  apparently  had  to  be  satisfied  with  the 
ransom  of  Don  Pedro  de  Valdes,  which  amounted  to  3000^. 

CAVENDISH. 

Contrary  to  his  custom  Southey  has  overlooked  a  voyage  of 
Cavendish's.  If  was  the  first,  and  was  undertaken,  in  a  ship  of 
his  own,  in  1585,  in  company  with  Sir  R.  Grenville.  Raleigh  was 
the  promoter  of  the  venture,  and  the  design  was  to  plant  the 
first  colony  in  Virginia.  The  adventurers  spent  some  time  among 
the  West  Indian  Islands  plundering  the  Spaniards,  and  some 
time  in  Virginia  harrying  the  natives,  and  returned  to  England 
at  the  close  of  summer.  Some  of  the  party  stayed,  but  Cavendish 
was  not  one  of  them. 


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